Chapter 2 ARISTOCRATIC WOMEN, SULTAN AND RULERS Beside various examples of the women rulers of the Hindu kingdoms in India (mentioned in previous chapter) we find the practice of women rulers among Mongols, Turks and Persians. The idea of female sovereignty was not an innovation for them and also it was not a novel idea in the contemporary Islamic world. In the present chapter we gauge the various female sovereigns in the Islamic world in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Interestingly enough the Khitai Turks, from whom many nobles of Delhi Sultanate trace their genesis, were for several years in the 12 th century, successively ruled in full sovereignty by women namely the widow of deceased Gur Khan and his daughter Koyunk Khatoon. 1 Minhaj us Siraj gives information of one of the feudatory rulers of Khwarizm (khiva) who was succeeded by his only child who was a daughter, she after her marriage retained her sovereign power and title. 2 Safia Khatoon (1242) widow of Ayubide prince, Malik-al-Zakir, son of Salahuddin ruled the principality of Halab in Northern Mesopotamia. She ruled the principality in full sovereignty till her death in 640/1242. 3 The crown of Egypt came to a beautiful slave girl and the widow of Mameluk Sultan Ayub named Shajarat-ul-Durr. She was unanimously accepted by the nobles as fully fledged sovereign in 1249. After the death of Sultan Ayub she ruled with the title of Malikat-al- Muslimin, khutba was read in her name along with the name of Abbasid Caliph al-mo tasim. She also issued coins and edicts. 4 An important example in the history of Persia is of the daughters of Khusrau Pervez of the Sassanian dynasty, names were Purandukt and Arjumandukt. 5 These 1 2 3 4 5 Minhaj-us-Siraj Juzjani, Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty, Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, Delhi, 1970, Vol. II, pp. 927-28. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty, Vol. I, p. 239; see also A.B.M. Habibullah, Sultanah Raziah, in Indian Historical Quarterly, Dec. 1940, p. 752. Ibid. Ibid. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty, Vol. I, p. 3. 45
daughters ascended the throne during 7 th century. Their rule ended by their death. One finds the mention of Queen Saba in Holy Quran. 6 The Persian political traditions were supplemented by Turks and Mongols. According to their monarchial theory they can have a female sovereign. Their monarchial theory had place for a daughter to succeed her father as a female sovereign. According to this theory, divinity was believed to reside in the person of the monarch. Since this divinity could not be transferred except through direct descent, the possibility of a daughter succeeding her father could not be excluded. Moreover, their racial history had taught them to respect ability and fitness of the candidate to rule. 7 Equally common are the examples of queen regnant in Islamic History. Alauddin Mohammad of Khwarizm (1200-1220), left the charge of administration to his mother, Turkan Khatun, the widow of Ogtai Khan, she ruled over the Mongol empire for four years till the accession of Koyuk Khan. 8 Similarly, the queens of the great Khan of the Golden Horde (nomenclature ascribed to the tribe) held court and received visitors. Thus by the means of various examples we can discern that women exercised enormous power in the history of Persia, Turkey and Mongolia. During the period of our study, since the accession of Razia we find the idea of female sovereignty entering the politics of India. Ironically existence of female sovereign did not last long. The state of male dominance prevailed in the Sultanate amidst which Razia rose to the throne and the same became the cause of her downfall. Razia ruled the Sultanate directly like a sovereign. Sultanate period also had some prominent ladies who indulged themselves in politics directly or indirectly. The idea of queen regnant was a novel experiment for the Muslims residing in India. The chapter is divided in two parts; the first part of the chapter throws light on Razia, as the first lady monarch. We shall pursue the conditions when Razia ascended the throne, what were the difficulties in front of her after accession, her 6 7 8 M. Habib, K. A. Nizami,, A Comprehensive History of India-The Delhi Sultanate, People s Publishing House, Reprint 2006, Vol. V, Part one, p. 237, footnote. 13. Yogeshwar Tiwari, Influence of Harem on Politics in the Sultanate Period, in Mahendra Pratap and S. Z. H. Jafri, ed., Region in Indian History, Anamika Publishers, New Delhi, 2008, p. 131. Ibid., p. 132. 46
campaigns and how her reign came to an end. In the Sultanate a woman in the royal household enjoyed a privileged position and sometimes, she could be able to change the course of events. How Razia managed to reach this position and by whom she was supported is a matter of great importance. This chapter also entails the views of different historians regarding her relations with Jamaluddin Yaqut, his trusted slave. There were also other ladies in the Sultanate period who indulged deep in the political affairs. Most of the times, these royal ladies involved themselves in intrigues to promote their son. Without the study of these women personalities the study of the Sultanate period remains insipid. The aim of the second part of this chapter is to discuss the position held by important royal ladies and role performed by them in the politics of the Sultanate of Delhi. This part of the chapter concerns these women of the Sultanate period. Sources taken into consideration for this chapter are Tabaqat-i-Nasiri of Minhaj us Siraj, Futuh-us-Salatin of Abdul Malik Isami, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi of Ziauddin Barani, Deval Rani Khizr Khan of Amir Khusrau, Zafar-ul-Walih of Al- Makki Mohammad Abdullah, Rehla of Ibn Battuta, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi of Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Khan-i-Jahani wa Makhzan-i-Afghani of Khwaja Niamatullah, Tarikh-i-Shahi or Tarikh-i-Salatin-i-Afghana of Ahmad Yadgar, Tarikh-i-Daudi of Abdullah Khan Daudi, Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi of Yahya Sirhindi, Tabaqat-i-Akbari of Nizamuddin Ahmad, Muntaqab-ut-Tawarikh of Abdul Qadir Badauni and Tarikh-i- Ferishta of Muhammad Qasim Ferishta The first lady monarch, Razia tactfully dealt with the conspiracy of Shah Turkan and directly ruled the Sultanate for four years. Mention worthy are two other royal ladies of this period. They are the daughter and the widow of Sultan Iltutmish. Among brave women of the Sultanate period Razia is of great importance for the medieval historian. She was the first woman empress of India who ascended the throne when no woman appeared publicly unveiled. Thirteenth century was time when purdah was a compulsory feature of the harem, in that situation Iltutmish was bold enough to consider his daughter Razia as the future Sultan of the Sultanate. Though, it was against the theory of kingship of Ghaznavides and Ghorids. 9 9 R.P. Tripathi, Some Aspects of Muslim Administration, Central Book Depot, Allahabad, 1959, p. 28. 47
