All Manipur United Club s Organisation (AMUCO)

Similar documents
THE NAGA PEACE ACCORD WAS SIGNED BETWEEN the National

St. Petersburg, Russian Federation October Item 2 6 October 2017

KUKI IDENTITY, LAND-USE, AUTHORITY, AND ETHNIC- NATIONALISM IN MANIPUR, INDIA

POLITICAL PROGRAMME OF THE OGADEN NATIONAL LIBERATION FRONT (ONLF)

Autonomy Demands in the Hill Areas of Manipur: Issues and Challenges

St. Petersburg, Russian Federation October Item 2 2 October 2017

INTERNATIONAL CHURCHES OF CHRIST A California Nonprofit Religious Corporation An Affiliation of Churches. Charter Affiliation Agreement

IS INDEPENDENT GREATER NAGALIM ECONOMICALLY VIABLE AND SUSTAINABLE?

Phone No: ID:

U.S. Bishops Revise Part Six of the Ethical and Religious Directives An Initial Analysis by CHA Ethicists 1

the election of a hindu nationalist unleashes a wave of persecution against christians

Joint Presser with President Mahmoud Abbas. delivered 10 January 2008, Muqata, Ramallah

EBO Background Paper NO. 1 / 2015

Five Point Peace Plan for Tibet

Yemen. The conflict in Yemen is defined by the struggles between the Sunni-led government and

Faithful amongst the faithful. Interview with George Fernandes New Delhi, March 11, 2006

Pilate's Extended Dialogues in the Gospel of John: Did the Evangelist alter a written source?

DECLARATION OF THE CONTACT GROUP ON ROHINGYA MUSLIMS OF MYANMAR HELD ON THE SIDELINES OF THE ANNUAL COORDINATION MEETING 19 SEPTEMBER 2017

Unit # 11 The Political System in Islam

BYLAWS OF WHITE ROCK BAPTIST CHURCH

ESAM [Economic and Social Resource Center] 26 th Congress of International Union of Muslim Communities Global Crises, Islamic World and the West"

Chapter 5 The Peace Process

BYLAWS of the EASTERN SYNOD EVANGELICAL LUTHERAN CHURCH IN CANADA

ARTICLE I.1-3 CONSTITUTION

1/1 oh. Date:

SECTS AND CULTS CONTRAVENING HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE RULE OF LAW

Executive Summary. by its continued expansion worldwide. Its barbaric imposition of shariah law has:

CONSTITUTION Adopted in Provincial Synod Melbourne, Florida July 22, 1998, And as amended in SOLEMN DECLARATION

Iraq and Anbar: Surge or Separation?

1. How do these documents fit into a larger historical context?

Christianity among the Scheduled Tribes of the Northeast: Meghalaya

What words or phrases did Stalin use that contributed to the inflammatory nature of his speech?

A/HRC/S-27/..Situation of human rights of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar

ENKA INTERNATIONAL MODEL UNITED NATIONS 2018 World in Crisis

Chapter 3 NAGA POPULATION AND DISTRIBUTION. This chapter deals with the overall population scenario of the Nagas.

A/HRC/39/NGO/X. General Assembly. United Nations

H. RES. ll IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Institute on Religion and Public Policy. Report on Religious Freedom in Egypt

THE ECUMENICAL PATRIARCHATE

Mock Lincoln-Douglas Debate Transcript 1. Opening Statements

Mr. President, 2. Several of the themes included on the agenda of this General Assembly may be

The Twin Precepts of the Turkish Republic

Authority in the Anglican Communion

GOVERNMENT OF NAGALAND DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE AND LAW NAGALAND:: KOHIMA NOTIFICATON

March 28, Installation of the camp close to Jabalia, Gaza. March 26, Media command installed prior to the march to host journalists.

Presented by. MUSLIM institute. Ramazan 12, 1433 AH / August 01, 2012 AD Best Western Hotel, Islamabad

Resume of a discussion with His Holiness The Dalai Lama on the morning of April 6, 1959.

International History Declassified

6 Jerusalem. Christians 3,390 7,470 8,748 13,000 16,400 14,699 19,335 25,000 12,646 11,500

HUMAN RIGHTS ISSUES & THE ROHINGYA CRISIS

Preamble. Article I: Name. Article II: Statement of Faith. Article III: Affiliation

CONSTITUTION NOARLUNGA CENTRE CHURCH OF CHRIST INCORPORATED

[For Israelis only] Q1 I: How confident are you that Israeli negotiators will get the best possible deal in the negotiations?

Truth About Accession of J&K State to India (Accession Day Anniversary, 26 th October 2015)

Joshua Rozenberg s interview with Lord Bingham on the rule of law

Remarks by Bani Dugal

MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION

Excerpts from: SPECIAL REPORT TO READERS OF The URANTIA Book, April (Minor editing to facilitate translation)

Prepared By: Rizwan Javed

Iranian Targets Hit in Syria by the IDF and Responses in Iranian Media

PANGS OF PARTITION IN KHUSHWANT SINGH S TRAIN TO PAKISTAN

The Independence Referendum: the implications for Scotland s established religion

Web Directory of Manipur

Introduction. Special Conference. Combating the rise of religious extremism. Student Officer: William Harding. President of Special Conference

Driven to disaffection:

HAUT-COMMISSARIAT AUX DROITS DE L HOMME OFFICE OF THE HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS PALAIS DES NATIONS 1211 GENEVA 10, SWITZERLAND

the Middle East (18 December 2013, no ).

A Brief History of the Church of England

SELECTED WORKS OF JAWAHARLAL NEHRU. Series II Volume 35

Burial Christians, Muslims, and Jews usually bury their dead in a specially designated area called a cemetery. After Christianity became legal,

"Why We Are Militant," Emmeline Pankhurst (1913)

Section 1: Military leaders

From Conflict to Communion Baptism and Growth in Communion

MEMORANDUM FROM HIS HOLINESS THE DALAI LAMA TO THE PRIME MINISTER OF INDIA April 11, 1986

By the Faith and Order Board of the Scottish Episcopal Church. Member churches of the World Council of Churches have committed themselves to:

GLOBAL SURVEY ON THE AWARENESS AND IMPORTANCE OF ISLAMIC FINANCIAL POLICY

HUMAN RIGHTS IN ISLAM. Answers to common questions on Islam

Doug Swanney Connexional Secretary Graeme Hodge CEO of All We Can

In 1649, in the English colony of Maryland, a law was issued

EUR1 What did Lenin and Stalin contribute to communism in Russia?

