Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org) RELIGIOUS ORTHODOXY AND TRANS-CONFESSIONAL PRACTICES IN COLONIAL NEW YORK AND SOUTH CAROLINA Susanne Lachenicht Belin «Revue française d études américaines» 2014/4 n 141 pages 21 à 31 ISSN 0397-7870 ISBN 9782701191416 Article disponible en ligne à l'adresse : -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- https://www.cairn.info/revue-francaise-d-etudes-americaines-2014-4-page-21.htm -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Pour citer cet article : -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Susanne Lachenicht, «Religious Orthodoxy and Trans-Confessional Practices in Colonial New York and South Carolina», Revue française d études américaines 2014/4 (n 141), p. 21-31. DOI 10.3917/rfea.141.0021 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Distribution électronique Cairn.info pour Belin. Belin. Tous droits réservés pour tous pays. La reproduction ou représentation de cet article, notamment par photocopie, n'est autorisée que dans les limites des conditions générales d'utilisation du site ou, le cas échéant, des conditions générales de la licence souscrite par votre établissement. Toute autre reproduction ou représentation, en tout ou partie, sous quelque forme et de quelque manière que ce soit, est interdite sauf accord préalable et écrit de l'éditeur, en dehors des cas prévus par la législation en vigueur en France. Il est précisé que son stockage dans une base de données est également interdit.
Religious Orthodoxy and Trans-Confessional Practices in Colonial New York and South Carolina Susanne Lachenicht In the early modern period the Catholic Church and most Protestant denominations opted as much as confessional states did for the purity and orthodoxy of the established faith. In many, but not all early modern states, rulers sought to make their subjects share their own beliefs, according to the ius reformandi. Religious institutions were eager to keep their flocks away from other churches. Hence, trans-confessional practices, namely moving in and out of diverse religious institutions with a view to baptism, marriage, funeral, poor relief, or Sunday services, were prohibited by church and state in many cases at least. Religious border-crossing beyond Christianity was even more problematic. Spanish conversos Sephardi Jews having converted to Catholicism and Christian Moors were notorious suspects in early modern Europe and the Atlantic World. Churches and states, throughout Europe, struggled for the authority of their teachings, also because pre-christian or pagan beliefs and practices survived through much of the eighteenth century. With the European expansion, the religious landscape became even more complex. Contacts with African and Native American religions, as well as missionary efforts in Africa and the Americas enhanced religious border crossing and syncretism. The history of religions in the Atlantic world has, more often than not, been written as Catholic, Protestant, or missionary histories. The scholarship on Lutheran churches in the colony of Pennsylvania that deals with the arrival of Lutherans and the establishment of churches and ecclesiastical structures has rarely looked at religious encounters with other Europeans living in the colonies, or with Africans or Native Americans. Religious border-crossing in the Atlantic World, however, was common practice. While church and state would have liked to rule out trans-confessional practices and religious combinations, those were part of peoples daily experiences. Revue Française d Études Américaines 21
Susanne Lachenicht So far, scholars who have worked on religious encounters have focused their research on contacts between Africans, Native Americans, and Europeans, and more particularly on Christian missions. Among those who have studied religious border-crossing and trans-confessional practices among Europeans in the Atlantic world, one may quote Charles H. Glatfelder, Pastors and People: German Lutheran and Reformed Churches in the Pennsylvania Field, 1717-1793 (1981) and Mark Häberlein, The Practice of Pluralism: Congregational Life and Religious Diversity in Lancaster, Pennsylvania, 1730-1820 (2009). The scarcity of research on the subject is somewhat surprising, for historians of early modern Europe and the Atlantic world are well aware that mercantilism and population theories, such as Pufendorf s, encouraged the accommodation of ethnic and religious minorities in the process of empire and state building (Lachenicht 195). The settlement of minorities increased the number of inhabitants, strengthened the economy, and re-enforced the military power of states and empires and that implied the co-existence of and contacts between peoples of different ethnic and religious origins. In this essay, I use the example of the Huguenots to show how, when confronted with trans-confessional practices, Protestant churches and sects, other than Anglican, attempted to establish and maintain the orthodoxy