Contemporary historian Minhaj observes about Razia s accession that Sultan Iltutmish used to notice in her signs of sovereignty and high spirit although she was a daughter and veiled from public gaze. 10 Empire of Iltutmish had expanded into a strong, eminent and powerful entity which needed courageous and powerful successor to safeguard the empire from the Mongol invasion. Nasiruddin Mahmud was his eldest son and could be a competent successor but his sudden death decided the succession issue in favour of Razia. Man proposes but God disposes was once more proved. This premature death of the prince shook the Sultan s ambition of having a vast empire and all his dynastic plans met no expected results. 11 Razia was the eldest daughter of Sultan Iltutmish 12. Her mother was Qutubuddin Aibek s daughter married to Sultan Iltutmish. She was one of the most respected and loved wife of the Sultan. 13 During her childhood days she lived in Kushk-i-Firozi (royal palace). She was very good at reciting Quran, and as Iltutmish was concerned about the education of all his children she must have been well educated. 14 During the lifetime of Iltutmish she used to interfere in the affairs of the state. As the result of which in 1231 A.D when Sultan left for Gwalior campaign he entrusted Razia the task of administering the Sultanate and she efficiently carried her responsibility. 15 To nominate his successor was an important question in front of the Sultan and after returning from Gwalior campaign, Iltutmish unhesitatingly ordered Mushrif-i-Mumalik to write a decree in favour of his daughter Razia. Compared to his sons he found Razia more capable to become his successor. The decision of Sultan was supported by contemporary historian Minhaj as he finds in Razia all attributes 10 11 12 13 14 15 Minhaj-us-Siraj, Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, ed., Abdul Hai Habibi, Kabul, Anjuman-i-Tarikh-i- Afghanistan, Kabul, 1963 A.D, VoI. I, p. 456. A. B. M. Habibullah, The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India, Allahabad, 1961, p. 96. Tabaqat, Vol. I, p. 405. Ibid., pp. 457-458. M. A. Ahmad, Political History and Institution of Early Turkish Empire of Delhi, Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, New Delhi, 1972, p. 193. Tabaqat, Vol. I, p. 458. 48
necessary for being a ruler. 16 The opposition came from the nobles who asked the Sultan that instead of young sons why he wanted his daughter to be his heir apparent. A question was raised by the nobility regarding the eligibility of a daughter to be a Sultan. The Sultan did not bother about the question raised by the nobility against his decision of appointing a daughter as heir apparent. Iltutmish justified his decision by asserting that Razia had the capability and necessary qualities to be a Sultan. He also at same time condemned his pleasure loving sons and stated them incapable of managing the affairs of the country. 17 Iltutmish had complete faith on his daughter Razia, as he also says that after my death this decision of mine will be justified. 18 This decision of Sultan was supported by contemporary historian and Qazi, Minhaj-us- Siraj as he finds in Razia all attributes necessary for being a ruler. 19 Rekha Joshi is of the view that the nobles were perturbed by Iltutmish s decision of raising Razia to the throne not because she was a woman but because she had inherited some of the talents of her father 20. It was not that they considered it inappropriate to take orders from a woman but they anticipated the boldness, courage, farsightedness and bravery of Iltutmish inherited by her. A commemorative coin was struck in silver by the orders of Sultan Iltutmish. The coin had the name of Razia along with the name of reigning Sultan. 21 It was a daring innovation. The Turk nobles could not reconcile with the idea of a woman ruling over them. This practice also lacked in the history of Ghaznavides and Ghorids and was opposed to the conception of sovereignty. 22 There are some reasons which are against the accession of a woman on the throne. Sultan was considered to be an exact temporal counterpart of the Imam. The free status, physical integrity and legal capacity were the prominent features which were necessary for the Imamat. But these above mentioned qualifications were not 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 Tabaqat, Vol. I, op. cit., p. 457. Ibid., p. 458. Ibid. Ibid. Rekha Joshi, Facets of Delhi Sultanate, Kitab Mahal, Allahabad, 1978, p. 17. Thomas Edward, The Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Delhi, Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi, 1967, p. 107. Some Aspects of Muslim Administration in India, op. cit., pp. 28-29. 49