1. After a public profession of faith in Christ as personal savior, and upon baptism by immersion in water as authorized by the Church; or

NATIONAL SENIOR CERTIFICATE GRADE 12

National Policy on RELIGION AND EDUCATION MINISTER S FOREWORD... 2

UNIVERSAL PERIODIC REVIEW JOINT SUBMISSION 2018

and sexuality, a local church or annual conference may indicate its desire to form or join a self-governing

Option one: Catchment area Option two: The nearest school rule

Promoting. a safer church Safeguarding policy statement for children, young people and adults

Economic Implications of the Rohingya Crisis for Bangladesh and National Budget FY2019

Transcript of Press Conference

Joint Remarks to the Press Following Bilateral Meeting. Delivered 20 May 2011, Oval Office of the White House, Washington, D.C.

LETTER DATED 25 MAY 1993 FROM THE PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE OF THE SUDAN TO THE UNITED NATIONS ADDRESSED TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE SECURITY COUNCIL

Politics and Secularism in India. Ananth Rao, Flinders University

Law of the Republic of Azerbaijan On freedom of religious beliefs

Islam in Zambia: Small and Notable. Interview With Author Father Félix Phiri

What happened to the Christians of Andhra Pradesh

BYLAWS FOR ELDER LED CHURCH

Multi-faith Statement - University of Salford

Education New Zealand and The Energy and Resources Institute present. New Zealand India Sustainability Challenge. Terms and Conditions for Entrants

Looking for some help with the LEQ? Let s take an example from the last LEQ. Here was Prompt 2 from the first LEQ:

Religious Diversity in Bulgarian Schools: Between Intolerance and Acceptance

Transcription:

All Manipur United Club s Organisation (AMUCO) Introduction The All Manipur United Clubs' Organisation (AMUCO hereafter) is an apex body of a large number of local clubs, voluntary organizations and associations in Manipur. AMUCO, since its inception in 1993 has been engaging in a lot of commendable activities which among others strive to bring about unity, peace and development for the people of Manipur

62 irrespective of caste, creed, colour or race. As stated earlier, Manipur is facing a multitude of problems since the 1950's. Political instability, economic underdevelopment, unemployment, influx of foreigners, insurgency and ethnic conflicts are some of the problems which call for serious attention. Coupled with these problems, Manipur, since the 1990's had witnessed ethnic conflict resulting in clashes among the two major ethnic groups - the Kuki and Naga in the hill regions of the state. Besides the loss of property large numbers of villages were uprooted and more than one thousand lives belonging to the two communities were lost. During the period, the state also witnessed a resurgent movement for integration of the Naga inhabited areas of Manipur with the Nagaland state - a movement spearheaded by the National Socialist council of Nagalim (Issac-Muivah) which found ready support from Naga civil society organizations in Manipur. In a multi-ethnic state like Manipur, many felt that the Naga integration movement is nothing but a move to dismember Manipur. In such a scenario

63 AMUCO emerged as the leading civil society organisation in Manipur which strive for promotion of communal harmony, peaceful coexistence and all round development of the Manipuris. As already stated AMUCO is an apex body of the clubs and voluntary associations in Manipur. Let us try to understand what a club is and critically analyse and evaluate the activities of AMUCO as a leading civil society organization in Manipur in a proper historical perspective. A club has been defined in various ways. According to Oxford Dictionary, "Club is an association dedicated to a particular activity"1 and Webster's New World Dictionary defined a club as 'a group of persons associated for a common purpose or mutual advantage, usually in an organization that meets regularly'2. Elaborating further Webster's New International Thesaurus explained a club as an organization of persons for social intercourse or other common object. To Buchanan, a club is a social organization of cooperative membership, including such extreme case as both

64 purely public and private goods. Qn the other hand Tiebout provides a slightly different version of a club as a decentralized level of social organization for the welfare and social public good. Thus, in short, a club may be defined as an organization of likeminded persons organized for the purpose of public as well as private good. Though the emergence of the idea of a club is of modem phenomenon the origin of the term can be traced to the ancient Greece and Romans. The HETAERIA and SODALITAS of the Greek and Romans may be regarded as the progenitors of the modem clubs, although they were in fact loose associations which are, more or less, society of likeminded companions rather than true clubs in the modem sense of the term. Among the Greece, religious organizations that worshipped esoteric deities not recognized by the state religion were most important. In Rome religious and trade clubs were common but like Greek their counterparts are closer to the sect or trade guilds. It was John Aubrey who first used the term club in its modem sense in

65 Britain. In 1616 Ben Johnson founded the 'Apollo Club in Britain and since then clubs have been established all over the world3. Traditionally Manipur had social organizations known as 'Lup' yet the emergence of clubs is a 20th century phenomenon. It was king Loiyumba who first introduced 'Pana Lup' in 1112 A.D.4 it was more of an administrative division rather than a social institution and this system has continue to remain in practice till the British conquest of Manipur in 1891. Hijam Irabot Singh (1896-1951), the charismatic and popular leader of the state organized the first ever club in Manipur. Under his initiative 'The Manipur Town Club' was established at Imphal during June, 1922s. Afterwards many clubs and voluntary organizations like 'Popular Club', 'Imphal Reading Club' and 'Manipur Seva Samiti' followed suit. Now there are a large number of clubs and associations are functioning in Manipur of which many are registered with the government. However, some organizations prefer to remain beyond the purview of the

66 government and act as pressure groups. The number of clubs registered with the government under the Manipur Societies Registration Act, 1989 as on 31st March, 2005 is given below6. Type of society Deregistered in 2004-2005 Upgraded to state level Total no. of societies as on 31-03-05 State level Imphal West 53 5. 26 2059 Imphal East 58 0 0 2600 Thoubal 32 5 0 2449 Bishnupur 38 3 0 1562 Chandel 42 1 0 1456 Senapati 97 1 0 551 Churachandpur 178 0 0 979 Ukhrul 21 0 0 1024 Tamenglong 1 7 0 0 887 Total 538 15 26 588.

