"Our republican robe is soiled

28 THS PERY TRAL From this it appears that if all men were just, there still would be some, though not so much, need of government. "Our republican robe is soiled Speech at Peoria, October 6,854 Following his retirernentfiom Congress in 849, Lincoln took only a limited interest in politics. n 854, however, the Kansas-Nebraska Act roused Lincoln's mral indignation and his smoldering political ambition. Drafled by Senator Stephen A. Dough of llinois, this statute repealed the Missouri Compromise and, under the doctrine of popular sovereignty, which allowed thepeople of a territory to determine the status of slavery, opened the new territories of Kansas and Nebraska to slavery. Taking to the stump in the 854 campaign, Lincoln subjected Douglas and the principle of popular sovereignty to withering criticism. Lincoln delivered this speech on the Kansas-Nebraska Act at Springjield, and then repeated it at Peoria in repb to Douglas, who spoke earlier. Beginning in 854, slavery became the central issue in Lincoln's political careeu, and his public statements possessed a new moral earnestness at the same time that his language became more nisp and lean. The earlier rhetorical$ourishes and hyperbole were conspicuously absent as he uppealedfor the restoration of what he considered thepolicy of the Founding Fathers on slavery. The Peoria Address also marked the emergence in Lincoln's thought of the importance of the Declaration of ~nde~endence in dejning American ideals, The repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and the propriety of its restoration, constitute the subject of what am about to say... And, as this subject is no other, than part and parcel of the larger general question of domestic-slavery, wish to MAKE and to KEEP the distinction between the EXSTNG institution, and the EXTENSON of it, SO broad, and so clear, that no honest man can misunderstand me, and no dishonest one, successfully misrepresent me....... We have before us, the chief material enabling us to correctly judge whether the repeal of the Missouri Compromise is right or wrong. think, and shall try to show, that it is wrong; wrong in its direct effect, letting slavery into Kansas and Nebraska-and wrong in its THE SPEECHES AND WRTNGS OP ABRAHAM LNCOLN 29 prospective principle, allowing it to spread to every other part of the wide world, where men can be found inclined to take it. This declared indifference, but as must think, covert real zeal for the spread of slavery, can not but hate. hate it because of the monstrous injustice of slavery itself. hate it because it deprives our republican example of its just influence in the world-enables the enemies of free institutions, with plausibility to taunt us as hypocrites-causes the real feiends of freedom to doubt our sincerity, and especially because it forces so many really good men amongst ourselves into an open war with the very fundamental principles of civil liberty-criticising the Declaration of ndependence, and insisting that there is no right principle of action but sezfinterest. Before proceedmg, let me say think have no prejudice against the J Southern people. They are just what we would be in their situation. f slavery did not now exist amongst them, they would not introduce it. f it did now exist amongst us, we should not instantly give it up. This believe of the masses north and south. Doubtless there are individuals, on both sides, who would not hold slaves under any circumstances; and others who would gladly introduce slavery anew, if it were out of existence. We know that some southern men do free their slaves, go north, and become tip-top abolitionists; while some northern ones go south, and become most cruel slave-masters. When southern people tell us they are no more responsible for the origin of slavery, than we; acknowledge the fact. When it is said that the institution exists; and that it is very difficult to get rid of it, in any satisfactory way, can understand and appreciate the saying. surely will not blame them for not doing what should not know how to do myself. f all earthly power were given me, should not know what to do, as to the existing institution. My first impulse would be to free all the slaves, and send them to Liberia,-to their own native land. But a moment's reflection would convince me, that whatever of high hope, (as think here is) there may be in this, in the long run, its sudden execution is impossible. f they were all landed there in a day, they would all perish in the next ten days; and there are not surplus shipping and surplus money enough in the world to carry them there in many times ten days. What then? Free them all, and keep them among us as underlings? s it quite certain that this betters their condition? think would

