Lopez 1 Dance in Maya Art: Ritual Performance of the Classic Maya. University of Wisconsin - Milwaukee Ronald E. McNair Scholars Undergraduate Research Summer Program 2008 Juan J Lopez Department of Art History Mentor: Andrea J. Stone
Lopez 2 Abstract This research is a study of the characteristics of Maya dance during the Early to Late Classical periods, which is approximately 250 CE to 900 CE. The artistic expression of the Maya culture developed its highest aesthetic in art during this period and much of the images in the artwork relate to dance. The practice of dance in Maya cultures had several purposes, but the most prominent were religious and political. The objective of this research is to discover the characteristics and purposes of dance in ritual performance and also analyzing further implications within Maya culture. Examples of dance aspects to be studied are the identification of movement quality, its choreography, performance intention and religious connotation. The study also explores dance s metaphoric meanings such as transformation through movement and production of energy. The methodology will be based on the analysis of evidence documented in the visual arts found in archeological sites like Palenque, and Tikal. This research follows the standards of art history in the application of formal and contextual analysis of art media, including the study of composition, style, iconography, etc. The selection of art objects to be studied display dance scenes in relation to mythological figures depicted in ceramics and basrelief. The outcome of this research can serve as support for the investigation of dance characteristics at Chichen Itza during the Postclassical period. Here the constants of beauty, ease, proportion, vitality, technical mastery, of the communication of ecstasy to the beholder, are within one s body-soul. And the greatest constant of all is that we experience a rhythmic beauty, the activity of God Himself. Ted Shawn. (Brown 1979:32)
Lopez 3 Design and Methodology This project follows the research guidelines in Art History with the formal and contextual analysis in artwork. I have selected artwork that contains images of dance with the purpose of dance identification and categorization of poses, movements, and gestures. Consequently, the analysis will lead to the study of visual composition, iconographic elements and conventional trends that can show development of style. Secondly, the contextual analysis will complement the content of the images with historical implications, cultural exploration, and socio-political developments. In order to investigate the content and context of a relief in a stela the following guiding questions will apply: What is displayed in the artwork? If it is a human figure, who is portrayed? What is the impact of the artwork for the general audience? Having an understanding of contextual and formal art analysis, I can lead the research to further implications such as the meaning and the impact of the art work for its audience. The methodology of this research requires the critical analysis of different academic sources that relate to Maya dance and its significance. Following the investigations of other scholars will guide my own interpretation of dance through visual evidences. For instance, most scholars in Maya art state that dance was utilized for ritual performance, in which Maya kings and nobility personified divine figures to ask favors, protection or to offer sacrifices (Looper 1991, Stuart and Houston 1995). These scholars make observations about Maya conception and theory of the transformations of human to god while practicing ritual dancing. Ultimately, their observations provide a general context, which will help to formulate my opinion to contrast or support their research. Finally, the research process for this project will follow the model of deduction by studying a general context and focusing in major key concepts. I am interested in providing as much contextual information about Maya dance in order to avoid misconceptions and cultural subjectivity for my readers. Maya dance had several purposes in the cultural and social context and the use of a deduction method based in visual analysis, I can deduct that ritual performance was considered more important over social dance. This form of analysis allows me to complement the product of my research because it includes the point of view from several other scholars in the field.
Lopez 4 Contextual analysis of Maya Dance Dance was an important form of expression for the Maya and its significance is documented in several ethnographic, literary and artistic sources. Dance as any other form of art, is a reflection of the culture in which it was produced. Therefore dance can provide information about the history, geography, ecological environment, religion and political systems of a particular society. Maya culture is rich in dance practices and it can be studied through the documentation of ethnographers and literary sources. The friar Diego de Landa was one of the first Maya missionaries that arrived from Spain in 1549 to establish Christianity in the Yucatán area. Landa wrote his observations about the Yucatec Maya in his book titled Relación de las cosas de Yucatán or The Relation of the things from Yucatán. I am taking this book into consideration for this research because it is the earliest ethnographic study of Maya culture. However, I am aware of the cultural and chronological differences from the Maya in Chichen Itza during the sixteen century and to the Maya in the southern lowlands during the Classical period (250-800 AD). The latter is the subject for my research, but Landa s anthropological study is still a valuable source to investigate common facts about Maya dance performance. There are significant differences between the Yucatec Maya of the Post Classic period to the Classic Maya in sites such as Palenque, Yaxchilán or Tikal, Chichen Itza emerged in the northern arid peninsula of Yucatán during the Terminal Classic period (900-1000 AD) when the Classical sites declined in the southern rainforests. Landa mentions two major dances in his observations and describes their choreography, costumes and objects for performance. One dance is called Colomche or game of reeds, where male performers dance in a circle accompanied with music. Two dancers come out of the circle, one dances squatting and the other maintains a standing position, but they keep the same movement with the rest of the dancers. The one standing up throws reeds to the one squatting, who skillfully catches the reeds with a short stick. They dance back to the circle and another pair of dancers repeats the same actions. Landa does not title the other major dance, but he mentions that approximately eight hundred men performed in precise choreography while carrying small flags. The length of the dance session was extensive because the performers danced all day and other people provided them with food and drinks. Landa notes that men did not usually dance with women, but he does not specify if it was during this particular performance (Landa 1973:39). The Colomche dance seems to have aspects of entertainment performance, where the men displayed their abilities to manipulate objects during the dance. These types of performances may relate to courtship because the men have the opportunity to show their skills and control of movement. The control of movement can be essential for hunting, so the females may be interested in observing who the best performer is. The dance involving eight hundred men with small flags may relate to martial performance. By implying that the majority of the performers followed the same choreography and did not miss any steps shows the significance of discipline in the dance. It can also be military training to prepare soldiers for war, where the dance consists in dancing all day to increase their stamina and endurance. The product of this dance will be beneficial for battle because the soldier has a physical discipline and strength.