necessary for a person to be a Sultan. In absence of Imam the congregational prayers were lead by the Sultan and according to Islamic practice no woman can lead the congregational prayers and also a woman cannot be a legal witness. Leading prayers was one of the most important duties of an Imam and as a Sultan a lady monarch was incompetent for it. 23 Regarding the accession of Razia the jurist of Delhi did not show any disfavour. This is evident from the language of Minhaj who was the lawyer and qazi at the time of her accession. What is important is that Minhaj had no reason to show undue deference for Razia as he had the same respect for his own patrons Balban and Mahmud, and writing more than twenty years after the event, he would have certainly pointed out the illegality of the proceedings if he thought there was any. 24 Despite certain courtiers who challenged the claim of Razia to the throne, the Muslim jurist did not question the legality of such a proposal. The change of sovereign was the privilege of the nobles, of ulema and of the people of Delhi. It seems, the question of the hereditary was gaining ground but the voice of the nobles, ulema, and inhabitants of Delhi were the three other factors which were to determine the fate of the crown. It was only a later theologian of 16 th or 17 th century, Shaikh Abdul Haqq Muhaddis Dehlvi who expressed his surprise at the attitude of the ulema regarding the accession of a woman as a Sultan. 25 R.P Tripathi asserts that fitness to rule was the most decisive factor not only in the eyes of Iltutmish but also of the Turkish commanders as well. Also he notices that if the time period is considered, the selection of Razia was unique effort and general outlook of Muslim people particularly military and religious classes made it a daring experiment. 26 After the death of Iltutmish, as the nobles could not reconcile themselves with the idea of a woman ruling over them Shah Turkan was quick to act on the question of 23 24 25 26 Sultanat Raziah, op. cit., pp. 750-751. Ibid., p. 755. Ibid., p. 756; see also A Comprehensive History of India, p. 237, footnote n. 13. Some Aspects of Muslim Administration in India, op. cit., pp. 28-29. 50
succession. 27 Ruknuddin Firoz was made the king by the consent of provincial governors and military officers who had joined the late king in his last expedition and was present at the capital at the time of his death. No doubt, the support was gathered by Shah Turkan, whose intrigues must have strengthened the objection of the nobles in placing Razia. It was done on the same night of the demise of Iltutmish. In medieval India perhaps it was the first instance of the influence of women in court politics. Immediately, after the death of Sultan Iltutmish, Ruknuddin Ibrahim was crowned as Sultan with the title of Ruknuddin Firozshah. After which he immersed himself in the pleasures of the world, forgot the responsibilities of a Sultan and entertained musicians and jesters in the court. He opened the door of imperial treasury (Bait-ul-Maal) and spent it lavishly. Taking advantage of these situations his mother Shah Turkan started to interfere in the matters of the state. She was a Turkish hand maid 28 and during the life time of Sultan she had been treated as inferior by her co-wives which resulted in her envy and jealousy towards them. 29 At a place, Minhaj praises her for her benevolent nature towards ulema, Sayyids and pious people. After her son was made the king she indulged herself in the matters of state by enforcing direct control in politics 30 and decided to take revenge with the co-wives of the deceased Sultan and their progeny. The incompetence and sensuality of the Sultan along with cruelty and revengeful activities of Shah Turkan excited the feeling of disgust and indignation among the nobility. And the vicious petticoat rule soon led the disillusioned governors, along with the wazir and other officers of the capital, marching against Delhi to undo, if possible, their own mistake. 31 Extreme anger resulted in an outrage which ran among 27 28 29 30 31 Anjali Chatterjee, Role of Women in the Early Delhi Sultanate- A Case Study of Shah Turkan, Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, 59 th session, Patiala, 1998, p. 405. Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 454; see also Yahya Ahmad Sirhindi, Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, ed., M. Hidayat Husain, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta, 1931, p. 21; Abdul Qadir Badauni, Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, Calcutta, 1868, Vol. I, p. 69. Nizamuddin Ahmad, Tabaqat-i-Akbari, Naval Kishore, Lucknow, 1875, Vol. I, p. 31. Minhaj is of the view that she has experienced envy and jealousy from some of the ladies of the harem and Nizamuddin Ahmad is of the view that she had been jealous of the other ladies of the harem. Tabaqat, op. cit, Vol. I, pp. 454-455; Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, p. 21;Mohammad Qasim Ferishta, Tarikh-i-Ferishta, Naval Kishore, Lucknow, 1323 Hijri, Vol. I, p. 67. Sultanah Raziah, op. cit., pp. 757-58. 51
the nobility when another son of Iltutmish, Qutbuddin was blinded and put to death by the orders of Shah Turkan. Combined atrocities of mother and son resulted in outbreak of rebellion by Maliks in different parts of country. 32 Malik Ghiyasuddin Muhammad Shah, a son of Iltutmish and younger than Ruknuddin Firoz displayed hostilities in Awadh and took possession of treasure in Lakhnauti which was being conveyed to the capital. He also sacked and plundered several towns of Hindustan. Malik Izzuddin Muhammad Salari feudatory of Badaun, Malik Izzuddin Kabir Khan-i-Ayaz feudatory of Multan, Saifuddin Kuji feudatory of Hansi and Malik Alauddin Jani who held the fief of Lahore united together and began to act with hostility against Ruknuddin Firoz. It was a formidable combination of some of the most influential and powerful maliks of the empire. 33 Worried with the revolts, Sultan Ruknuddin moved an army from Delhi in order to deal with the rebellion. The wazir of the kingdom, Nizam-ul-mulk Mohammad Junaidi became frightened and leaving the army, he fled from Kilugharhi and retired towards Koil from there joined Malik Izzuddin Mohammad Salari. Afterwards, Junaidi and Salari joined the company of the rest of the rebellious nobles. The Turkish nobles and slaves who formed the centre of the army enhanced the chaos in the country by killing Tajik (of non-turkish origin) officials. Taking advantage of this disorderly condition Razia entered in an open hostility with Shah Turkan with whom she never had cordial relations. Shah Turkan conspired against Razia to put her to death but all her efforts went vain. Razia skillfully exploited the general discontent against Shah Turkan s rule and incited the people of Delhi to capture her. The populace of Delhi was aware of the high esteem in which the princes had been held by her father. Before Firuz could reach Delhi, the people of Delhi supported Razia, they attacked the royal palace and took Shah Turkan a prisoner. In the meantime, Ruknuddin reached the capital. By the time Razia had already ascended the throne by the support of common people, army and Turk nobles. By her orders Ruknuddin was taken prisoner, where after, he died. 34 What happened 32 33 34 Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 455. A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p. 235. Tabaqat, Vol. I, p. 457. 52
