Chapter 7. Relatedness of Forms and their Meanings: Some Illustrations

Chapter 7 Relatedness of Forms and their Meanings: Some Illustrations 201

Terracotta art of West Bengal represents changing features in style, and technique when viewed from a historical perspective. The major terracotta forms from important terracotta yielding sites of West Bengal, which have already been discussed, show certain consistent features regarding the representation of forms and themes. The ethnographic study reveals that the present day terracotta manufacturing technique bears close resemblance to the past techniques in many respects such as the use of single and double moulds and wheels along with hand modelling which is confirmed through archaeological findings. It is observed that the terracotta forms, their stylistic elements and their meanings have changed through time according to the needs of the present day society and culture. However some of the contemporary forms retain similar features with the ancient ones. Mostly the timeless variety which has been continued through ages such as Mother Goddess, serpent forms, etc. are still manufactured and used by the present day communities. In some cases it is seen that the apparent shapes of the forms may change but the associated meanings remain same. Some of these examples are illustrated below. Illustration 1: Serpent Forms Fig 7.1 represents two images of stylised serpentine figures, an archaic form and a form with circlet designs from Chandrakteugarh. The figures are possibly hand modelled and resemble those with Naga or Nagi figures from middle Ganga valley sites like Buxar, Patuliputra, Sonpur, Vaisali, Champa, Rajgir in Bihar and Kausambi, Mathura, Sravasti, Atranjikhera, in Uttar Pradesh (Banerji 2006-2007, Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007, see also Dhavalikar 1977). This type of serpentine figures with or without incised circlet decorations in half human and half snake form are found from Early Historic sites of West Bengal especially from Chandraketugarh and Tamluk. The splayed hips of these figures indicate their probable association with fertility cult as in case of other Naga and Nagi figures of the country (Dhavalikar 1977, 1999, Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007). Fig. 7.2 and 7.3 represent contemporary Manasa ghat and Manasa chali/bari from the village Panchmura. These are manufactured by a combination of mould, wheel and hand 202

modelling. These forms are kept in sacred groves (than). The villagers under study do not worship Manasa idols. These are the symbolic representations of the deity. However, in urban places of West Bengal clay idols of Manasa have been enshrined in small templelike structures. Manasa is rigorously worshipped in rural West Bengal especially in the months of Jaistha (May-June), Ashar (June-July), Shraban (July-August) which ends in the month of Ashwin (September-October), however, the worship can be done in any time of the year. Manasa symbolizes the snake goddess who protects and cures the villagers from snake bites. Manasa thans are always located at the boundary of the village and the border of the entrance to the forest or jungle. Sometimes it is located within the forested area. Arundhati Banerji (2006-2007) mentions the prevalence of snake goddess worship in Eastern India as a protecting image which drives away evil spirits and protects the household. Manasa is also related to fertility cult as snake symbolises the male genital organ since they produces numerous eggs at a time (Ghosh 2002a). Initially Manasa was a folk deity but Manasa Mangal Kavya (possibly the earliest version belongs to 13 th century, however, the available text according to Gangopadhyay (2006) is dated to 16 th century written by Vijaygupta) tells us the story of her acceptance within the so called Hindu high or Brahminic tradition. In urban areas she is worshipped as a goddess of prosperity, protector and child birth. Fig. 7.4 and 7.5 represent Manasa than in the village Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala and Panchmura in Bankura with the offerings of horses and elephants of different size and style. This is part of Manasa cult where people ritualistically offer these terracotta materials as a token of devotion and fulfilment of wish and also as token for wish making. These may also act as a symbolic representation of the earlier sacrificial ritual. These materials range from much simplistic forms to highly decorative forms. These figures always bear marks of vermilion (sindur). Horses and elephants are historically associated to the symbol of power and status. The choice of horse and elephant as the token of offering might also have some regional reasons (Bhattacharya 1989). The practice of serpent worship in India is very old (Banerjea 1956) and can be dated back to the Neolithic period as evidenced from the excavations in Bihar (Dhavalikar 203

1977). Naga figures in Mohenjodaro sealings prove the existence of a serpent cult in Harappan times (Biswas 1981). The mention of snake gods and serpent worship was also prevalent in ancient Indian literatures. For example, Atharva Veda gives the names of some snake gods; Mahabharata mentions about Nagaraja Takshaka; Buddhist tradition also mentions about Naga cult (Biswas 1981). Medieval period also witnesses the worship of snake goddess in Bihar and Bengal (Bhattacharya 2006-2007). Evidences of image of snake goddess are reported by Enamul Haque (1975) from Bengal. This indicates that there is continuity in serpent cult through ages which is practised in present day in the form of Manasa. 204