Lopez 5 Another important source for Maya dance interpretation derives from the Quiché mythological story of the Popol Vuh. The story narrates the creation of humanity and the journey of the twin heroes Hunahpu and Xbalanke to defeat the lords of the underworld or Xibalba. In his master s thesis, Matthew Looper investigates dance contents in the Popol Vuh and suggests further meanings in Maya cultural perspective. Looper focuses on two dance scenes in the story of the twin heroes and he titles one as the Calling of the Monkeys. In this sequence, the twin heroes transform their half brothers Hun Baatz and Hun Chowen into monkeys as revenge for mistreatment. The heroes warn their grandmother not to laugh at the monkeys as they are coming out from the woods. The twin heroes play music and call the monkeys, but the monkeys dance is very comical, so the grandmother cannot stop laughing. They repeat the same calling four times and each time the grandmother laughs, then the monkeys ran into the woods and did not come back. The author implies that one aspect of Maya dance was to change social status and he emphasizes the interaction of audience and performer during the rituals when he states, Dance, then, both symbolizes and actualizes the inversion of status of Hun Baatz and Hun Chowen, and this transformation, like magic and the interdependence of performer and audience is a characteristic of shamanistic performance (Looper 1991:31). The second dance scene of the Popol Vuh describes how the twin heroes defeat the lords of Xibalba with a dance performance. The twins were captured and destroyed in an oven and their remains were thrown in a river. Days later, the twins recover themselves and dress as dancers, who became famous for their performances. The lords of Xibalba heard about their performances and called the disguised twins to entertain the lords. Looper narrates the following events: They appear before the lords and, without revealing their identity, perform their dances. They sacrifice and revived a dog and a man, and then Xbalanke, still dancing, decapitates and digs out the heart of Hunahpu, reviving him at the end. The lords are swept up in the emotion of the moment and undergo sacrifice themselves. They are not revived (Looper 1991:32). In both passages we see how the intention of dance is partially the responsibility of the dancer, but the product of the performance is the reaction from the audience. In the first passage we see the monkeys as the dance performers, the twin heroes as musicians and the grandmother as the audience (Looper 1991:31). The result of this performance was the retreat of the monkeys because the grandmother could not restrain her laugher, even when the twins asked her not to laugh. By playing the music, the twin heroes manipulated the intentions of the dance and the product of the performance, which relies in teasing a reaction from the audience. The defeat of the Xibalba lords is defined with the same formula, where the product of the performance is the lords emotion and desire to be part of the performance. The action of the twin heroes during their dance for the lords of Xibalba leads to additional interpretation. The heroes transform themselves as dancers and with their dance they create and destroy objects, animals, people and themselves. The action of creation and destruction in a dance performance was the amazement of the lords of Xibalba, which ends with the destruction of the lords and the rebirth of the twin s
Lopez 6 father. These aspects of dance intention, product, and action, play a major role in the significance of dance the Maya society, particularly among the elite and royalty. Some of the contemporary ritual of the Tzutuhil in the highlands of Guatemala may indicate similarities to the dance practices of the Classic Maya. Allen J. Christenson conducted an ethnographic study in Santiago Atitlán and describes a local ritual performed on the day of the dead. A priest or nab eysil leads the ceremony to worship Martín, a local deity. The ritual consists of a dance to ensure the cyclic rebirth of the world. During the ritual, the priest can achieve supernatural abilities to see beyond time and distance, so he can communicate with the ancestors and Martín. There is a sequence of dance performances that involve wearing the skins of a deer and using a sacred bundle, which contains old garments considered to be the skin of Martín. The priest wears these garments and dances to activate their essence and it is in this moment when the priest becomes holy. In the holy state, the priest stands with his arms extended to the sides and the audience approaches him one by one to kiss the garments. The priest uses this pose to represent Martín, who is believed to be the maize, rain and life god (Christenson 2005: 91-96). Several characteristics of the ritual described by Christenson relate to Looper s analysis of dance scenes of the Popol Vuh. The audience generates the product of the performance, while the performer provides his intentions to bring Martín into and to renew this world. The audience provides the supposed energy to the garments of Martín by kissing them after the priest s performance. The Maya had a distinctive philosophy for the use of movement in ritual performance; they perceived the generative energy source in dance and they translated it into divine energy. This is the energy that charges the sacred objects such as