67 Formation of AM UCO: Manipur is in a state of cauldron. Manipur since the 90's of the 20th century has been facing a multitude of problems - insurgencies, underdevelopment, unemployment etc. Of late these problems are compounded by the eruption of ethnic and communal violence leading to large scale displacement of civilian populace, rampant violation of human rights by state and non state actors and the question of territorial integrity of Manipur. Though state as an institution of authority had the responsibility to mitigate and address these issues it appears that the state is lacking its political will to tackle these problems. And thus it provided a huge space for the emergence of civil society organizations to play a crucial interventionist role by acting as pressure groups in the contemporary social and political developments in Manipur. The last decade of the 20th century witnessed a series of tensions, unrests, mutual suspicion among the ethnoses of Manipur that ultimately led to the infamous Kuki-Naga clashes where a large number of innocent

68 lives were lost in Manipur hills and its echoes reverberated in the valley also. In the Imphal valley communal aberrations are witnessed. The proximate cause of the Kuki-Naga clash was the contestation over the control of land and resource in Manipur hills on the other hand the Meitei-Pangal communal aberrations are the handiwork of some criminals belonging to both the communities and rumour played a big role in it. These undesired developments created deep sense of insecurity and people are increasingly losing faith in the impartiality of the state facing the situation. Hence, many felt the necessity of an effective organization that could intervene and play a positive role in mitigating the problem. Such a void was successfully and credibly filled with the establishment of the All Manipur United Clubs' Organisation (AMUCO) on 12th February, 1993. One of the most important factors in the formation of AMUCO was the escalation of ethnic clashes in Manipur hills during 1992 to 1998 where major ethnic groups viz, Kuki and Naga were involved. During this period a large number of

69 innocent people lost their lives. Besides injuring a large number of innocent civilians including women and children the violence resulted in loss of huge amount pf property, destruction and uprooting of many villages took place. According to a report published by the United Naga Council, during the priod from 1992 to March 8,1997, 677 persons were killed and 302 sustained injuries. A total of 5452 houses were burnt down7. This communal violence continued till 2008, though with a lesser frequency. The sudden eruption of ethnic violence with menacing proportion had instilled a deep sense of fear, anxiety and uncertain future among the people and particularly to the hill dweller. These unhappy developments had no parallel in the history of Manipur. Initial rumblings Kuki-Naga conflict have been reported since 1990 as there were incidents like inter-village disputes occurring between the Kuki and Naga communities. The intensity of these conflicts became more visible with the exodus of a large number of Kuki inhabitants from Moreh, a small town

70 in South-eastern Manipur bordering Myanmar. It was alleged that the exodus of Kuki population was a result of coercive house tax collection launched by NSCN (IM). Simultaneously there were reports of mass exodus of Naga civilians from Manipur due to retaliation from the Kuki militants. Amidst claims and counter claims Kuki and Naga civilians in Chandel District left their homes and started taking shelter in the nearby valley areas. The unfortunate developments in the hills of Manipur had affected normal lives in the valley areas also since Manipur is an ethno-plural state and experienced a mutually shared peaceful co-existence. Realising the serious nature of the conflict and accompanying violence United Clubs Organisation an apex body of local clubs operating in Singjamei to Canchipur are in Imphal West District and Peasants and Labour Organization a registered NGO organised a Revival Relief Camp at Heijigang Keithel in Canchipur where more than one thousand displaced persons were given shelter during the end of 1992 and early 1993. In course of the camp several rounds of

discussions were regularly held and it was felt with concern that had recurrence of such unwanted ethnic and communal violence are allowed to continue it poses a serious threat to the territorial integrity of Manipur. It was also strongly felt that unless a serious and concerted effort is made to bring about unity among the people of Manipur there is always a possibility of recurrence of ethnic violence with greater proportion and that may lead to the emergence of Manipur. Therefore the need of the hour was to make organised effort to bring about consciousness and awareness among the ethnoses of Manipur and the necessity of maintaining unity and integrity of the state and to fight communal and divisive forces. Thus out of these formal and informal discussions and deliberations the All Manipur United Clubs' Organisation (AMUCO) was formed on 12th February, 1993 with Khaidem Mani, a renowned lawyer and social activist of Manipur as its first President8. Since than AMUCO has been actively involved and engaged in various issues concerning the people and state of Manipur.

72 The mottos of AMUCO as enshrined in its constitution are to stand for 9: the People Territorial Integrity Unity, Development and Peace, and Social Justice The underlying principles behind the establishment of AMUCO are; to build a united strength against the communal ideology; to fight communalism; and to live together, struggle together and grow together10. Executive Committee: The Executive Committee of the AMUCO comprises of the following: 1. President 2. Vice-President 3. Secretary General

4. Joint Secretary 5. Finance Secretary 6. Publicity Secretary 7. Office Secretary 8. Organisation Secretary Above these, there is an advisory body comprising of eminent personalities to aid and advice in the functioning of AMUCO. As per the constitution the tenure of the executive committee is for two years and members of the executive committee are elected by a general council of representatives of local clubs and organisations affiliated with AMUCO. At present AMUCO have more than one hundred affiliated members. A perusal of the executive committee members of the organisation shows that AMUCO is a non sectarian, secular organisation as minorities and scheduled tribes are given due representation in the organizational apparatus.

