CAS LX 522 Syntax I Fall 2000 November 6, 2000 Paul Hagstrom Week 9: Binding Theory Binding Theory (1) John thinks that he will win the prize. (2) John wants Mary to like him. Co-indexation and co-reference: (8) John likes him. (9) * John i likes him i. (10) John i likes him j. (11) John likes himself. (12) John i likes himself i. (1) * John i likes himself j. () John i thinks that he i will win the prize. (4) John i thinks that he j will win the prize. (5) John i wants Mary k to like him i. (6) John i wants Mary k to like him j. (7) * John i wants Mary k to like him k. Binding Theory: (14) John i likes himself i. (15) * John i likes himself j. (16) * Himself i left. Anaphors: Conditions on indexation. himself, herself, each other, Anaphors depend on another noun phrase (an antecedent) for their reference. Conditions on anaphors: An anaphor needs an antecedent. (17) * Mary j likes himself j. (18) Mary j likes herself j. (19) * The men i like himself i. (20) The men i like themselves i. (21) * I i like himself i. (22) I i like myself i. Conditions on anaphors: An anaphor needs an antecedent. An anaphor and antecedent must agree in person, number, & gender. (2) John i likes himself i. (24) * John i believes that Mary j likes himself i. (25) John i believes that Mary j likes herself j. (26) * John i believes that himself i will win. Conditions on anaphors: An anaphor needs an agreeing antecedent in the same clause. (27) John i likes himself i. (28) * Himself i likes John i. (29) [John and Mary] i like [each other] i. (0) * [Each other] i like [John and Mary] i.
Conditions on anaphors: An anaphor needs an agreeing antecedent earlier in the same clause. (1) [A friend of my father i ] j saw himself j. (2) * [A friend of my father i ] j saw himself i. () IP qp DP j I D qg I VP D NP a N t V N PP V DP friend P saw α P DP i of # my father Binding. α binds β iff i) α c-commands β ii) α and β are coindexed. Condition on anaphors: An anaphor must be bound in the same clause. (4) * [John i and Mary j ] k liked himself i. (5) * [John i and Mary j ] k liked herself j. (6) [John i and Mary j ] k liked themselves k. (7) [John i and Mary j ] k liked each other k. (8) IP qp DP k I rgu DP i and DP j I VP D D D D V α John Mary Anaphors: R-expressions: Pronominals: him, she, I, them, Mary, the students, them, him, her, (9) John i believes that Mary j likes him i. (40) John i believes that Bill j likes him i. (41) * John i believes that Bill j likes him j. (42) Mary i likes him j. (4) * [A friend of my father i ] j saw him j. (44) [A friend of my father i ] j saw him i. Condition on anaphors: An anaphor must be bound in the same clause. Condition on pronouns: A pronoun must not be bound in the same clause. Anaphors and pronouns are in complementary distribution. (45) John i saw [ DP Bill j s picture of him i ]. (46) * John i saw [ DP Bill j s picture of him j ]. (47) * John i saw [ DP Bill j s picture himself i ]. (48) John i saw [ DP Bill j s picture himself j ]. Binding Theory Condition A: An anaphor must be bound in its binding domain. Condition B: A pronoun must not be bound in its binding domain. Binding domain: Its clause (so far). (49) Ed i saw [ DP Bill j s picture of him i ]. (50) * Ed i saw [ DP Bill j s picture of him j ]. (51) * Ed i saw [ DP Bill j s picture of himself i ]. (52) Ed i saw [ DP Bill j s picture of himself j ].
Binding domain for α: The smallest IP or DP which contains α. (5) * Ed i saw [ DP a picture of him i ]. (54) Ed i saw [ DP a picture of him j ]. (55) Ed i saw [ DP a picture of himself i ]. (56) * Ed i saw [ DP a picture of himself j ]. Binding domain for α: and a subject. (57) * Ed i expects [ IP Bill j to like himself i ] (58) Ed i expects [ IP Bill j to like himself j ]. (59) Ed i believes [ IP himself i to be a genius]. (60) * Ed i believes [ IP him i to be a genius]. Binding domain for α: and a subject distinct from α. (61) * Ed i believes [that himself i is a genius]. (62) Ed i believes [that he i is a genius]. (6) * Al i wants [ CP for him i to be elected]. (64) Al i wants [ CP for himself i to be elected]. (65) Ed believes [that I am a genius]. (66) Ed believes [me to be a genius]. (67) Al wants [for me to be elected]. Binding domain for α: and either (a) a subject distinct from α, (68) IP 1 Ed i believes that he i is a genius. DP I Ed I[FIN] VP t V V CP believe 1 C C IP 2 that α I qg I[FIN]... (71)... CP C C IP that DP I Shiela I[FIN] VP t V V α saw (72) Mary i believes herself i to be a genius. (7) * Mary i believes her i to be a genius. (69) Mary j believes that Shiela i saw herself i. (70) * Mary j believes that Shiela i saw herself j.