bundles and deity images when the performer uses them during a dance (Looper 1991: 22). Several of the components of dance and ritual among the people in Santiago Atitlán resemble the content found in Classic Maya art. The elements of dance described by Landa, Looper and Christenson are abundant in visual arts from different Classic sites. Analysis of Dance in Maya art Depictions of dance in Maya art shared similar conventions in the presentation of body posture, indication of movement and hand gestures. Dance can be identified when the human figure is raising one heel and slightly bending the knee. The indication of movement is also suggested by the swinging of the loincloth or other garments (Schele and Miller 1986: 272). There is not much knowledge about the quality of the movement or the expression that could have been perceived during the performance, but the illustrations in art can provide a sense of movement quality. The images represented in art can guide the viewer to suggest meaning of the performance and its purpose. In the majority of cases, the relationship of dance and religion is merged in the portrayal of deities or kings impersonating divine figures. The proliferation of dance images in Maya art can be found in pottery pieces such as plates, vessels or other containers. The plate titled Tikal dancer (Figure 1) is an example of
Lopez 7 representation of the maize god with his conventional dance position. The plate shows the frontal view of a male figure lifting his right heel while maintain his toe on the floor. His knee bends slightly to the side, so his body weight is placed on the left leg. This implies that he will alternate the weight to the right leg in order to continue a fluid movement. Both arms are stretched to the side with the left bending at the elbow toward the waist. The gestures of his hands are stylized to produce length for his right arm and acute angles for his left arm. He is facing to the left, which can be an indication of the movement direction of his torso. If the figure could alternate the positions from side to side, it would produce a movement similar to a waltz. The flowing appearance of the arms and hands resembles the movement of the corn foliage produce by a breeze (Miller and Simon 2004: 52). Figure 1: Plate, Tikal "Dancer" Style. Dimensions: 30.5 cm Maya, Late Classic Period Drawing by John Montgomery, after Kerr K1271. The position, gestures, attributes and the actual movement of the maize god has a great significance in the dance and ritual performance among the Classic Maya. As we saw in the ritual performance for the deity Martín in Santiago Atitlán, the priest extended the arms alluding to the position of the maize god. The importance of this position refers to the movement and growth of corn, which further alludes to the cyclical planting and harvesting of the plant. For the Classic Maya, the perception of the maize god dancing was the constant resurrection and death; therefore the maize god s dance is a dance of rebirth (Looper 1991:105). This concept applies to the previous connotations of dance and ritual, where movement implies a renovation of spiritual energy of creation and destruction. Dance in Maya art also displayed a celebration of natural events such as rain, birth or harvesting seasons. Agriculture was a fundamental factor for the development of Maya civilization, so the religious appreciation for the rain god Chac and the maize god is commonly display in art. Both gods are represented in dancing actions in several art forms and their movement suggests energy and transformation. The aspects of energy and transformation had a
Lopez 8 powerful meaning in the Maya culture and several rulers used dance performances to impersonate these gods and display control of their divine energy. An example of a ruler impersonating a god is shown in a Palenque wall panel from the Late Classic period (Figure 2). The central figure has the same conventional dance elements in Maya art as figure 1, but the artistic style of the relief has a more naturalistic appearance. At the center of the composition there is a man who represents K'inich K'an Joy Chitam II, who is dancing as the god Chac or the rain god. The seated figures are the parents of the performer who observe the practice in reverence. The god impersonator is shown lifting his left foot from the floor and turning his face to the right. He is also raising his left arm holding an axe and an artifact with his right hand. His posture emphasizes the juxtaposition of the body extremities by having the right arm and leg bent. He is dancing barefoot, but he wears ankle bracelets, a loincloth, a pectoral and an elaborate headdress. The elements of his costume have identifiable attributes of the god Chac, such as the seashells earplugs and shell diadem. Additionally he is holding the serpent handle axe as a symbol of lightning (Schele and Miller 1986:275). Figure 2: Carved limestone panel Palenque, Chiapas, México Late Classic Period A.D. 722 Drawing by Linda Schele Dumbarton Oaks Washington, DC The movement qualities of the figures dancing seemed to have been studied for performance. If this is true, the dances for ritual and god impersonation may have followed