Fig. 7.1 Left: A serpentine figure from Chandraketugarh, Early Historic period (courtesy: Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007) Fig. 7.2 Contemporary Manasa ghat Right: A Nagi figure with splayed hips and incised circlets from Pre-Mauryan period from Chandraketugarh (courtesy Banerji 2006-07) Fig. 7.4 Different Manasa forms with offering in contemporary Manasa than near Sonamukhi- Satyapirtala Fig. 7.3 Contemporary Manasa chali/bari Fig. 7.5 Contemporary Manasa than at Panchmura 205

Illustration 2: Horse and Elephant and their Rider Forms Fig. 7.6 represents a naturalistic elephant figure from Chandraketugarh, Fig. 7.7 and 7.8 show a stylized horse figure of timeless variety from Harinarayanpur and an ornamented, realistic horse figure from Chandraketugarh respectively. Fig 7.9 and 7.10 represent contemporary simplistic and ornamented horse and elephant figures from Bankura respectively. Such stylized and realistic horse and elephant figures are also found from the Early Historic levels of middle Ganga valley. In ancient times, horses and elephants were universally attached to the kingly affairs. It is well known that ancient Indian kings used to keep horses and elephants which were used in their military campaigns. Kings often travelled on elephants in ceremonial processions. Thus horses and elephants were considered as a symbol of royal authority. A terracotta seal from Chandraketugarh depicting a horse on a ship indicates that horses might serve as an item of maritime trade in Bengal (Chakravarti 1992). Thus it is evident that horses and elephants played significant roles in the life of ancient Bengal people. In present day also apart from their ritualistic use, the decorative terracotta horses and elephants serve as a status symbol. Economically affluent families buy these decorative and large sized horses and elephants which are either used as aesthetic objects in urban setting or as the objects for offering in rituals in rural setting. 206

Fig. 7.6 An elephant figure from Chandraketugarh, 1 st to 3 rd century CE (courtesy: Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007) Fig. 7.7 A horse figure from Harinarayanpur, timeless variety (courtesy: Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007) Fig. 7.8 Decorated wheeled horse from Chandraketugarh, 1st-2nd century CE (courtesy: Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007) Fig. 7.9 Contemporary simplistic terracotta horse and elephant figures from Bankura Fig. 7.10 Contemporary decorative terracotta horse and elephant figures from Bankura 207

Fig. 7.11 shows offering of horses and elephants in a sacred grove. These are offered at a Gramdeveta than in Sirishboni village, Paschim Medinipur. Fig 7.12 represents a male figure sitting on the back of an elephant, found from the Early Historic period of Chandraketugarh. This type of figures in round and plaques depicting horse and elephant riders are also evidenced from other sites. A sin rubber depicting a female horse rider (probably a divinity) with a whip in her right hand, reins of the horse in the other hand and a sword strapped to her waist is found from Mangalkot (Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Charkraborty 2007, see also Mukherji 1991). Fig 7.13 demonstrates a contemporary wheeled figure, a man riding on a horse. These are manufactured in the village Devalaya nearby to the Early Historic site of Chandraketugarh. These are mostly used as play objects a toy cart, by the local village children. The local myth as noted from Sirishboni village visualizes horse and elephants of the sacred groves as the carriers of village ancestral spirits. As discussed earlier they believe that the ancestral spirits i.e. benevolent spirits ride on the horses and elephants which are offered at the groves and drive away the evil spirits from the village. Similarly in Dhagora the offering of horse and elephant is associated with the spirit of Marangburu the Santal god who protects the village. Therefore the evidences of horse and elephant riders from the ancient sites should not always be understood as representing the symbol of royal affairs but these can also be associated with the aspects of village life like village ancestral spirits and local tribal god, hence, having ritual significance. Similar ritual significance related to the concept of the contemporary horse rider forms is also noticed among the tribals of Gujarat (Shah 1985) and among the Gonds of Madhya Pradesh (Dr. Arati Deshpande-Mukherjee and Soumi Sengupta in personal communication). 208