to Shah Turkan is not known 35 perhaps she also died in the prison. No wonder that the son and the mother both met out the fate which they deserved. The throne now belonged to Razia, the daughter of the deceased Sultan. Ibn Battuta describes the event of the accession of Razia, he writes that on a certain Friday Ruknuddin was out for prayer. Taking advantage of the situation Razia pleaded to the Delhi population by mounting the old castle adjoining the great mosque. She was dressed in the robe worn by a person against whom a wrong has been done. She addressed the public thus My brother killed his brother and now he is trying to kill me as well. Then she recalled the days of her father and his good actions and beneficence to them. This action of her resulted in the seizure of Ruknuddin by the population of Delhi. They rushed upon the Sultan who was there in the mosque, seized him and brought him before her and she said to them, the slayer shall be slain, so they put to death in retaliation for the murder of his brother. As their brother Nasiruddin (third brother) was still a child the people agreed to ascend Razia on the throne. 36 Mohammad Habib and K. A. Nizami are of the opinion that, the people of Delhi had for the first time in the history of Delhi decided a succession issue at their own initiative. The Delhi populace was the main strength behind Razia s success. 37 Razia s rise to the throne was due to the support of Delhi s population. This fact is highlighted by Isami and Ibn Battuta but contemporary historian Minhaj is silent on this. 38 Peter Jackson in his article Sultan Radiyya bint Iltutmish asserts that who played important role in Razia s accession were Iltutmish s slave officers, who at that moment were identified as powerful part of royal court politics. 39 Without the support of public and nobility, accession to the throne would not be possible for Razia. In this 35 36 37 38 39 Role of Women in the Politics of Early Delhi Sultanate-A case Study of Shah Turkan. op. cit., p. 406. Ibn Battuta, The Travels of Ibn Battuta, Eng.Tr., H.A.R.Gibb, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1993, Vol. III, p. 631. A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p. 237. K.A. Nizami, On History and Historians of Medieval India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1982, p. 46. Peter Jackson, Sultan Radiyya Bint Iltutmish, in Gavin Hambley ed., Women in Medieval Islamic World, Hampshire Macmillan Press, Houndmills, Basingstoke, 1998, p. 185. 53
way, after the imprisonment and death of her brother she vested power in her hand by winning the confidence of the common man at the capital and nobility at the court. According to Isami, she treated her accession to the throne as a contract with the people of the Sultanate who could depose her if she could not fulfill their expectations of successfully ruling the Sultanate. 40 Razia had now achieved what her father desired for her. In spite of the purdah system which was strictly followed in the royal families Iltutmish had the courage to nominate her and she was ascended to the throne. She ascended the throne on 18th Rabi I, 634 A.H / 19 th Nov. 1236 AD. She was a crowned sovereign with the official name and the royal suffix, generally referred in her coins Sultan Raziat al- Dunyawal-Din bint al-sultan. Silver and copper coins weight 47 and 49 gms. 41 Later she had coins issued which had another title Sultan jalalat al Dunya wal- Din, and we also find this name in non-muslim accounts and inscriptions. 42 This was possibly in 1237-1238, when Razia alone was named on the coins. 43 Isami gives a partial description of her first public court. He writes that it is interesting to notice that the throne on which she was seated with the consent of the notables of Hind was separated from the courtiers and the general public by a screenthe persons stationed nearest to it being, first the female guard and relatives and then her own blood relations. 44 Condition of the Sultanate on her accession. Political conditions of the Sultanate were not so peaceful when she ascended the throne. Her reign marked the beginning of a military setback to the Muslim state and consequent increase in Hindu aggression. The Chauhans not only swallowed up the whole north eastern Rajputana, but also, with the help of Mewatis, commenced attacks towards the end of Nasiruddin Mahmud s reign, right into the city of Delhi too. It was because of them that the Gwalior campaign sent by Razia proved equally 40 41 42 43 44 Abdul Malik Isami, Futuh-us- Salatin, Eng.Tr., Agha Mahdi Husain, Asia Publishing House, Dept. of History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, 1976, Vol. II, pp. 250-51; see also A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p. 237. Chronicles of Pathan Kings of Delhi, op. cit., p. 108. See footnote n. 55 in Sultanah Raziah, op. cit., p. 761. Sultan Radiyya bint Iltutmish, op. cit., p. 187. Futuh-us-Salatin, Cf, Sultanah Raziah, p. 760. 54
abortive. There had been always the threat of Mongol invasion on the north-western provinces of Sultanate. Besides these problems she had to deal with factional politics. Factional politics was the result of the creation of forties (Bandagan-i-Chihalgani) by Sultan Iltutmish. Quoting the views of Habib and Nizami regarding the power of the Turkish slave officers we can assume how much terrible they proved for Razia, had Shamsuddin Iltutmish been told that during the ten years after his death the Turkish slaves whom he had purchased at a great cost and nurtured with sedulous care, would put four of his descendants on the throne and then kill them like sacrificial goats and that thirty years after his death one of his slaves would totally exterminate all the male members of his dynasty, the great emperor would have been pained but not surprised and it happened so that the Turkish nobility emerged as the real threat for the crown of Razia and ultimately proved fatal for her. After she ascended the throne of kingdom, all the things became usual. She followed most of the traditions of her father 45 and renewed the laws and regulation of her father. A slave of Iltutmish whom Razia showed great favour was Ikhtiyaruddin Altunia. He was only the sar-chatrdar (head of canopy bearers). After Iltutmish death, Razia appointed him first as iqtadar of Baran and later on to Tabarhinda (or Bhatinda). Another slave of Iltutmish on whom Razia showered special favour was Ikhtiyaruddin Aitigin, he was purchased by Iltutmish. She first appointed him as iqtadar of Badaun and afterwards given the post of Amir-i-Hajib at the court. 