Constructing the Ottoman State: Islam, Ghazis and the Frontier

Constructing the Ottoman State: Islam, Ghazis and the Frontier

The Dream (p.8) a moon arose from the holy man s breast and came to sink in Osman Ghazi s breast. A tree then sprouted from his navel, and its shade compassed the world. Beneath this shade there were mountains, and streams flowed forth from the foot of each mountain. Some people drank from these running waters, others watered gardens, while yet others caused fountains to flow.

The Dream (cont.) [When Osman awoke] he went and told the story to the sheykh, who said, Osman, my son, congratulations for the imperial office [bestowed by God] to you and your descendants, and my daughter Malhun shall be your wife. He married them forthwith. In this story lies the origins of the Ottomans in terms of Ottoman views of themselves Put another way, Ottomans gave legitimacy to their legend in accepting it, believing it to be history (video referred to this)

Islam and the Ottomans In the beginning Story of Islam (7 th century) illuminates central features of Ottoman belief system Shows how the mystical and the material became one Shows the centrality of the oral to both religion and society

Video Presentation: Islam: Empire of Faith (I) In the beginning

Islam and the Ottomans 15 th century rendering of legend (Kafadar p.60): You ask me for a piece of paper as if I [knew how to] write. Here, I have a sword left from my forefathers. Let me give that to you. And I will also give you a cup. Let them both remain in your hands. And let them [who come after you] preserve these tokens. And if God Almightly endorses my bid for this service [of rulership], let my descendants observe that token and certify it.

Mystics and Power Text goes on to say that the chronicler, a dervish himself, said that the sword was still in the hands of his descendants and that is is visited by every new ruler (chief) FOR DISCUSSION: In what ways does both the legend and the dervish s commentary illuminate the relation between Islam (as understood from the video) and Ottoman rule?

Power and Orality Taking into account the insights offered into society by the Video, how can we understand the relationship between power and orality, between power and the word? how does this understanding open up early Ottoman society to us?

Sources of the Ottoman past Kafadar argues that if we are to understand Ottoman society (or proto society) in the 14 th c. and the role of the battle of the faith we need to look at the two main genres of oral literature: Hagiography Warrior epics

Role of Legend Stories and legends we use for history rooted in earlier genres (for examples, refer to Book of Dede Korkut and essay on Turkish literature in Resources ) Characters and geography shift with time: as what constituted the frontier changed, frontier warfare, life and cultural activity changes. As frontier areas and culture changed so did power [Kafadar]

Role of Legend (cont.) History of frontier experience remained oral Closing of the frontier marked in part by writing down of history Kafadar notes: the writing of history was a means of exerting power over the peoples of the frontier areas Themes: role of individuals (heroes)/peoples, spreading of Islam, gaining of converts

Role of Legend (cont.) Notes the negotiation stories reflect between the orthodox rules and the practical realities of Islam because of the frontier circumstances Folklore, because of its roots as a genre in pre- Islamic world view provided way of translating Islam back into oral, frontier culture Making sense of conversion and shared influences

Role of Legend (cont.) Example: story of Melik Danismend (Turkish), Artuhi (Armenian) and Efromiya (greek woman) - central plot has Efromiya, a convert (retaining non-mulsim name), a woman, fighting as a man against her own father - Although conversion is key them, nothing orthodox about her role as Muslim

Role of Legend (cont.) Example: Book of Dede Korkut, Kan Ruali (Turkish, Muslim) loves daughter of tekvur (Byzantine Christian) - they end up together and she saves his life - no indication that she converts - her attraction to him presented as physical, sexual not religious Both stories reflections of the complexity of relations with the infidel on the frontier

Role of Legend (cont.) Kafadar s argument: the latter story addressed a real situation of mid-1300s and like others reflects case wherein ancient epics were being customized to deal with late medieval Anatolian realities, to assign them meaning within a flexible understanding of the gazi Emphasizing ways in which cooperation dominated stories, not conflict: contemporary sources did not find it contradictory to present the gazi protagonists co-operating with the Christians

Role of Legend (cont.) Kafadar (p.70): If such was the gazi mentality, why should we [historians] define it to have been otherwise?