Fig. 7.11 Horses and elephants offering at a sacred grove in Sirishboni village, Paschim Medinipur Fig. 7.12 An elephant rider from Chandraketugarh, 1 st to 3 rd century CE (courtesy: Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007) Fig. 7.13 A contemporary horse rider from Devalaya 209

Illustration 3: Mother Forms Fig. 7.14 and 7.15 represent typical Mother Goddess figurines of timeless variety from the Early Historic period of Harinarayanpur and Chandraketugarh respectively. These are hand modelled having archaic appearance. Fig 7.16 shows a contemporary hand modelled mother figure with appliqued eyes used in Natai-Chandi puja at Bardhaman district of West Bengal. The ritual is also performed in Paschim Medinipur and sub-urban regions near Kolkata. Mother Goddess figurines are historically associated with fertility cult. In present research the contemporary mother figure of Natai-Chandi explicates an alternative interpretation. As already discussed in the earlier chapter, the myth related to Natai- Chandi reflects the mother figure as a symbol of a tortured woman in a male-chauvinist society who does not challenge but finds way to survive in the existing social orders by performing Natai brata. Here the mother figure is associated with gender rather than fertility cult. Fig. 7.17 represents an archaic hand modelled Mother Goddess figure from Pandu Rajar Dhibi. The figure has a bird like face a form quite common among the timeless variety (Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakrabarti 2007). Hindu literary tradition mentions about a similar form known as Bagala having a head of a crane. Bagala, the Sakta deity, is included in the Mahavidyas which are a group of ten goddesses, a Medieval iconographic and mythological expression of Mahadevi theology. Mahavidyas are more frequently considered as ten forms of Sati (Kinsley 1987). Above mentioned two examples may be served as alternative interpretations to the archaic female figures which are generally termed as Mother Goddess. These examples further show that generalising any archaic female form as Mother Goddess to attach with fertility can be misleading. 210

Fig. 7.14 A Mother Goddess from Harinarayanpur (courtesy: Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007) Fig. 7.15 A Mother Goddess from Chandraketugarh (courtesy: Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007) Fig. 7.16 Contemporary Natai-Chandi: The mother figure at Bardhaman Fig. 7.17 A hand modelled Mother Goddess with bird shaped face from Pandu Rajar Dhibi (courtesy: Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007) 211

Illustration 4: Mother and Child Forms Fig 7.18 demonstrates a plaque from Chandraketugarh depicting a mother holding a child in her arms in high relief. The mother is heavily bejewelled with an elaborate turban placed on one side of her head. Fig 7.19 represents a contemporary mother and child figure, manufactured in village Adityapur. These are served as dolls or play items for the children of the nearby villages and also as aesthetic item to the urban and semi-urban people. These are found in large number in the terracotta market of Bolpur and in different craft fairs. Fig 7.20 shows a mother and child figure used as the objects of worship in Natai-Chandi puja. The myth regarding this mother and child figure exhibits the affection of the mother to her child (son) and symbolises her as a protector and saviour of the child from the malevolent eyes. These findings indicate the ritual use of mother and child forms along with the use in aesthetic and play purpose. 212

Fig. 7.18 Mother and child figure from Chandraketugarh, 1 st to 3 rd century CE (courtesy: Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007) Fig. 7.19 Contemporary mother and child figure from Adityapur Fig. 7.20 Contemporary mother and child figure used in Natai-Chandi puja in South Srirampur 213

Illustration 5: Bastu Puja and Associated Forms Fig 7.21 shows the contemporary terracotta paired ghats from Atghara-Palpara, the left one with moustache represents the male and the right one represents the female. These ghats are worshipped in Bastu puja as symbolic image of deities. According to the local myth these can be compared with the detached heads of Dakkhin Ray, the tiger god and Banbibi, the goddess of forest (Bara = detached head of Dakkhin Ray). At present these are locally worshipped for the protection and prosperity of households (Bastu = home) and these ghats are perceived as Hindu high God Narayana and Goddess Lakshmi respectively. The change in meaning and Brahminization of these forms can be derived from the local story of Atghara-Palapara, though the forms still retain the concept of Dakkhin Ray and Banbibi in respect to their facial features, the decoration of crown portion with floral motifs and spatial aspects associated with the worship (see Fig. 6.6, 6.7) as discussed previously. Fig. 7.22 represents the present day clay idols of Dakkhin Ray and Banbibi worshipped in the forested region of Sundarbans. The present-day idol of Dakkhin Ray is represented as dressed like a king with moustache and beard (in some cases beard in not present but moustache is present in all the cases). He is holding a mace in his left hand. In more recent times he is also seen having a gun in his hand. Beside or in front or behind him a tiger is placed. On the other hand, the image of Banbibi looks like a typical Hindu goddess with seated posture and Abhaya mudra. Fig 7.23 shows a plaque from the Early Historic period of Chandraketugarh depicting a male deity holding a sword and a shield. He is accompanied by a female deity. They are riding on a tiger and are shown underneath a two-tired temple like structure topped by a finial (Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007). Similar figure with spotted tiger from the site is also reported (Biswas 1981). The divine couple is identified as Dakkhin Ray and his consort (Biswas 1981). These findings are significant in this context as it shows that the cult of tiger god might be prevalent in Lower Bengal as early as 2 nd century CE. 214