46 The Sultanate itself was not a peaceful place to rule, her own provincial governors showed disobedience to her and after sometime, opposition came from the sides of the provincial governors. The opposition was inevitable to some extent because the accession of Razia was the collective result of the army, the officers at Delhi and the people of Delhi. This made the provincial governors humiliated and consequently they could not reconcile with the reality of her accession. The famous wazir of Iltutmish, Nizam-ul-mulk Junaidi refused to accept her accession and other eminent Turkish nobles such as Malik Alaudin Jani, Malik Saifuddin Kuji, Malik 45 46 Political History and Institutions of the Early Turkish Empire of Delhi, op. cit., p. 197. A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p. 241. 55
Izzuddin Kabir Khan-i-Ayaz and Malik Mohammad Salari assembled from different parts before the gates of Delhi and commenced hostilities against Sultan Razia. Razia dealt with the formation of this clique tactfully. Malik Nusratuddin Tayasi marched from his province to assist Razia. After he reached Delhi and crossed the river, the hostile maliks who were before the city of Delhi unexpectedly advanced to meet him and took him prisoner and due to suffering he died. This stay of the hostile Maliks was continued for a considerable time. Razia ordered to pitch a tent on the banks of river Jun (Yamuna) and conflict took place between the two groups of Maliks, one group of Maliks was of those who favoured Razia and another one the recalcitrant group who had pitched the tent before the gates of Delhi. Finally, two of the Turk nobles Malik Izzuddin Mohammad Salari and Malik Izzuddin Kabir Khan-i- Ayaz secretly came over to Sultan s side. The plan was to summon and take Malik Alauddin Jani, Malik Saifuddin Kuji and Nizam-ul-mulk Mohammad Junaidi into custody in order that the sedition might be quelled. When the hostile Maliks came to know about the deceptive plan they left the camp and fled. The Sultan s horsemen followed them and Malik Saifuddin Kuji and his brother Fakhruddin fell into their hands and were put to death. Malik Alauddin Jani was killed at a village named Nakawan and his head was brought to the capital and Nizam-ul-mulk Junaidi fled towards the hills of Sir Mir Bardar, where he died. After crushing the revolts of provincial governors peace was restored in the empire. Now Razia distributed important offices among the trusted nobles, whom she found honest towards her. The office of the wazir was given to Khwajah Muhazzabuddin, with the title of Nizam-ul-mulk. The charge of the army was given to Malik Saifuddin Aibek-i-Bihaq with the title of Qutluq Khan. Malik Izzuddin Kabir Khan-i-Ayaz, received the fief of Lahore and this was done by the Queen regnant to pacify the empire. Minhaj explains the extent of Razia s empire by writing that her empire extended from the territory of Lakhnauti to Diwal. All the Maliks and Amirs with full obedience and respect accepted Razia as their Sultan. 47 By her tactfully breaking the unity of the hostile Maliks she proved her political capabilities. 47 Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 459. 56
Some of her military campaigns were the evacuation of the fort of Gwalior and Ranthambor. Her reign marked the beginning of the military set-back to the Muslim state and consequent increase in Hindu aggression. The first campaign undertaken after crushing the rebellious nobles was of regaining the fortress of Ranthambore in order to release it from the Hindus which had been in the control of them since the death of Iltutmish. A concentrated attack was opened on Ranthambor under the leadership of Bhagavata. 48 Malik Qutubuddin Hasan Ghori marched towards Ranthambor with a large army successfully conducted the forces to that fort, withdrew the Musalman Amir from that fortification and returned to the capital again. The evacuation of the fort of Ranthambor was the virtual surrender to the rising Chauhans of Ranthambor. After withdrawal of armies from Ranthambor, the Chauhans emerged as a powerful clan. They in alliance with the mewatis commenced hostile acts like guerrilla warfare against the Sultanate till the end of the Mahmud s reign. 49 Similar, was the Gwalior expedition sent against the Jajapella ruler, Chahara Deva of Narwar. 50 He had a great army and was known to be the greatest of all the Rais of Hindustan. This expedition was sent under Tamur Khan towards Gwalior and Malwa. The position soon became indefensible and after sometime she sent another force to withdraw the military and civil personal and escort it back to Delhi. The first attempt became unsuccessful and a second army was sent to reinforce the garrison and evacuate the fortress. 51 Gwalior had thus to be abandoned to Chaharadeva who therein found the securer base for aggressions against the Muslim dominions. 52 About this time Razia promoted Malik-i-Kabir Ikhtiyaruddin Aitkin to the post of Amir-i-Hajib and Malik Jamaluddin Yakut, an Abyssinian,to the post of Amir-i- Akhur or Lord of stables. 53 Regarding the promotion of Jamaluddin Yaqut, Isami is of different view. He writes that Jamaluddin Yaqut was made Amir-i-Akhur from the 48 49 50 51 52 53 The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India, op. cit., p. 127. Sultanah Raziya, op. cit., p. 762. Ibid. Ibid. The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India, op. cit., p. 127. Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 460. 57