74 AMUCO since its inception in 1993 has taken up the following issues which, in their view are of utmost importance for the people of Manipur. 1. Promotion of communal harmony. 2. Protection of Territorial Integrity. 3. Campaign for Unity, Development and Peace. 1. Promotion of Communal Harmony. As already stated, Manipur since the 1990's had witnessed ethnic conflict leading to communal violence resulting in the loss of life, property and large scale displacement of people. The following factors may be considered as the main causes of ethnic conflict in Manipur. a) Contestation over land and territory. There has been claim and counter claim between the Nagas and Kukis over the ownership of land and resources in the hill areas of Manipur for quite some time. The issues of Sadar Hills in Senapati is a clear example of this conflict. The

75 Nagas oppose the Kuki's claim for the formation of Sadar Hills district bifurcating parts of Senapati District as they claimed the area as belonging to the Nagas. On the other hands the Kukis refusal to pay taxes levied by the Naga insurgents. The Nagas agree that they are the original inhabitants of the hills and Kukis migrated later. b) Contest for control over border trade. It is asserted that one of the important reasons of the contestation for territorial control is control of lucrative border trade (termed Moreh Karbar in local parlance) including smuggling and illicit drug trafficking along the Indo-Myanmar border town of Moreh and other border points. Manifestation of this conflict could be seen in the Kuki-Naga clashes that took place in the Moreh Tammu area on this border during 1993. c) Colonial Policy of Divide and Rule The well known colonial policy of Divide et Impera pursued by the British in North-East India where tribes and communities were given generic terms such as Kuki, Naga without taking

76 into consideration of historical factors have created a false consciousness among the ethnos and politics of exclusion played by elites and politicians helped in creating an ethnic divide leading to ethnic clash and communal violence, d) UNC Declaration - the immediate cause The immediate cause of the Kuki-Naga clash is attributed to the resolutions adopted by the United Naga Council in its emergency meeting held on 22nd October 1992. the meeting among others served an ultimatum to the Kukis directing that "those Kukis who settled in the Naga areas must vacate the land and their settlement in the village by December 1992. any Kuki who claim to have some specific reasons to continue their occupation in the Naga Areas must report in writing giving full explanation and justification to the Naga village authorities of that particular area/ village for their scrutiny and direction. Any Kuki person/family who fail to comply with the above condition within the stipulated time will face dire consequences at their own risk"11. Such a strong stand taken by the UNC was

77 considered by many as serving 'Quit Notice' to the Kukis who had enjoyed a shared experience as neighbours since a long time. And this proved to be the immediate cause of armed clashes leading to a prolonged war of ethnic cleansing in Manipur hills. The ethnic crisis was more aggravated by the involvement of armed groups of both the communities in this senseless act of fratricide. In spite of the government taking up certain measures like deployment of more security outposts in the hill areas and setting up of a Committee for Restoration of Normalcy (CRN) peoples' confidence in the impartiality of the government in tackling the crisis. In this connection AMUCO had started initiating certain measures by establishing contact with other civil society organisations to find ways and means of resolving the crisis. As a result of the sustained campaign by AMUCO a Committee for Peace and Integrity was formed in which 48 voluntary, civil organisations including KIM and UNC, the apex bodies of the respective communities took part. The sincere and

78 serious effort of COFPAI can be seen from the fact that it was able to tour more than 1500 villages and a total of 915 meetings were held. Besides this meetings were held with community leaders, political leaders and youth activists and were able to win the confidence of people by following a policy of "Preventive Diplomacy"12. The Committee also provided shelter to the displaced persons by opening relief camps at many places. Campaign for Unity and Territorial Integrity While COFPAI was busy engaging in rebuilding confidence among the people a serious issue with far reaching implication for Manipur in particular and North-East in general was rapidly gaining ground. The National Socialist Council of Nagaland/Nagalim (IM) had entered into a Ceasefire Agreement with the Government of India on 25th July 1997. The public perception in Manipur was that NSCN (IM) had for long harbouring a strong urge for creating a Nagaland by bifurcating

certain areas of Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur to the present Nagaland state. Such a stand of NSCN (IM) received ready support from Nagaland state and Naga civil societies. The people of Manipur have looked at the ceasefire agreement as nothing but a prelude to dismemberment of the historically established state of Manipur. Reporting of this sudden development a reporter of a national daily reported that "there was near pin drop silence in the Manipur Legislative Assembly today when Chief Minister Rishang Keishing informed the members that the Centre had kept the Manipur Government in the dark about Naga peace talks". It was in total contrast to what had prevailed in Indian parliament in New Delhi when the Prime Minister announced the major breakthrough in culminating in the NSCN (IM) announcing a unilateral ceasefire to be effective from 1st August 1997. As a response to these sudden developments AMUCO had decided to launch a large rally on 4th August 1997. A large number of student and civil bodies also agreed to extend their

80 help to the rally. In the said rally more than more than five lakh people took out a huge rally where a it was resolved to protect the territorial integrity of Manipur and cautioned the government of India not to indulge in any activity which might lead to dismemberment of Manipur13. Since then the 4th August of every year has been observed as "Integrity Day". Manipur Legislative assembly had also adopted resolutions on several occasions for maintaining the territorial integrity of Manipur. However, people's suspicion over the conduit relationship between the Union Government and NSCN (IM) was established when an agreement was reached between the Government and NSCN (IM) was reached at Bangkok on 14th June, 2001 and it set a chain reaction in entire Manipur and its neighbours immediately. Bangkok Declaration: AMUCO and Popular Response The circumstances leading to the signing of the infamous 'Bangkok Declaration' and its aftermath is reconstructed here.

81 The people of Manipur were not happy to the indifferent attitude shown to them, importance given to the neighbouring territory of Nagaland. The State of Manipur has been in existence since time immemorial with long history, tradition and cultural heritage. As said above, it was not created by the Government of India, whereas Nagaland was the creature of Government of India. Naga Hills District, which was a excluded area of two Sub-Divisions only, viz. Kohima and Makokchung, the excluded area of two Sub-Divisions which comprised only about 8000 sq.kms of area. Before constitution of India as early as 1947 Nagaland was a district of Assam. While entering into an agreement between a group of people of Naga Hills, namely, Naga National Council (NNC) and Akbar Hydari the then Governor of Assam, it was agreed amongst others that the administrative boundaries should be modified to bring all Nagas under one administrative unit as far as possible. It must be presumed that the modification that to be made was within the province of Assam and not beyond it as there was no other

82 party in the agreement. In 1950, under the Constitution of India it was put under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution as an Autonomous District Council under Part-A within the State of Assam. In 1957, under the Naga Hills Tuensang Areas Act, 1957, the territory of Naga Hills District became greater with the addition of Tuensang Frontier District of N.E.F.A. In the meantime, the people of Naga Hills in 1960 by holding a convention under the name and style of Naga People's Convention made 16 points proposal on 26th July, 1960, claiming amongst others to create a State, known as Nagaland, to consolidate Naga inhabited contiguous areas in order to enable to join the new State, and formation of a separate Naga Regiment. It is said that an agreement, incorporating these 16 points proposal was signed between Late Prime Minister of India, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and representatives of Naga People's Convention. Here even at least one of the said proposals, namely, consolidation of Nagas, would affect the States of Manipur, Assam and other adjoining to the new State