30 THS FERY TRAL not hold one in slavery, at any rate; yet the point is not dear enough for me to denounce people upon. What next? Free them, and make them politically and socially, our equals? My own feelings will not admit of this; and if mine would, we well know that those of the great mass of white people will not. Whether this feeling accords with justice and sound judgment, is not the sole question, if indeed, it is any part of it. A universal feeling, whether well or &founded, can not be safely disregarded. We can not, then, make them equals. t does seem to me that, systems of gradual emancipation might be adopted; but for their tardiness in this, will not undertake to judge our brethren of the south.... Let me here drop the main argument, to notice what consider rather an inferior matter. t is argued that slavery will not go to Kansas and Nebraska, in any event. This is a palliation-a lullaby. have some hope that it will not; but let us not be too confident. As to climate, a glance at the map shows that there are five slave States-Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky and Missouri-and also the District of Columbia, all north of the Missouri compromise line. The census returns of 850 show that, within these, there are 867,276 slaves-being more than one-fourth of all the slaves in the nation. t is not climate, then, that will keep slavery out of these territories.... No pecubarity of the country will-nothing in nature will. Will the disposition of the people prevent it? Those nearest the scene, are all in favor of the extension. The yankees, who are opposed to it may be more numerous; but in military phrase, the battle-field is too far from their base of operations. But it is said, there now is no law in Nebraska on the subject of slavery; and that, in such case, taking a slave there, operates his freedom. That is good book-law; but is not the rule of actual practice. Wherever slavery is, it has been first introduced without law. The oldest laws we find concerning it, are not laws introducing it; but regulating it, as an already existing thing. A white man takes his slave to Nebraska now; who will inform the negro that he is free? Who will take him before court to test the question of his freedom? n ignorance of his legal emancipation, he is kept chopping, splitting and plowing. Others are brought, and move on in the same track. At last, if ever the time for voting comes, on the question of slavery, the institution already in fact exists in the country, and cannot well be removed. The facts of its presence, and the difficulty THE SPEECHES AND WRTNGS OF ABRAHAM LNCOLN 3 of its removal will carry the vote in its favor. Keep it out until a vote is taken, and a vote in favor of it, can not be got in any population of forty thousand, on earth, who have been drawn together by the ordinary motives of emigration and settlement. To get slaves into the country simultaneously with the whites, in the incipient stages of settlement, is the precise stake played for, and won in this Nebraska measure.... But one great argument in the support of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, is still to come. That argument is "the sacred right of self government." t seems our distinguished Senator* has found great cliffculty in getting his antagonists, even in the Senate to meet him fairly on this argument-some poet has said "Fools rush in where angels fear to tread." At the hazzard of being thought one of the fools of this quotation, meet that argument- rush in, take that bull by the horns. trust understand, and truly estimate the right of self-government. My faith in the proposition that each man should do precisely as he pleases with all which is exclusively his own, lies at the foundation of the sense of justice there is in me. extend the principles to communities of men, as well as to individuals. so extend it, because it is politically wise, as well as naturally just: politically wise, in saving us from broils about matters which do not concern us. Here, or at Washington, would not trouble myself with the oyster laws of Virginia, or the cranberry laws of ndiana. The doctrine of self government -_ is right-absolutely and eternally right-but ithano jus~app&cation,-as_here attempted. Or perhaps should rather say that whether ;;has such just application depends upon whether a negro is not or is a man. f he is not a man, why in that \ case, he who is a man may as a matter of self-government, do just as he pleases with him. But if the negro is a man, is it not to that extent, a total destruction of self-government, to say that he too shall not govern himself? When the white man governs himself that is self-government; but when he governs himself, and also governs another man, that is more than self-government-that is despotism. f the negro is a man, why *Stephen A. Douglas.