(74) IP Mary I I VP [FIN] V V IP believes α I I VP to # be a genius (75) John i thinks [that [ [pictures of himself i ] will sell like hotcakes] ]. Binding domain for α: (final version) and either (a) a subject distinct from α that does not contain α, Anaphors, pronominals, and r-expressions. (76) She i saw John j. (77) * He i saw John i. (78) He j saw John i. (79) [John i s mother] j saw him i. (80) [His i mother] j saw John i. (81) He i said that Ed j thinks Al k is a genius. (82) * He j said that Ed j thinks Al k is a genius. (8) * He k said that Ed j thinks Al k is a genius. An r-expression must not be bound. Free Not bound. An r-expression must be free. Binding Theory: Principle A: Principle B: Principle C: An anaphor must be bound in its binding domain. A pronominal must be free in its binding domain. An r-expression must be free. Binding domain for α: (final version) and either (a) a subject distinct from α that does not contain α, (84) Ed i persuaded Ted j [ IP to recuse himself j ]. (85) Ted i promised Ed j [ IP to recuse himself i ]. (86) Ed persuaded Ted to leave. (87) Ed promised Ted to leave. (88) Ed i persuaded Ted j [PRO j to leave]. (89) Ed i promised Ted j [PRO i to leave]. (90) Ed i persuaded Ted j [ IP PRO j to recuse himself j ]. (91) Ted i promised Ed j [ IP PRO i to recuse himself i ]. (92) To teach oneself i linguistics is fun. (9) [PRO i to teach oneself i ling.] is fun
Who and everyone can t have a θ-role assigned to them by the time the θ-criterion is checked. Remember that wh-movement leaves a trace which can have a θ-role assigned to it. (94) Who i does John like t i? (95) * Who i does he i like t i? (who i likes himself i?) What s wrong? Why can t a θ-role be assigned to a wh-phrase? Why is it possible to assign a θ-role to its trace? It must be an R-expression. Principle C says R-expressions must be free. (96) * Who i did he i tell Mary that John likes t i? (=who i told Mary that John likes him i?) NOTE NOTE NOTE NOTE Binding Theory is about binding from A-positions. (97) Who i t i ate lunch? (98) What i did J tell M that B said he ate t i? Strong Crossover (99) * Who i does he i like t i? (who i likes himself i?) Principle C: An r-expression must be free. (100)* Who i did [his i boss] see t i? Weak Crossover. Crossover. A variable cannot be coindexed with a pronoun on its left. (101) Everyone i said that he i saw Mary. (102)* He i saw everyone i. (=Everyone i saw himself i ). (10)* [His i boss] saw everyone i. (=Everyone i s boss saw him i ). A-movement: (passives, raising ) (A) (B) (C) (D) (E) John thinks that he is right John expects me to help him. John wants him to resign. He wants John to resign. PRO to help John would be a mistake. (104) John i seems [ t i to speak Mandarin]. (105)* John i seems [ t i speaks Mandarin]. Tensed S constraint (106) A train i arrived t i. (107) There arrived a train. (108) A train i seems [ t i to have arrived t i ]. (109)* A train i seems [that there arrived t i ]. Specified subject condition Tasks: Find the binding domain for the second. Can the two underlined phrases be co-referent (coindexed)? Binding domain for α: (final version) and either (a) a subject distinct from α that does not contain α, Traces of A-movement are anaphors.
(110)* [John i s mother] j congratulated himself i. (111) [John i s mother] j congratulated herself j. (112) IP qp DP k I qg DPi! D I VP John s i D NP t V [GEN] # mother V DP congratulated α