time of Iltutmish and Ruknuddin Firoz. 54 Suddenly, the in charge of the army Malik Saifuddin Aibek-i-Bihaq died and the charge of the army was given to Malik Qutubuddin Hasan Ghuri. He was appointed as naib-i-lashkar. Only once in the reign of Razia, we hear the appointment of a naib-i-lashkar. He was made in charge or placed over the central standing army to which the Sultan delegated her command of the fighting forces. The office was also a temporary one, and is not heard of again after her deposition. 55 The appointment of the new office of naib-i-lashkar by Razia is enough to explain her military capabilities. Isami is critical of Razia, when he writes about the so-called relations of Jamaluddin Yaqut and Razia. He writes that Yaqut used to stand by her side when she mounted her horse. He further writes that he (Yaqut) with one hand used to hold her arm and help her to mount her horse. Similarly, later historian Badauni is of the view that Jamaluddin Yaqut who was the master of the stables became her confident and trusted advisor to such a point, that Sultan Razia whenever rode horse or elephant; she used to rest upon his arm, or shoulder. He became object of envy to the Amirs. 56 The Turkish nobles became suspicious of his intensions (Yaqut s) and political ambitions and felt apprehensive that he may completely overpower Razia. 57 The contemporary authority Minhaj gives testimony to the statement that Sultan Razia rode an elephant. Yaqut was the Amir-i-Akhur and it was customary in those days that Amir-i-Akhur assisted the sovereign to mount, but H. G. Raverty observes that, what is applicable to male sovereign may not be applicable to female sovereigns. Thomas Edward is of the view that it is not so that a virgin queen was forbidden to love- she might have indulged herself in a submissive prince consort or reveled almost unchecked in the dark recesses of the Palace Harem- but wayward fancy pointed in a wrong direction, and led her to prefer a person employed about her 54 55 56 57 Futuh-us-Salatin, Eng. Tr., Agha Mahdi Husain, op. cit., p. 253; see also A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p. 240, footnote. n. 21. The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India, p. 220. Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 84. Futuh-us-Salatin, Eng. Tr., Agha Mahdi Husain, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 253-54. 58
Court, an Abyssinian moreover, the favours extended to whom the Turkish nobles resented with one accord. 58 Yahya Ahmad Sirhindi of Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi writes that Sultan Razia raised the rank of Jamaluddin Yaqut to the post of Amir-i-Akhur but regarding the intimacy of their relationship the historian is of the same view as the other historians are. He writes that Yaqut became the constant companion of the Sultan and for this reason he became the object of jealousy of the nobles and of the Amirs. 59 Contrary to this view Isami holds the opinion that the appointment of Jamaluddin Yaqut was not made by Razia but he was appointed as Amir-i-Akhur by the former Sultan whether Iltutmish or Firoz. The act of raising Jamaluddin Yaqut, an Abyssinian, to the post of Lord of Stables annoyed the Turkish nobility and they became acting force behind their downfall. 60 The favours given to non-turks aroused the jealousy of Turkish Amirs and created an outrage among the Turkish nobility which played important role in uprooting her and proved their united power against the Sultan. Sultan Raziya controlled them with her strict determination; she came out of seclusion (purdah) and appeared in public. The purpose was to have a direct control of affairs. She abandoned her female attire, wore qabah (cloak) and the kulah (hat). She rode out in public on the back of an elephant, and acted in the same way as other former Sultans of Delhi. Shortly afterwards, Sultan Razia ordered her forces to proceed to Gwalior. Malik Tamar Khan-i-Qiran and Malik Tajuddin Sanjari, the feudatories of Qannuj and Baran respectively were also directed to join the expedition. Both the maliks rendered valuable services and were duly rewarded. On the death of Malik Nusratuddin Tayasi, Awadh and its dependencies were made over to the charge of Malik Tamar Khan-i- Qiran. Having established himself in Awadh, he led expeditions into the neighboring parts of the territory as far as Tirhut, several times plundered the territory of Bhatghura, and extracted tribute from the Rais and Ranas of that part of the country. 58 59 60 The Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Delhi, op. cit., p. 106. Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, op. cit., p. 26. Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 460-461; Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, p. 26; Tarikh-i-Ferishta, Vol. I, p. 68 59
Malik Tajuddin Sanjari Qutluq received the territory of Saraswati as his fief for his excellent service he rendered during the Gwalior expedition. 61 The author of Tabaqati-Nasiri, Minhaj us Siraj, the Amir-i-dad of Gwalior, Ziauddin Junaidi and other notable persons in obedience to the royal commands, came out of the fort on March 1238 A.D and started for Delhi. Soon after that, Qazi Minhaj was given the charge of the Nasiriah College at the capital along with the Qaziship of Gwalior. These are the events of her reign that clearly show the vigor of her rule and the uncompromising determination to assert the royal authority. She also showed relentless pursuit while chasing the rebellious governor of Multan, Malik izzuddin Kabir Khan i-ayaz. Malik Izzuddin Kabir Khan-i-Ayaz was the governor of Multan at the time of Iltutmish, the Sultan dissatisfied with his work at Multan and took back the province of Multan and gave a place pulwal for his livelihood. 62 Ruknuddin Firoz appointed him as the iqtadar of Sunam, inorder to give him once more his lost prestige and a place among the leading officers. Later on, when he joined Razia, she appointed him as the officer at Lahore and all its territories. After some time, he revolted, Razia led an army towards Lahore; he crossed the Ravi and fled to the Sodra. Razia was determined to pursue him, since the land of Sodra was in the hands of the Mongol he had no alternative but to submit. The iqta of Lahore was taken by him and the iqta of Multan which was earlier with him was taken back from Ikhtiyaaruddin Qaraqash Khan, (the present holder of the iqta of Multan) and again given to Kabir Khan-i- Ayaz. Sultan Razia then returned to the capital on March 16, 1240 A.D. By now started the plots and cliques against Razia which ultimately ended her life. The effective rebellion against Razia now began. When she was away on the Lahore campaign, the two important nobles, Ikhtiyaruddin Aitign and Ikhtiyaruddin Altunia on whom she relied upon, planned an effective conspiracy against her. About the same time, another powerful rebellion came from the side of Ikhtiyaruddin Altuniah, who had the province of Tabarhindah. Ferishta writes that, he revolted on 61 62 Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng.Tr., H. G. Raverty, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 643-644. A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p. 240. 60