32 THS FERY TRAL THE SPEECHES AND WRTNGS OF ABRAHAM LNCOLN 33 then my ancient faith teaches me that "all men are created equal;" and that there can be no moral right in connection with one man's making a slave of another. Judge Douglas* frequently, with bitter irony and sarcasm, paraphrases our argument by saying "The white people of Nebraska are good enough to govern themselves, but they are not good enough to govern afew miserable neguoes!!" Well doubt not that the people of Nebraska are, and will continue to be as good as the average of people elsewhere. do not say the contrary. What do say is, that no man is good enough to govern another man, without that other's consent. say this is the leading principle-the sheet anchor of American republicanism. Our Declaration of ndependence says: "We hold these truths to be self evident: that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, DERVNG THER JUST POWERS FROM THE CONSENT OF THE GOVERNED." have quoted so much at this time merely to show that according to our ancient faith, the just powers of governments are derived from the consent of the governed. Now the relation of masters and slaves is, PRO TANTO, a total violation of this principle. The master not only governs the slave without his consent; but he governs him by a set of rules altogether Merent from those which he prescribes for himself. Allow ALL the governed an equal voice in the government, and that, and that only is self government. Let it not be said am contending for the establishment of political and social equality between the whites and blacks. have already said the contrary. am not now combating the argument of NECESSTY, arising from the fact that the blacks are already amongst us; but am combating what is set up as MORAL argument for allowing them to be taken where they have never yet been-arguing against the EXTENSON of a bad thing, which where it already exists, we must of necessity, manage as we best can.... *Douglas had sewed on the llinois Supreme Court, so Lincoln habitually referred to him as Judge. \ particularly object to the NEW position which the avowed principle of this Nebraska law gives to slavery in the body politic. object to it because it assumes that there CAN be MORAL RGHT in the enslaving of one man by another. object to it as a dangerous dalliance for a few [free?] people-a sad evidence that, feeling prosperity we forget rightthat liberty, as a principle, we have ceased to revere. object to it because the fathers of the republic eschewed, and rejected it. The argument of "Necessity" was the only argument they ever admitted in favor of slavery; and so far, and so far only as it carried them, did they ever go.... But this is not all. The earliest Congress, under the constitution, took the same view of slavery. They hedged and hemmed it in to the narrowest limits of necessity....... The plain unmistakable spirit of that age, towards slavery, was hostility to the PRNCPLE, and toleration, ONLY BY NECESSTY. But NOW it is to be transformed into a "sacred right." Nebraska brings it forth, places it on the high road to extension and perpetuity; and, with a pat on its back, says to it, "Go, and God speed you." Henceforth it is to be the chief jewel of the nation-the very figure-head of the ship of State. Little by little, but steadily as man's march to the grave, we have been giving up the OLD for the NEW faith. Near eighty years ago we began by declaring that all men are created equal; but now from that beginning we have run down to the other declara- ^_. _ -- --- tion, that for SOME - men to enslave OTHERS is a "sacred right of self- - - --- government." These principles can not stand together. They are as opposite as God and mammon; and whoever holds to the one, must despise the other.... Let no one be deceived. The spirit of seventy-six and the spirit of Nebraska, are utter antagonisms; and the former is being rapidly displaced by the latter. Fellow countrymen-americans south, as well as north, shall we make no effort to arrest this? Already the liberal party throughout the world, express the apprehension "that the one retrograde institution in America, is undermining the principles of progress, and fatally violating the noblest political system the world ever saw." This is not the taunt of enemies, but the warning of friends. s it quite safe to disregard it-to despise it? s there no danger to liberty itself, in discarding the earliest practice, and first precept of our ancient faith? n our greedy chase to

34 THS FERY TRAL make profit of the negro, let us beware, lest we "cancel and tear to pieces" even the white man's charter of freedom. Our republican robe is soiled, and trailed in the dust. Let us repurify it. Let us turn and wash it white, in the spirit, if not the blood, of the Revolution. Let us turn slavery from its claims of "moral right," back upon its existing legal rights, and its arguments of "necessity." Let us return it to the position our fathers gave it; and there let it rest in peace. Let us re-adopt the Declaration of ndependence, and with it, the practices, and policy, which harmonize with it. Let north and south-let all Americans-let all lovers of liberty everywhere-join in the great and good work. f we do this, we shall not only have saved the Union; but we shall have so saved it, as to make, and to keep it, forever worthy of the saving. We shall have so saved it, that the succeeding millions of free happy people, the world over, shall rise up, and call us blessed, to the latest generations. "Where now stand Letter to Joshua Speed, August 24,855 Joshua Speed was the only closefiend Lincoln had in his adult lve. As young men they had lived together in SpringfieZd, but Speed had eventually returned to his native Kentucky. By 8~5, as he explained in a long letter to Speed, Lincoln found himseef politically adri.. He made it clear, however, that he did not sympathize with the Know Nothing party, which called for restrictions on the rights of immigrants and CathoZics. Aware of the Know Nothings' strength in nlinois and that no strong opposition party to the Democrats could be organized without their support, Lincoln con$ned his criticism to private letters. n less than a year, he would join the new Republican party. Dear Speed: Springfield You know what a poor correspondent am. Ever since received your very agreeable letter of the ad. of May have been intending to write you in answer to it. You suggest that in political action now, you and would differ. suppose we would; not quite as much, however, as you may think. You know dislike slavery; and you fully admit the abstract!