of their faith in the provinces of New York and South Carolina. Since the sources for trans-confessional practices in colonial New York are more abundant than those for South Carolina, New York receives more attention. While New York, under Dutch and then English rule, has often been perceived as a safe haven for religious minorities and an example of toleration policies which is not entirely correct, as Evan Haefeli has shown the Carolinas have been described as a genuine Anglican colony, which is not exactly true either. The second part of this paper looks at confessional and trans-confessional practices in both colonies. The focus is on the causes of trans-confessional practices, not on their effects and implications. In the seventeenth century, Huguenots had already established themselves within much of the first British Empire: in New York (and, prior to 1674, New Amsterdam), Boston, Surinam, Charleston, the West Indies and various other port cities. In the 1630s, there were plans to relocate a large number of Huguenot settlers in the region named Carolana. However, Sir Robert Heath, Attorney General under Charles I of England and founder of Carolana, refrained from colonizing his lands with French Calvinists lacking Anglican conformity (Koppermann 6-7; Powell). It was not until the 1670s and 1680s, before the onset of severe persecutions in France, that new projects to establish Huguenots in the Carolinas were devised. In 1679, René Petit and Jacob Guérard brought Huguenot settlers to South Carolina (Van Ruymbeke 2005, 4). The newcomers settled in Charleston, French Santee, Orange Quarter, Goose Creek, and various other places, where they lived next to English Anglican, Quaker and 22 n 141 4 e trimestre 2014
Religious Orthodoxy and Trans-Confessional Practices Presbyterian settlers. In 1690, one eighth of South Carolina s white population was of Huguenot descent, in 1722 numbers had increased and reached 20% (Nash 212). From the beginning, Huguenots expected the proprietors of the Carolinas to grant them religious freedom, as many writings advertising the Carolinas make clear (Van Ruymbeke 2006, 36-7). In his famous A Frenchman in Virginia, Durand de Dauphiné, a Huguenot, reassures his countrymen: They [Huguenots] would be required to use the book of common prayer [of the Anglican Church], but when they preached to French people alone they could hold services in the same manner they had been accustomed to do in France (Durand 50).The Lords Proprietors, however, wanted to establish an Anglican colony and expected all settlers to conform to the Anglican Church. 1 In 1670, they instructed the Carolana Council to allow the erection of churches only to be employed in the Exercise of Religion according to the Church of England [ ] the only true and Orthodox, and the National Religion of all the King s Dominions (Parkers 181, 227). However, in 1682 this passage was changed in order to attract Scottish settlers, English dissenters and French Huguenots (Ibid.). From then onward the Church of England was called the Religion of the Government of England (Parker 101, 127). While in the early 1680s Anglican conformism had not played a significant role in South Carolina, the Fundamental Constitutions held in 1698 that the Anglican Church was to be the only true and Orthodox [church] (Van Ruymbeke 2006, 174). 2 Marriages by non-conformist pastors were considered illegal. New Amsterdam had known an influx of Walloon migrants, then Huguenots from the 1620s onward. After the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685, French Calvinist settlers fled the French Caribbean and re-settled in the Province of New York. The governor, Edmund Andros, granted them religious freedom. Official conformism with regard to the Church of England was not yet required. Around 1700, 200 French reformed families lived in what 1. In 1629, Sir Robert Heath, had become the first proprietor of Carolana. After his charter had been declared invalid, King Charles II of England granted the Carolanas to a number of members of the aristocracy that had supported the Stuarts in their return to the English throne. The Lords Proprietors were Edward Hyde, 1 st Earl of Clarendon, George Monck, 1 st Duke of Albemarle, William Craven, 1 st Earl of Craven, John Berkeley, 1 st Baron Berkeley of Stratton, Anthony Ashley Cooper, 1 st Earl of Shaftesbury, Sir George Carteret, Sir William Berkeley (brother of John), and Sir John Colleton. Shaftesbury proved most interested in the colony and became its leading proprietor. 2. A first version of the Fundamental Constitutions was drafted by John Locke in 1669. This version guaranteed religious freedom to a large extent. The Fundamental Constitutions were modified in 1698, but were never implemented as most settlers in the Carolinas, especially in the Southern counties, preferred the more liberal charter of 1665. The colony s assembly never ratified the Fundamental Constitutions. They were thus largely abandoned in 1700. Revue Française d Études Américaines 23