the plea of queen s partiality towards the Abyssinian. 63 Some Turks secretly joined the revolt of Altuniah. Razia returned to Delhi after settling the affairs of Kabir Khan on 3 rd April 1240. She heard of Altunia s rebellion on her arrival and started for Tabarhinda after ten days. She along with Jamaluddin Yaqut led an army towards Tabarhindah in the month of Ramzan (637 Hijri) for the purpose of putting Malik Altuniah s rebellion to an end. When they reached Tabarhinda, Jamaluddin Yaqut was killed by rebellious Turk Amirs and Razia was sent as a prisoner to the fort of Tabarhinda. Once again by the support of nobility, Bahram Shah, brother of Razia was made the king and important offices were distributed among them ignoring the claims of Malik Altunia. Aitign was appointed naib-i-mamlakat but the new Sultan after sometime got him assassinated and Altunia had already been deceived by no reward for his rebellion. While Razia was imprisoned Malik Altunia espoused her, reached a matrimonial contract with her and brought her out of the captivity. Together they marched towards Delhi for the purpose of recapturing the throne. In their quest to regain possession of Delhi they were joined by Malik Izz-u-ddin Muhammad Salari and Malik Qaraqash. Malik Ikhtiyar uddin Aitigin who was a loyal noble of Razia had been already killed by the new clique of nobles and Baha-ud-din Sanqar-i-Rumi succeeded him as Amir-i-Hajib. In the month of September 1240, Bahram Shah led an army out of Delhi for the purpose of resisting Razia and Altuniah. They were routed and fled when they reached Kaithal all their soldiers deserted them and they felt captive into the hands of Hindus and were killed. Thus, ended the brilliant reign of Razia which was of three years, six months and six days. 64 Ibn Battuta gives the following description of Razia s death. Razia was defeated and compelled to fly. Pressed by hunger and fatigue, she asked a farmer for some food. He gave her bread to eat. After eating she felt asleep. She was dressed in the garment of a man but when the peasant looked at her as she slept he perceived under her upper garment a tunic trimmed with gold and pearls. Seeing that she was a woman he killed her, stripped her of valuables, drove away her horse and buried her corpse in the field. He then carried some of her garments to the market for sale. The 63 64 Tarikh-i-Ferishta, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 68. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 648. 61
dealers suspected him and took him before the magistrate, who caused him to be beaten. The farmer then confessed that he had killed Razia and told his guards where he had buried her. They exhumed her body, washed it and wrapping it in a shroud buried it again in the same place. A small shrine was erected over her grave which is situated on the banks of the Jamuna and is still visited by pilgrims in order to obtain blessings. 65 Razia s enthronement was an important juncture in the history of Sultanate period. Without the support of Turkish nobility her accession would not be possible. It indicates the freshness and boldness of Turkish mind in the thirteenth century which then seemed to be capable of taking such a bold step and open mindedness of contemporary jurist and ulema who confirmed the accession of a woman. 66 Her downfall was the result of the support withdrawn by the nobles. Historians ascribe different views behind the withdrawal of support by nobles. Contemporary historian Minhaj says that after Jamaluddin Yaqut started acquiring favours from the queen, the nobles became an envious threat to her and revolted in different parts of the Sultanate. 67 Minhaj states in praiseworthy tone that she was prudent, just, benevolent, strict in administering justice and well-being of common people of Delhi was her priority. She is also credited by Minhaj for extending liberal patronage to the men of letters and piety 68. As a military general she could overpower her enemy, yet, in spite of these excellent qualities she could not succeed because she was a woman for whom it was a difficult to deal with male chauvinism. Like Minhaj, Amir Khusrau also refers to the good qualities possessed by Sultan Razia when he says that she was accepted as Sultan by her well-wishers because her brothers were incompetent. That she ruled successfully for three years and then came out of purdah, and asserted her power, with the result that the nobles become fearful and turned against her. 69 65 66 67 68 69 The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 632. Some Aspects of Muslim Administration, op. cit., p. 29. Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 461. Ibid., p. 457. Deval Rani Khizr Khan, Cf. I. H. Siddiqui, Socio-Political Role of Women in the Sultanate of Delhi in Kiran Pawar ed., Women in Indian History, Vision and Venture, Delhi, 1996, p. 89. 62
Isami, a later contemporary of Amir Khusrau describes her differently. According to Isami, the nobles became suspicious of her relations with Jamaluddin Yaqut, the Amir-i-Akhur because he took liberty with the Sultan openly. 70 I. H. Siddiqui when compares the views of these historians regarding Razia s character finds the like views of Minhaj and Amir Khusrau authentic because Minhaj was the contemporary historian and eyewitness of the events and Khusrau must have known much about the past from his maternal grandfather, Imad-ul-Mulk, the Rawat-i-arz (pay master general of the army) who had started his career under Sultan Iltutmish as his slave. Thus we can discern by these views that there was no fault in her character and she did not have such kind of relation with Jamaluddin Yaqut. 