83 to be formed, viz. Nagaland, they were not consulted before signing of the agreement. Thereafter, all of a sudden, without much demand, Statehood was granted to Nagaland by an Act of the Parliament under the State of Nagaland Act, 1962, and it became a full-fledged State on 1st December, 1963. Not only this, most of the demands made in the 16 points proposal, including formation of a separate Naga Regiment were conceded to. However, in the case of Manipur, its position was reduced to a shameful status and people of Manipur felt humiliated by the act of Government of India. First along with the passing of Indian Independence Act, 1947, after the withdrawal of British Crown's paramountcy, Manipur regained its independence with some reservation on defence, external affairs and communication. Then it was reduced to Chief Commissioner's Province on and from 15th October, 1949, then a Part-C State with effect from 23rd January, 1950, thereafter a Union Territory in 1957, and lastly after a long struggle, the Statehood was granted only on and from 21st January, 1972. Statehood was not

84 a new blessing granted by the Government of India as it was already an independent kingdom for a long time and remained as such before it was merged into the Indian Dominion and continued as a State or Province till before its status was reduced to a Union Territory. Manipur had the experience of having a popular Ministry, responsible to the Legislative Assembly which was duly constituted after holding universal adult franchise under the Manipur State Constitution Act, 1947, even before birth of the Constitution of India. But immediately after Merger Agreement for merging with the Dominion Government of India, which came into effect on 15th October, 1949, and from that very day, the Manipur Legislative Assembly was dissolved and thereby the Council of Ministers responsible to the Legislative Assembly have been ceased to exist by an order of the Central Government without giving any reasons, under the Manipur (Administration) Order, 1949, issued by the Secretary, Ministry of States, on mere ground under Article 1 of the Manipur

85 Merger Agreement. His Highness the Maharaja of Manipur ceded to the Dominion Government, full and exclusive authority, jurisdiction and powers for and in relation to the Government of the State and agreed to transfer the administration of the State to the Dominion Government of India. All the powers exercisable by the Maharaja or the Government of the State were to be exercisable by the Chief Commissioner. A nominated body known as Advisory Council consisting of five members was formed to assist the Chief Commissioner in the administration. In 1963, the Manipur Territorial Assembly, which had power much less than the Legislative Assembly of the State, was constituted. On the other side, the translation of most of the demands made in the aforesaid 16 points proposal/ agreement into action by the Government of India raised a reasonable apprehension in the minds of the people of Manipur that their territorial integrity may be disturbed at any point of time. Over and above this as early as in 1964 the extension of cease-fire under the name of

86 Suspension of OPERATION within the three Sub-Divisions of Manipur, viz. Ukhral, Mao and Tamenglong had created further apprehension that the territorial integrity of Manipur may be threatened. Another reason for the apprehension in the minds of the people of Manipur was that while entering into the agreement or before it was put into operation of the agreement, Manipur was never consulted on mere ground that it was a Union Territory administered by the Centre. Available records reveal that the people of Manipur were against the Suspension of Operations in the said hill Sub-Divisions of Manipur. Hence by forming an Organization namely, All Manipur People's Convention, under the Presidentship of Shri L. Manaobi, expressed resentment against it, and even after seeking an interview its delegation submitted a Memorandum to the Home Minister, Government of India at New Delhi on 17th September, 1965. In that Memorandum, the detailed reasons for opposing cease-fire agreement were clearly stated14. Inspite of vehement protest of all sections of Manipuris the cease-fire extension from

87 the said three Sub-Divisions of Manipur was not withdrawn by the Government of India It is no secret that the cease-fire in the name of suspension of operation helped the NSCN (IM) to propagate their demands for Naga Integration and consolidate its position in the three hill Sub-Divisions of Manipur. In the meantime taking advantage of extension of cease-fire to the aforesaid three Sub-Divisions of Manipur, by way of step up the demand to integrate Naga inhabited areas adjoining the State of Nagaland, the Nagaland Legislative Assembly and the Nagaland Baptist Church passed two different resolutions on December 12,1964 and December 5, 1967 respectively. The people of Manipur take that the demand of Nagaland and its people for integration of Naga inhabited areas was a move for dismemberment of Manipur so they expressed their vehement resentment against the extension of cease-fire to Manipur and movement for integration of Naga inhabited areas of Manipur. Many Organisation including AMSU submitted

memorandum to the Prime Minister of India urging to safeguard the territorial integrity of Manipur. It may be mentioned that when the President of the Manipur Territorial Congress Committee submitted a Memorandum on the issue to Smt. Indira Gandhi, the then Prime Minister of India on June 22, 1968 informed Shri R. K. Birchandra Singh, the then President of the Manipur Territorial Congress, that extending the agreement on suspension of operation to the three Sub-Divisions of Ukhrul. Mao and Tamenglong did not at all imply the acceptance of the demand that these three Sub-Divisions should be merged with Nagaland". Getting a full fledged Statehood and most of the other demands as made in the 16 points proposal placed by the Naga People's Convention on 26th July, 1960 within short span of time and that also without much labour and struggle had encouraged the people of Nagaland to make more demands. Since then they had been looking forward for a greater Nagaland or Nagalim. In order to achieve it, the people of Nagaland including NSCN

89 (IM} along with their elected representatives and others alike, worked in unison for expansionism activities and they worked from both inside and outside Nagaland for integration of Naga inhabited areas adjoining Nagaland. After the aforesaid Resolution passed on December 12, 1964, the Nagaland Assembly by passing resolutions one after another, reminding the earlier resolutions and by using more forceful words in the later resolutions, made demands for integration of Naga inhabited areas lying contiguous to Nagaland on the basis of Para 13 of the 16 points proposal, which was accepted by the Government of India as alleged. The Nagaland Assembly by passing resolutions on 28.8.1970 and thereafter again in September, 1994 made demands claiming the lands of the neighbouring States in the name of integration of Naga inhabited areas. The resolutions urged the Government of India and all the concerned to help the Nagas to achieve their desired goals.