88 THS FERY TRAL THE SPEECHES AND WRTNGS OF ABRAHAM LNCOLN 89 owe every thing. Here have lived a quarter of a century, and have passed from a young to an old man. Here my children have been born, and one is buried. now leave, not knowing when, or whether ever, may return, with a task before me greater than that which rested upon Washington. Without the assistance of that Divine Being, who ever attended him, cannot succeed. With that assistance cannot fail. Trusting in Him, who can go with me, and remain with you and be every where for good, let us confidently hope that all will yet be well. To His care commending you, as hope in your prayers you will commend me, bid you an affectionate farewell "The Union... is perpetual" First naugural Address, March 4,86 Lincoln wrote a draft of his inaugural address before he left Springfield. He showed it to several advisers in Washington and then revised it; most of the revisions softened his language at key points without abandoning the underlyingprinciples. n his speech, he tried to reassure Southerners about his policies, especially with regard to slavery, while at the same timejrmly denying that any state had the right to secede. While the address made clear Lincoln's determination to maintain the Union, it was purposely vague about how he intended to do this. The closing words were based on a draft by Seward, which Lincoln rephrased in his unique style. Fellow citizens of the United States: n compliance with a custom as old as the government itself, appear before you to address you briefly, and to take, in your presence, the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States, to be taken by the President %before he enters on the execution of his office." do not consider it necessary, at present, for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety, or exatement. Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States, that by the accession of a Republican Administration, their property, and their peace, and personal security, are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. ndeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed, and been open to their inspection. t is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. do but quote from one of those speeches when declare that " have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. believe have no lawful right to do so, and have no inclination to do so." Those who nominated and elected me did so with ful knowledge that had made ths, and many similar declarations, and had never recanted them. And more than this, they placed in the platform, for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves, and to me, the dear and emphatic resolution which now read: "Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless and invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes." now reiterate these sentiments: and in doing so, only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible, that the property, peace and security of no section are to be in anywise endangered by the now incoming Administration. add too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfdy demanded, for whatever cause-as cheerfully to one section, as to another. There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor. The clause now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions: "No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws therebf, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regu- lation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." t is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it, for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the law-giver is the law. All members of Congress swear

90 THS FERY TRAL their support to the whole Constitution-to this provision as much as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause, "shall be delivered up," their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not, with nearly equal unanimity, frame and pass a law, by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath? There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by state authority; but surely that difference is not a very material one. f the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him, or to others, by which authority it is done. And should any one, in any case, be content that his oath shall go unkept, on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept? Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well, at the same time, to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarranties that "The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all previleges and immunities of citizens in the several States?" take the official oath to-day, with no mental rese~ations, and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws, by any hypercritical rules. And while do not choose now to specify particular icts of Congress as proper to be enforced, do suggest, that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to, and abide by, all those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional. t is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our national Constitution. During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens, have, in succession, administered the executive branch of the government. They have conducted it through many perils; and, generally, with great success. Yet, with all this scope for precedent, now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years, under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted. hold, that in contemplation of universal law, and of the Constitution, the Union of these States is~rpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not -, THE SPEECHES AND WRTNGS OF ABRAHAM LNCOLN 9 proper, expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. t is safe to assert that no.- Ement -. -. ever-had.. a. provision in its.- organic law for its -- own termination. Continue to execute all the express provi- _. - - >ions of our national Constitution, and the Union will endure foreverit being impossible to destroy it, except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself. Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade, by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate it-break it, so to speak; but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it? Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that, in legal contemplation, the Union is perpetual, confirmed by the history of the Union itself The Union is much older than the Constitution. t was formed in fact, by the Articles of Association in 774. t was matured and continued by the Declaration of ndependence in 776. t was further matured and the faith of all he then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 778. And finally, in 787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution, was "to form a more pefect union." But if destruction of the Union, by one, or by a part only, of the States, be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity. t follows from these views that no State, upon its own mere motion, can lawfully get out of the Union,-that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void; and that acts of violence, within any State or States, against the authority of the United States, are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances. therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, the Union is unbroken; and, to the extent of my ability, shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this deem to be only a simple duty on my part; and shall perform it, so far as practicable, unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means, or, in some authoritative manner, direct the contrary. trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the

92 THS FERY TRAL declared purpose of the Union that it will constiationally defend, and maintain itself. n doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence; and there shall be none, unless it be forced upon the national authority The power confided to me, will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property, and places belonging to the government, and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion-no using of force against, or among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States, in any interior locality, shall be so great and so universal, as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object. While the strict legal right may exist in the government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating, and SO nearly impracticable with all, that deem it better to forego, for the time, the uses of such offices. The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed, unless current events, and experience, shall show a modification, or change, to be proper; and in every case and exigency, my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing, and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles, and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections. That there are persons in one section, or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, will neither affirm or deny; but if there be such, need address no word to them. To those, however, who really love the Union, may not speak? Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step, while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from, have no real existence? Will you, whde the certain ills you fly to, are greater than all the real ones you fly fmm? Will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake? All profess to be content in the Union, if all constitutional rights can THE SPEECHES AND WRTNGS OF ABRAHAM LNCOLN 93 be maintained. s it true, then, that any right, plainly written in the Constitution, has been denied? think not. Happily the human mind is so constituted, that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Thd, ' if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of 4 the Constitution has ever been denied. f, by the mere force of numbers, a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify revolution-certainly would, if such right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of minorities, and of individuals, are so plainly assured to them, by affirmations and negations, guarranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution, that controversies never arise concerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate, nor any document of reasonable length contain express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor \ be surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say May Congress prohibit slavery in the territories? The j Constitution does not expressly say Must Congress protect slavery in the territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. f the minority d not acquiesce, the majority must, or the government must cease. There is no other alternative; for continuing the government, is acquiescence on one side or the other. f a minority, in such case, will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent whch, in turn, will divide and ruin them; for a minority of their own will secede from them, whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy, a year or two hence, arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it. All who cherish disunion sentiments, are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this. s there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a new Union, as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed secession? Plainly, the central idea of secession, is the essence of anarchy. A majoriq held in restraint by constitutional checks, and limitations, and always changing easily, with deliberate changes of popular opinions and

94 THS FERY TRAL sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it, does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is impossible; the rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissable; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy, or despotism in some form, is all that is left. do not forget the position assumed by some, that constitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court; nor do deny that such decisions must be bindmg in any case, upon the parties to a suit, as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect and consideration, in all paralel cases, by all other devartrnents of the, government. And while it is obviously possible that such decision may be, D, 5. erroneous in any given case, still the evll effect following it, being limited, - - to thatparticular c&e,th the chance that it may be over-ruled, and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a aerent practice. At the same time the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the government, upon vital questions, affecting the whole people, is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made, in ordinary litigation between parties, in personal actions, the people will have ceased, to be their own rulers, having, to that extent, practically resigned their government, into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor is there, in this