Lopez 9 rehearsed and choreographed design. The rulers used to dance when they practiced political activities such as diplomatic relations, ascension to the throne or sharing power with other leaders (Looper 1991: 95). The rulers may have had a person in charge for the creation of dances, in other words, a choreographer. The occupation of the person was titled Holpop and he was in charge of dance and singing productions (Barrera 1987:66). The movement of the dances should have been carefully designed in order to have an effective product of performance. This means that movement must have the ability to be read easily by the community during the performance, instead of leaving space for interpretation. Principal dance practices had religious and ritualistic characteristics in which the performer produces movement as a form of prayer or penitence. The dancer would perform choreographies that may have been created or passed down from generation to generation. The dance personification of gods by rulers served as a way to express in movement, their divine presence and their power over the city they ruled. Dance helped them to expose physically the idea of god in person, where they invite the deity to use their body (Houston 2006:145). Males perform the majority of the impersonations of deities, but women also performed on some occasion (Houston and Stuart 1995:299). The Maya elite had the responsibility to bring divine figures to life by using their bodies. They also used dance to communicate this event to their communities (Grube 1992:215). Conclusion and Results The quality of dance in Maya performance imitated the movement of the natural environment such as vegetation, weather, and animals. The Maya created dance pieces based on their observations in nature and they applied those movement and concepts in ritual performance. The major deities in the Maya pantheon are representations of flora, fauna or natural elements. The Maya merged human physical aspects to environmental objects to create divine figures, each with unique attributes. The choreographers conceptualized the attributes of the gods to create ritual dances and they complemented the movement from the natural object in question. For example, one of the most important dance scenes in ceramics is the image of the maize god dancing. A corn stalk is conceptualized as a young, handsome male who is usually dancing frontally with his arms extended similar to the corn leaves moved by the wind. It is important to notice that the Maya merged human bodies and elements from their environment to create the gods. They then impersonated these gods by using their bodies during dance performance. In their observations of the world, the Maya noticed physical transformations in their environment, transformations that required sources of energy to be completed. For instance, they contemplated the transformation of corn grains into stalks with required rain. In our understanding we know that matter is never destroyed, but it is transformed and the Maya understood this concept in religious contexts. They also identify the cyclic transformations of the seasons and they practiced the starting and ending of cycles with rituals. The human body also undergoes transformation and apart from biological changes, the Maya saw dance as transformation as well. In fact, the basic dance elements of movement, time and space imply a controlled transformation of the body, where the dancer imitates movement to convey meaning.
Lopez 10 Maya rulers utilized dance as a form of ritual through the practice of ritual performances to differentiate themselves from the rest of the community. They used the concept of transformation to present themselves as gods with the aid of dance. They complemented the performance by using costumes and selection of event and location. The rulers may have experienced the energy of dance performance and they believed that this energy was a source from a supernatural being visiting their bodies with the aid of music and movement.
Lopez 11 References: Barrera, Alfredo. 1987. Los Mayas: Historia, Literatura, Teatro, Danza. Mérida, Yucatán, México: Talleres Gráficos del Sudoeste S.A. de C.V. Christenson, Allen J. 2005. Dancing in the Footsteps of the Ancestors. In Fields, Virginia M and Reents-Budet, Dorie, Eds. 2005. Lords of Creation: The Origins of Sacred Maya Kingship. Los Angeles, CA: Scala Publishers Ltd. Houston, Stephen and Stuart, David. 1995. Of Gods, glyphs and kings: divinity and rulership among the Classic Maya. Antiquity 70: 289-312. Houston, Stephen. Impersonation, Dance, and the Problem of Spectacle among the Classic Maya. In Inomata, Takeshi, and Cohen, Lawrence, Eds. 2006. Archeology of Performance: Theaters of Power, Community, and Politics. Lanham, MD: AltaMira Press. Landa, Diego de. 1973. Relación de las cosas de Yucatán. México city, México: Editorial Porrua S. A. Looper, Matthew. 1991. The dances of the Ancient Maya Deities Chak and Hun Nal Ye. Austin, TX. University of Texas at Austin Miller, Mary Ellen, and Simon, Martin. 2004. Courtly Art of the Ancient Maya. San Francisco: Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco; New York: Thames & Hudson. Brown, Jean M.1979. The Vision of Modern Dance. Princeton N.J: Princeton book company: 32 Schele, Linda, and Miller, Mary Ellen. 1986. The Blood of Kings: Dynasty and Ritual in Maya Art. Fort Worth, TX: Kimbell Art Museum. Taube, Karl. 1989. Ritual Humor in Classic Maya Religion. In Hanks, William F. and Rice, Don S. Eds, World and Image in Maya Culture: Explorations in Language, Writing, and Representation. Salt Lake City, UT: University of Utah Press.