90 As the activities of NSCN(IM) was more and more active day by day and directed on various angles. They even started propaganda war in the "Web-Site, Angelfire.com", against Manipur and neighbouring States of Nagaland to cover the parts of Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Meghalaya and part of Myanmar under the new nomenclature "Nagalim". As to how many areas they are claiming the area of other States will be evident from the map depicted by them. The area depicted as Nagalim, claimed by the NSCN (IM) is 2,01,087 sq. km., out of which the area covered by Nagaland is only 16,579 sq. km. and the area claimed from Manipur is fair chunk thereby leaving a small area. Not only claiming the area shown in the Map, they alleged that the territories of Nagas were decided without the consent of Nagas and by force, which are against the Nagas and thus they are to be united under the name of "Nagalim". Responding for the first time the Manipur Legislative Assembly passed a resolution on 24.3.1995 condemning the resolution passed by the Nagaland Legislative Assembly in

91 September, 1994 for greater Nagaland, comprising the parts of the territory of Manipur, and that also expressing resentment against the move, warned, all different ethnic groups, who were demanding separate homelands. Further, the House had resolved to face all activities to endanger and threat to the territorial boundaries of pre-independent days of Manipur. In November, 1996, in a meeting between Shri Rajesh Pilot as a representative of Government of India and Mr. Issac Chisi Swu and Th. Muivah of NSCN (IM) at Bangkok, the Ground Work of the cease-fire was proposed. Thereafter on getting information that in the beginning of 1997, Shri H.D.Deve Gowda, the then Prime Minister of India had discussed in a meeting with the NSCN(IM) in Davos (Switzertand) about the extension of cease-fire beyond Nagaland, the Manipur Legislative Assembly on March 14, 1997 passed another resolution reiterating the earlier demand to protect and safeguard the territorial integrity of Manipur

92 The year of 1997 appeared to be a watershed in the history of Manipur. Inspite of taking aforesaid two resolutions by the Manipur Legislative Assembly and the people of Manipur had been opposing the move for extension of cease-fire within the territory of Manipur, it was learnt that in a meeting held in Geneva between the representative of the Government of India and the leaders of the NSCN (IM) prepared an agreement for extension of cease-fire but nothing was informed to the State Government of Manipur about the development and decision taken threat. Thus the apprehension in the minds of the people of Manipur was very high and state of uncertainty prevailed. After the 'visit of the then Prime Minister, Shri Deve Gowda, to Imphal on July 7, 1991, when his attention was invited to the reports of the Press that the idea of breaking territory of Manipur was under consideration of the Government of India, he denied the correctness of the reports and clarified, saying that he had not said anything of that sort as stated by the Press. Thereafter, his successor Prime Minister, Shri I.K. Gujral

93 declared on July 17, 1997 on the floor of the Parliament by making a statement that cease-fire agreement between Govt, of India and NSCN(IM) will come into effect from August 1,1997. It maybe mentioned here that cease-fire of 1997 was the ceasefire which was extended from year to year till 31st July, 2001. Simultaneously, the NSCN (EM)'s Chief, Mr. Issac Chishi Swu made announcement to all the citizens of Nagalim wherever they are that the proposed cease-fire did not mention limit of the territory, though in practice it was extended beyond the territory of Nagaland. The people and the Govt, of Manipur felt anguish on hearing the news of the announcement for extension of ceasefire. Further on seeing a news item in the in a Kolkata based newspaper 'Statesmen7dated 13-8-97 that Mr. Issac Chisi Swu of NSCN (IM) had made a statement that the Central Government had accepted in principle the need to unify Naga inhabited areas of Nagaland's neighbouring States under a single administrative unit, the people and the Government of. Manipur were restless.

94 lust after three days of the enforcement of the cease-fire a mammoth rally, participated by lakhs of people, was organized by AMUCO on 4th August, 1997 to register protest against the extension of cease-fire, Then the Chief Minister of Manipur, Shri Rishang keishing in pursuance of the Cabinet decision on territorial integrity taken on 13th August, 1997 sent a FAX Message to the then Prime Minister of India and Union Home Minister on 13th August, 1997 stating that the Government of Manipur desired to protect the territorial integrity of Manipur at any cost and also requested them to clarify the stand taken by the Government of India. As a reply, the then Union Home Minister sent a FAX Message to the Chief Minister Shri Rishang Keishing dated 14-8- li7 which run as follows:- >iu- News item have many incorrect statements and the Home Unistn/ is issuing a proper clarification in this regard separately. nrtvr, 1 would like to state very clearly and categorically that the *rntrc has not repeat not accepted in principle or otherwise to unify

95 Naga inhabited areas o f Nagaland's neighbouring States under a single administrative unit as alleged by Issac Swu. As a matter fact, there has been no discussion with Mr. Issac Swu or with anyone else on this issue. There is no question of Government of India taking any steps which would affect the territorial integrity o f Manipur. This has already been clarified to you through a Home Ministry's letter some day ago. Government o f India wishes to re-iterate the same. You may, therefore, take necessary steps to dispel any apprehensions which might have been caused as a result o f the news item in the said issue of Statesmen". The then Chief Secretary, Government of Manipur also reacting to the said News Item in the Statesman dated August 13,1997 and informing the decision of the State Cabinet held on. 13th August, 1997, apprised the Union Home Secretary with a copy to Shri GK Pillai, Joint Secretary (Home), Government of India informing that when the Chief Minister of Manipur accompanied by other senior Cabinet Minister and President, Pradesh Congress Committee(I), Manipur recently met the

96 Union Home Minister, Shri Sitaram Keshri, President of All India Congress Committee(I) and Principal Secretary in the Prime Minister's Office, all of them categorically assured the State's delegation that Centre will not take any decision which may affect the territorial integrity of Manipur and thus the alleged statement said to have been made by Issac Chisi Swu of NSCN (IM) as published in the Statesman dated 13th August, 1997 had created a confusion. Thereafter, on 21/8/97 a delegation of all Political Parties of Manipur led by Shri Rishang Keishing, Chief Minister of Manipur, after meeting the Prime Minister of India, pressed for not disturbing the territorial integrity of Manipur. The Prime Minister, on August 21, 1997, sent a letter to the Chief Secretary, Government of Manipur informing the following amongst others:- "The Prime Minister, Shri I.K. Gujral today reaffirms that there is no question of disturbing the territorial identity and Integrity of the State of Manipur. He gave this assurance to an all party delegation of Manipur headed by the Chief Minister, Shri Rishang Keishing which