71 Satish Chandra writes that there is no evidence that the queen wanted to build a bloc of non-turkish nobles. Nor there is any reason to believe that there was any personal intimacy between Razia and Malik Yaqut. Even, the charge that he had to lift Razia by her armpit to her horse is a later concoction because it is not mention by any contemporary historian. It was apparently Razia s firmness and desire to rule directly which was the major cause of dissatisfaction of the Turkish nobles with her. 72 She discarded veil and adopted qabah and kulah (لباس مردان) 73 as a result of it she emerged as a courageous and brave woman ruler in front of them. In spite of excellent qualities possessed by her she could not succeed in male as well as Turk dominated politics. Minhaj asserts that her womanhood was a drawback against her qualities. 74 K.A. Nizami is of the view that, Turkish nobles were a powerful part of politics that time and Razia must have discovered their ambitious nature. She must have felt them as an obstacle in the maintenance of law and order. So, she decided to create a nobility of non-turks as a counterpoise against the Turks. 75 It is not clear whether she wanted to divide the nobility or not. If we consider that she wanted to divide the nobility, it is clear that she lacked the farsightedness of 70 71 72 73 74 75 Futuh-us-Salatin, Eng.Tr., Agha Mahdi Husain, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 253-54. Socio-Political Role of Women in the Sultanate of Delhi, op. cit., pp. 89-90. Satish Chandra, Medieval India from Sultanate to the Mughals, Haranand Publications, New Delhi, reprint 2001, p. 49. Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, op. cit., p. 26. Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 457. A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit, p. 243. 63
dividing the nobility on racial grounds. Firstly, support extended to an Abyssinian, secondly appearing unveiled in public aggravated the situation and Turks initiated to plan her downfall. Abdul Malik Isami is found writing against Razia in his work Futuh-us-Salatin. Isami makes silly and scandalous remarks for Razia s relationship with Jamaluddin Yaqut. These remarks reveal an abnormal and misogynist strain in him 76 and no contemporary and later historians corroborates this view. Minhaj says that the noble who enjoyed this post used to be a reliable person to the king and thus was Jamaluddin Yaqut. 77 This must have ignited a feeling of insecurity among the Turkish nobles which is not even denied by contemporary historian Minhaj. All the later historians are of the view that the so called relation of Razia and Jamaluddin Yaqut was baseless and place no reliance on Isami s remarks for this relationship and state him a bachelor and write his approach as misogynist approach. K. A. Nizami is of the view that Isami s presentation of Razia s character is damaging and unconfirmed by any earlier evidence. 78 Razia was the ablest of the successors of Iltutmish can hardly be denied. Very soon after her accession she found purdah an obstacle in direct and efficient administration so she came out of it. She discovered that the ambitions of Turkish nobles were a serious obstacle to the maintenance of law and order and set about to create a nobility of non-turks as a counterpoise against the Turks. The chain reaction that followed this policy overwhelmed Razia. 79 Razia gave example of her excellent wisdom when she in a clever way dealt with the Khwaramian governor of Ghazni, Malik Hasan Qarligh. It happened so that in 1238 A.D Hasan Qarligh was disposed of his territory by the Mongols resulting which he faced towards the western provinces of the Sultanate of Delhi. Malik Hasan Qarligh sent his son to meet Razia and negotiate for some sort of military help. Razia received the prince with courtesy and honour and assigned the revenues of Baran for 76 77 78 79 On History and Historians of Medieval India, op. cit., p. 119. Tabaqat, Vol. I, p. 460. K.A. Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in Medieval India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2002, p. 388. A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p. 243. 64
his expenses. She politely declined to form a coalition with the Khwarazmian governor, against the Mongols. This was a very sound political decision in order to save the Sultanate from a Mongol invasion. Hence she proved herself to be an able administrator which Iltutmish anticipated when he was alive. A big achievement of Razia was that after this incident, the western frontier along the river Chinab remained secure against the Mongol invasion until her reign ended. It seems that the polite refusal of Razia to the son of Hasan Qarligh pleased the Mongols and in directly it was an effort to maintain friendly relations with the Mongols who were always a danger to the Sultanate. 80 An important event of the reign of Razia was the revolt of Carmathians (a secret sect of Islam having faith in the theory of bloodshed of Sunnis) or heretics under their leader Maulana Nur Turk. It is noteworthy to mention here that Muslim religious tradition as developed by the Chisti saints avoided the contact with the ruling power. Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya regarded Maulana as an extremely pious and saintly person. Nur Turk looked down upon contact with the ruling power. His only source of income was a jital a day which his liberated slave used to give him. Razia once send to him a bag full of gold coins. He did not touch it but beat the bag with the stick and asked the people to remove it from his sight. It happened so that heretics (Ismailis) 81 under their leader Maulana Nur Turk collectively from different part of the country such as Gujarat, Sind and the banks of Jamuna and Ganga gathered one thousand 82 heretics and conspired against Islam. Incited the people to defy the hanafi and shafi I doctrines and called the Sunni ulema as Nasibi (the enemies of Ali) and Murji (procrastinators). In March 1237 A.D an armed body of heretics entered the Jama Masjid from two directions and attacked and killed a great number of Musalmans who had gathered there to offer Friday prayer. When confusion spread some persons from the city-nasiruddin Aitam Balrami and Amir Nasiri came around armed with spears, steel caps and stones at them from the roof of the mosque. The account of Minhaj was contradicted by Shaikh Nizamuddin 80 81 82 Sultanah Raziah, op. cit., p. 763. For the explanation of Ismailis see, M. A. Ahmad, Political History and Institution of the Early Turkish Empire of Delhi, op. cit., p. 196. A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p. 243. 65