Dervish and the Gazi Frequent references to the dervish as wonder workers, chroniclers, holders of the sword, interpreters of dreams: who were the Dervishes, the sheikhs (Sheykhs) Kafadar suggests that initially, on the frontier, they were not always so easily distinguished the holy man from the holy warrior Each part of expansion of Islam in same societal, cultural context: that of reconciliation, cooperation

The Dervish Argues we need to understand just how little the Turco-Muslims on the frontier were conscious of need to be correct (orthodox) remained on margins of institutionalized Islam even as they fought sincerely and aggressively for its promotion Example: hagiography mid-14 th century of Baba Ilyas as recounted by his great-grandson; dervish order playing key role in rise of Osman and Orhan

The Dervish (cont.) Story has it that on death of author s father, Asik Pasha, Armenians, Jews and Christians are crying and wailing where is our sheikh "? Question is: were these converts (not identified as such) or was tale making point that the power of the sheikh extended beyond his Muslim following? Was power of Islam as exemplified in the Dervish /Sheikh recognized by Christians as the power of a Saint? (Kafadar gives several examples to support)

The Dervish (cont.) If legend reveals that proselytization was both militant and syncretic (therefore appealing to Turkish nomads): what Kafadar asks was the nature of their Islam? Notes dangers of reading back through prism of 16 th century rise of conflict with Safavids, importance of Shi ism

The Nature of their Islam Kafadar takes issue with academics that structure the debate around notion of heterodoxy meaning Shi ism Argues that we can see hetero nature of Islam as reflection of gazi cultural ethos That ethos, as reflected in names of leaders, clearly showed Islamic commitment evidence from groups not directly connected with Osman but we must assume that Osman s clan was no different [consistent with his and Quataert s view from last week]

Gazi and Jihad Jihad as term rarely found in early narratives Argues against notion that jihad means incessant war against the infidel Challenges idea that concepts of jihad conflicted between urban learned ulamma frontier rude gazi: however needs of warfare and accommodation did not always coincide situations varied as did interpretation of which respsponse would best defend the umma the community of believers

Gazi and Jihad (cont.) Raises interesting (and apropos) question: what is the difference between defensive and offensive action? Is a pre-emptive strike defensive of offensive? For gazi of frontier, such distinctions meaningless Gaza initially meant raid (for booty -- material goods, slaves); by 14 th century religious purpose being accomplished by raids jihad One important difference: Islam requires participation in jihad but not in gaza

Gazi and Jihad (cont.) Points to 14 th century codebook from western Anatolia as evidence that people needed measures to help resolve conflicts that leaders needed means in particular circumstances to do so without losing authority and legitimacy Argues that same process was happening on other side of ideological border (Byzantium) again reference to role of frontier circumstances shaping notion of gazi rather than religion per se

Epilogue: Several of this week s readings develop aspects of this overall discussion. The following slides (exerpting some of them) suggest ways in which they may be read.

Islam and the Ottomans Mustapha Tahrali [ Readings ] Influence of Ibn Arabi offers another perspective on the process Kafadar analyses; also interesting is methodology: During the course of the seventh century of the Hejira, the Almohads in the West suffered defeat, and lost Cordoba and Seville in 668/1269. In the East the Mongol forces crushed everything that stood in their way from Central Asia onwards, bringing to an end the Abbasid Caliphate in 656/1258 and demolishing Baghdad. Then they moved on towards Anatolia and prepared to finish the Seljukids.

Islam and the Ottomans After their downfall, the "third state" (called "Beylik" in Turkish) of 'Uthman Bey was founded in 1299 to the north-west of Konya. Thus he entered history as the heir both of the Seljukids and the Abbasids. It was the beginning of a new cycle where the point of departure coincides spiritually, intellectually with the teaching of masters such as Ibn 'Arabî, Mawlânâ [Jalâl al-dîn al-rûmî ]... the new Ottoman state, of which the founder was the son-in-law of a shaykh named Edebali, began to flourish in the ambience and on the intellectual foundation of Sufism.

Islam and the Ottomans On the inextricable relation between the material (human) and spiritual in sufism: I find it strange that the divine whole can be borne by my little human part, Yet due to my little part's burden, the earth cannot sustain me. (Akhbar al-hallaj, 11) [from Readings, Al-Hallaj: a sufi mystic Sayings ]

Islam and the Ottomans On the early philosophy and attraction of sufism: Come, come, whoever you are. Wanderer, idolator, worshipper of fire, come even though you have broken your vows a thousand times, Come, and come yet again. Ours is not a caravan of despair. (Jalâl al-dîn al-rûmî) [from Readings, The Mevlevi Order ]