view, any assault upon the court, or the judges. t is a duty, from which they may not shtulk, to decide cases properly brought before them; and it is no fault of theirs, if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes. One section of our country believes slavery is right, and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive slave clause of the Constitution, and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade, are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, think, annot be perfectly cured; and it would be worse in both cases a$er the separation of the sections, than before. The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction, in one section; while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all, by the other. THE SPEECHES AND WRTNGS OF ABRAHAM LNCOLN 95 Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence, and beyond the reach of each other; but the different parts of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face; and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. s it possible then to make that intercourse more advantageous, or mor; satisfactory, a$er separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens, than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; and when, afier much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you. This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amendmg it, or their revolutionary right to dismember, or overthrow it. can not be ignorant of the fact that many worthy, and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the national constitution amended. While make no recommendation of amendments, fully recognize the rightll authority of the people over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and should, under existing circumstances, favor, rather than oppose, a fair oppertunity being afforded the people to act upon it. will venture to add that, to me, the convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take, or reject, propositions, originated by others, not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such, as they would wish to either accept or refuse. understand a proposed amendment to the Constitutionwhich amendment, however, have not seen, has passed Congress, to the effect that the federal government, shall never interfere with the \/ domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of what have said, depart from my \ purpose not to speak of particular amendments, so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, have no objection to its being made express, and irrevocable. The Chef Magistrate derives all his authority fiom the people, and

96 THS FERY TRAL they have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the States. The people themselves can do this also if they choose; but the executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer the present government, as it came to his hands, and to transmit it, unimpaired by him, to his successor. Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? s there any better, or equal hope, in the world? n our present differences, is either party without faith of being in the right? f the Almighty Ruler of nations, with his eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth, and that * justice, will surely prevail, by the judgment of this great tribunal, the American people. By the frame of the government under which we live, this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief; and have, with equal wisdom, provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals. W e the people retain their virtue, and vigilence, no administration, by any extreme of wickedness or folly, can very seriously injure the government, in the short space of four years. My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well, upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. f there be an object to hurry any of you, in hot haste, to a step whch you would never take deziberatezy, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied, still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the new administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. f it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied, hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. ntelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him, who has never yet forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust, in the best way, all our present difficulty c7 n your hands, my dissatisfied fellow countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail you. You can have no conflict, without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in Heaven to destroy the government, while shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect and defend it. THE SPEECHES AND WRTNGS OF ABRAHAM LNCOLN am loth to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, streching from every battle-field, and patriot grave, to every heart and hearthstone, all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature. "To suppress said combinations" Proclamation calling the militia, Apd 5,86 4 Consistently maintaining that the war was a domestic rebellion, the United States neverformally declared war on the Confederacy. nstead, Fllowing the anack on Fort Sumter Lincoln called on the states to provide troops to put down what he designated nr "combinations" in the South that were resisting$deral authority. Underestimating the magnitude of the militlry challenge the Union conjhnted, Lincoln summoned only 75,000 troops to serve fir three months. Like northern public opin- i ion at the beginning of the war, Lincoln did not fmrcee how long and dificult the conflict would be. Four days lat~ he proclaimed a blockade of the southern coast. Whereas the laws of the United States have been for some time past, and now are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Horida, Mississippi, Louisiana and Texas, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the Marshals by law, Now therefore,, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution, and the laws, have thought fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, the militia of the several States of the Union, to the aggregate number of seventy-five thousand, in order to suppress said combinations, and to cause the laws to be duly executed. The details, for this object, will be immediately communicated to the State authorities through the War Department. appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate and aid this effort to maintain the honor, the integrity, and the existence of our National 97