Fig. 7.21 Paired ghat of Bastu puja, with moustache (left) representing the male deity and without moustache (right) representing the female deity, from Atghara-Palpara Fig. 7.22 Present day clay idol of Dakkhin Ray with tiger in front (right) and Banbibi (left) Fig. 7.23 A terracotta plaque from Chandraketugarh, depicting male and female deity riding on a tiger (c. 2 nd century CE) (courtesy: Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007) 215

Illustration 6: Demonic Figures Fig 7.24 represents a plaque depicting a demonic male figure almost in round from Chadraketugarh with broad nose and mischievous facial expression. He is wearing earrings and a short lion-cloth. This has been manufactured in double mould technique. A group of figures representing pot-bellied, grotesque men wearing turban or crown are found from important Early Historic sites of West Bengal. These figures show ugly facial expressions sometimes with wide open mouth with large teeth jutting out. These are broadly termed as Yakshas. Similar figures have been found from several Early Historic sites of northern India such as Ahichchhatra, Mathura and Sonkh (Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007, see also Dhavalikar 1977). Mentions of the term Yaksha are found in ancient literatures, for example Atharva Veda identifies the Yakshas as Itarajanah which means other folk. Similarly Mahabharata refers to the Yakshas, Yakshinis and Rakshasas as being worshipped by the Rajasik class. In Buddhist texts Yakshas are often regarded as teachers of good morals and guardian spirits. Jain literature mentions about Yakshas and Yakshis as Devas (Coomaraswamy 1971, Biswas 1981). This type of figures is also termed as Kubera. Kubera is sometimes considered as the chief of all Yakshas. In Satapatha Brahmana Kubera is seen as a Rakshasa and the lord of robbers (Coomaraswamy 1971). There is controversy regarding the identification of Yaksha and Rakshasa. Though they are seen having common origin, but, for Coomaraswamy (1971) Yakshsas associated with Kubera are Kindly and Rakshasas are bloodthirsty. Fig 7.25 shows contemporary handmade terracotta figures (heads) of Raktabati and Jarasandha from the village Yashomantapur. These are local gods worshipped by the villagers for their well-being. Raktabati is a female deity, demonic in nature. It is believed that she drinks the blood of the people who do not worship her. So the villagers worship her for their safety and security. Jarasandha is a male deity and also demonic in nature. His mouth is wide open with large teeth coming out from the mouth. Jara or Jwara in Bengali means ill-health. He is locally believed to be the deity who protects the villagers from life taking diseases. Those who do not worship him cannot be cured. 216

Jara is identified by Stutley (2006) as a demoness, capable of assuming different forms. Those who worship her are blessed with prosperity and those who do not are cursed with poverty (Stutley 2006). A demon goddess named Jara is also mentioned in ancient literature. In Mahabharata Jara is mentioned as one of the Matrikas. She is described as a village goddess who feeds on flesh and blood. She combines the two half children, who were given birth by two sisters, into a whole being. When she gives the whole child to the King of the region, the King in return ordered the people of the region to worship goddess Jara in great honour (Kinsley 1987). Therefore, it can be said that the concepts associated with demonic figures can have local ritual significance and can be served as local gods and goddesses both of benevolent and malevolent type. 217

Fig. 7.24 A demonic figure from Chandraketugarh 1 st to 3 rd century CE (courtesy: Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007) Fig. 7.25 Contemporary local village deities, Raktakarabi (left) and Jarasandha (right) from Yashomantapur 218