97 called on him here this evening. The Prime Minister further said that the Union Home Minister had already conveyed categorically to the Chief Minister o f Manipur, that the Centre has not accepted either in principle or otherwise to unify the Naga inhabited, areas o f Nagaland and neighbouring areas into a single unit as claimed by certain sections When the Chief Secretary, Government of Manipur by seeking clarification from the Government of India stating that there was apprehension from several quarters in Manipur that the territorial integrity of Manipur may be compromised while settling Naga insurgency problem since the Government of Manipur especially the Chief Minister was kept in the dark about the on-going peace initiative between the Naga insurgent groups and Government of India. The clarification as sought for was sent to the Chief Secretary, Government of Manipur stating as follows

98 "Kindly refer to your FAX Message No. l/f-cs-97 dated 281711997 this is to state that there is no proposal in this Ministry o f Home Affairs affecting the territorial integrity o f Manipur". These documents clearly reveal that when Shri Rishang Keishing was the Chief Minister, Manipur he and his Government tried hard or did at least something to lodge strong protests against any attempt to interfere with the territorial integrity of Manipur and could get assurance both in oral and in writing from different functionaries of the Central Government, including Prime Minister and Home Minister of the Government of India and Home Secretary of the Union Government. But he was blamed for not doing enough to protect the territorial integrity of Manipur and it appeared that on that ground a chunk of MLA after defecting from the Congress, formed a new local party, namely Manipur State Congress Party (MSCP for Short) under the leadership of the then Speaker Shri W. Nipamacha Singh. And Shri Rishang Keishing was defeated in the floor of the House on December 15,

99 1997 and on the next day of it Shri Nipamacha Singh was sworn in as Chief Minister of Manipur. After Shri Nipamacha Singh became the Chief Minister, another resolution on territorial integrity was passed on December 17, 1998 by the Manipur legislative Assembly stating that the agreement of cease-fire to bring Naga peace talk shall not cross the boundaries of Manipur and in the process of execution of the peace talk, the territorial integrity of Manipur cannot be disturbed. Further, it was resolved that the resolution shall be submitted to the Government of India. The people of Manipur were not happy and there have been various forms of agitations discussions and series of public meeting on the issue throughout the year of 1999 and then on September 28, 2000 there was a massive rally of people at Imphal, and lastly another resolution was passed on 22-3-2001 by the Manipur legislative Assembly envisaging the protection of the territorial integrity of Manipur and stating that the people of Manipur objected to any agreement arrived between the Government of India and Naga

100 rebels extending cease-fire to the territorial of Manipur. Further the House resolved for requesting the Government of India to hold a meaningful dialogue with the various insurgent groups operating in Manipur at the earliest for bringing peace in the State. In the meantime the Government of India without considering the ground realities of the region went ahead to talk with the NSCN (IM). Then with a view of entering the cease-fire agreement or renewing cease-fire agreement, a new Ground Rules for cease-fire were finalized on 13* January, 2001. It contains eight points and as to how it will affect the lands other than Nagaland, cannot be determined without knowing the area to be covered by the impending cease-fire agreement. The people of Manipur, in this respect, were watching the movement of the Government of India NSCN (IM) seriously with a great suspicion in their minds. It appears that NSCN (IM) was not ready to sign agreement for extending the cease-fire if it has to be confined within the territory of Nagaland only. They insisted

IU1 on expansion of the area in order to cover all the Naga inhabited area whether it is in India or outside the country. At last they could manage the Government of India to come to their terms, then inspite of the earlier commitment of the Government of India not to do anything which may affect the territorial integrity of Manipur, in the name of peace process, without considering the ground realities and ignoring the mass public opinion of the region, and stand of the successive Governments of Manipur, the agreement of cease-fire "without territorial limits 1 was signed on June 14, 2001 at Bangkok by Shri K. Padmanabhaya as representative of the Government of India and Th. Muivah, the General Secretary of the NSCN(IM). It contains five paras/ conditions out of which, first two namely, (1) coverage of area i.e. "without territorial limits" and (2) about "abiding by the ground rules" have dangerous implications. As to the coverage of the area, the cease-fire agreement dated June 14, 2001 has no geographical limit, and thus NSCN(IM), under the Ground Rules No.(B) & (C), is permitted to notify their

Camps anywhere thereby they would be enable by the agreement in any State and place and also to establish their new Camps. Further, in such Camps their cadres will be allowed to store unlicensed arms and ammunitions and they would be allowed to move freely from one such Camp to another even with unlicensed and concealed arms. Apart from this, the person of NSCN who are to move frequently will have Identity Cards issued by NSCN(IM) countersigned by the Cease-fire Monitoring Groups (CFMG for short) and such person would be entitled to have an armed body guard all the times. If this is to, be effected in the name of peace process, the NSCN people would be allowed to do anything at any place. In that case, it will have serious repercussions. Though law and order are Stater Subjects, the State Government will have no power over the designated, Camp of the NSCN(IM) and cannot do anything against the NSCN (IM) people even for possessing unlicensed arms and ammunitions etc. They will belie the plea of the leaders of Union Government that cease-fire, without territorial

IUJ limits does not have any reference to the re-organization of the territory and the words of NSCN (IM) readers that at the moment it has nothing to do with territory. Still the NSCN(IM) sticks to their claim that if Nagas (in ethnic States) would like to join their brothers there is nothing wrong but this adds fuel to fire. On getting the news of signing the cease-fire agreement on 14th June, 2001 and on seeing the terms and conditions of it, the people of Manipur were restless and their doubt that the NSCN (IM) in the name of peace process and integration of Naga inhabited areas had been trying to build-up an empire, became true. All the sections of Manipur are not ready to subscribe to the cease-fire agreement. The main plea of AMUCO, and AMSU is that ignoring the unanimous decisions taken by the Manipur Legislative Assembly for five times and against the wishes and sentiments of the people of Manipur the cease-fire agreement was signed by the Government of India on June 14, 2001 at Bangkok. It is true

104 that Manipur Legislative Assembly passed as many as five Resolutions opposing extension of cease-fire to the territory of Manipur and for upholding the territorial integrity of Manipur as said above, first on 24-3-1995, second on 14-3-1997, third on 17-7-1998, fourth on 17-12-1998 and fifth and last on 22-3-2001. But there is a big controversy as to whether the said resolutions on territorial integrity had reached Prime Minister, Union Home Minister and Union Home Secretary of the Central Government and whether they had the knowledge of the said resolutions passed by the Manipur Legislative Assembly. There is no document or evidence worth name to show that the said resolutions or any of them had reached any of the aforesaid functionaries of the Central Government. There has been anxiety of the people of Manipur that if cease-fire is extended to the territory of Manipur, it would cut down huge portions of the territory of Manipur by conceding to the demands of NSCN(IM) for greater Nagaland or Nagalim. The Manipuris had been suspecting the sinister designs of

105 NSCN (IM) since long before. It is evident that the people of this land take that even an inch of their motherland, inherited by them from their forefathers was precious and therefore territorial integrity of the land should be preserved at any cost. Thus people of Manipur took signing of the agreement for cease-fire without territorial limits was a dismal as ever. There have been intense feelings among the Manipuris that it was no longer possible to endure it and decided to fight democratically. It is very unfortunate that before signing on the doted line on June 14,2001 at Bangkok with the Bangkok based NSCN (IM) leader, Th. Muivah and the Government of India had not bothered to take the North-Eastern States, other than Nagaland, more particularly Manipur into confidence properly. It is true that after deciding to enter into the agreement and/or after signing the agreement on cease-fire without territorial limits, Shri Kamal Pande, the Union Home Secretary gave the Chief Secretary, Government of Manipur an assurance that agreement

106 will not affect the territorial integrity of the North Eastern States. His letter is reproduced hereunder: " This is to inform you that the Government o f India and the NSCN (IM) have agreed to extend the period o f ceasefire by one year i.e. upto 31st July, 2002. Though, this time, the cease-fire is without any territorial limits and not limited to the State o f Nagaland, I wish to assure you that this decision would not, in any way, affect the territorial integrity o f any o f the North Eastern States" Had the above assurance of the Government of India been incorporated in the agreement itself, instead of being articulated after signing of the agreement, it might have, to some extent help in dispelling the apprehension in the minds of the people but it was not done so, for the best reasons known to the Government of India. The people of Manipur do not easily forget the earlier assurance of the Government of India, even the assurance given by the Prime Minister and the Union Home Minister, degenerated into a farce, if it was so, it will be difficult

107 for the people of this State to give more reliance on the said assurance of the Union Home Secretary. The news of cease-fire extension without any territorial limits to Manipur also spreads like a wild fire throughout the length and breadth of the State of Manipur. Then All Manipur United Clubs' Organization called a 66 hours general strike from the midnight of 15th June, 2001 against the extension of ceasefire to Manipur. The AMSU, AMKIL, NIPCO and UPF also joined the agitation by calling another general strike for 24 hours from the midnight of 17th June, 2001 up-to the midnight of 18th June, 2001. Inspite of the appeal of AMUCO and AMSU and other Organizations not to come out from their respective houses and observe the general strike, could not subside the anguish of the people. Therefore, ignoring the appeal of AMSU and AMUCO and other organizations, huge people from various walks of life came out on the roads spontaneously to protest against the agreement of extension of cease-fire. The people of Manipur in general and valley people in particular

108 were highly agitated on hearing the news of signing the agreement on cease-fire at Bangkok. In order to meet the fast developing situation, in anticipation of the breach of peace and in order to avoid any untoward incident, even before signing of the agreement, prohibitory order under Section 144 Cr.P.C. was promulgated from 7 p.m. of June 13, 2001 whereby prohibiting the assembly of five persons or more likely to turn unlawful in the whole District of Imphal West. The Superintendent of Police, Imphal West took various steps to prevent any untoward incident. But the prohibitory orders imposed by the District Magistrate turned into farce since the evening of 17th June, 2001. The ban orders prohibiting of Assembly of five or more persons were thwarted with impunity and with the knowledge that no serious consequence would entail. The general people took lightly that on earlier occasions, no serious action was taken for violating prohibitory and ban measures. The people from different walks of life came out from their respective houses on that fateful day of 18th June, 2001 since

109 early morning and thus protesting cease-fire extension rallies were made shouting slogans against the extension of cease-fire, burning of effigies of Prime Minister, Home Minister of India and interlocutor in the cease-fire talk Shri K. Padmanabhaiah at various public places: The agitators blocked various public roads. The strength of the crowd was being increased to a great extent from 9 a.m. onwards and outnumbered than the security forces to a great extent. Then they by breaking police Cordons erected at various strategic points and proceeded towards the important installations. The event of June 18, 2001 has been reported in the columns of Tmphal Free Press', a popular English daily published in Manipur under the caption "13 KILLED IN FIRING AS PROTESTERS GO ON RAMPAGE". The report runs as follows15. "Imphal, June 18: At least 13 persons were killed and more than 5 0 injured some seriously, when a large-scale riot erupted in the state capital on the third and last day of the general strike

110 sponsored by the AMUCO and AMSU today against the extension of cease-fire between the government of India and NSCN (IM) into the territory of Manipur. Infuriated protestors set ablaze the Manipur legislative Assembly, chief minister's office, Speaker's residence, offices of Manipur Pradesh Congress Committee (I), Manipur State Congress Party, and residential quarters of ministers and MLAs. The BJP and Samata Party offices were also damaged by the rampaging mob. On the last day of the general strike called by the AMUCO and AMSU demanding review of the agreement between the government of India and NSCN (IM) 'without territorial limit', infuriated mobs converging from different directions in their thousands marched this morning towards the Raj Bhavan where they burnt effigies of Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, Union Home Minister L.K. Advani, PM's special envoy K. Padmanabhaiah and NSCN (IM) leaders Th. Muivah and Issac and BJP leader RK. Dorendra and shouted war cries such as "Death to Vajpayee" "Don't