Susanne Lachenicht is today New York City, together with 450 Dutch Reformed Calvinist and 90 Anglican families (Butler 47, 147). In 1677, twelve Huguenot and Walloon families settled in New Paltz, in the Hudson Valley (Wheeler Carlo 2005, 19). In 1686, Jacob Leisler established a Huguenot colony at New Rochelle, where two Quaker, four Lutheran and three Dutch families also resided (Voorhees 325). However, religious freedom was constrained, when in 1689 and then in 1696 the Church of England officially required Anglican conformity in the province of New York. The Board of Trade and Plantations made attempts at anglicanizing all English colonies in North America. The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts (SPG), the Church of England s missionary arm, founded in 1701, sought to impose Anglican conformity on the settlers in the colonies in North America. Due to the scarcity of clergy, a number of pastors involved in the SPG were French and Dutch Reformed and Lutheran ministers. Officially re-ordained by and conforming to the Anglican Church, they nonetheless held services and preached in non-conformist ways to their respective churches. As such they have to be considered trans-confessional agents. Despite official conformism, some Huguenot ministers considered the Anglican Church to be not only a persecutor of Presbyterians, but also too close to Catholicism (Fontaine 133). In New York, the consistory of the French Reformed Église du Saint Esprit, established in 1688, refused French pastors who had been re-ordained by the Anglican Church, such as Jacques Laborie in the late 1690s and Louis Rou in the 1720s. For the consistory, Rou was an Anglican sympathiser (Wheeler Carlo 2006, 111). The consistory insisted that it was necessary to conform to the Church de nous conformer aux saints canons de l Église, & aux reglemens particuliers de la Discipline des Églises reformées de France (NYHS, Consistory Minutes June and July 1774). Still in the 1760s, some French Protestants, if only a minority, supported New York s French church, the Église du Saint Esprit, so that the said Church shall continue to be moderated and governed in Peace, conformable to the Discipline of the Reformed Churches of France (NYHS, Abstracts of Last Wills 4: 418). While the Église du Saint Esprit accepted non-french pastors in some cases, such as the German Reformed minister Blumer, they refused, up to 1802, Anglican pastors and proselytes and vehemently objected Anglican conformity despite growing financial difficulties and a decrease in members (NYHS, Registre des Résolutions 5 Jan. 1757; Lachenicht 309-324). New York s French church consistory minutes followed the same line: [ ] non que Nous ne Regardions l Église anglicane comme une véritable Église de Jesus Christ notre Seigneur, mais par le Respect pour nos predecesseurs qui ont Etably & fondé notre Église, que nous desirons de conserver & Maintenir sur le meme pied qu elle est établie, ce qui a été le sentiment unanime de tous les Membres du Comité (NYHS, Registre des Résolutions, 8 Jan. 1764). 24 n 141 4 e trimestre 2014
Religious Orthodoxy and Trans-Confessional Practices The fact that French Reformed identity had to be preserved in honor of its persecuted ancestors is illustrated by John Pintard s letters dating from the early nineteenth century. A Huguenot descendant, married to a Methodist, and trustee (vestryman) of the New York Église du Saint Esprit, he wrote, in 1816, to one of his daughters in Florida: How can I abandon the Church erected by my pious ancestors! As a Huguenot descendant of the fourth generation, Pintard felt obliged to uphold the Church of my Forefathers & to pay my adoration where our pious ancestors poured forth their orisons [sic] to our Heavenly Father (Pintard I: 3-4). Together with other vestrymen of the formerly French Reformed church of New York, Pintard made sure that from 1802 onward all pastors of the now officially Anglican Église du Saint Esprit were Swiss reformed pastors from French-speaking Geneva, Lausanne or Neuchâtel (NYHS, Procédés des Trustees). Bertrand Van Ruymbeke has shown that the Huguenot church of Charleston, in South Carolina, refused to officially conform to Anglicanism although some of its first pastors, Laurentius van Bosch and François Guichard, had been re-ordained by the Anglican Church (2006, 116-21). In Orange Quarter (later St. Denis) and in Santee, official conformism came in 1706 (Ibid. 127-32). A closer look reveals, however, that Anglican conformism there was rather superficial. In 1710, the French Reformed and Anglican pastor Jean Lapierre wrote to the SPG headquarters in London that English Anglican and French Reformed settlers attended services at the officially conforming church in St. Denis, but from 1716 on, attempts to fully anglicanize the French-speaking church in St. Denis were met with increasing opposition. The congregation declared to be independent of the Anglican Church and hired a French Reformed pastor, Pierre Stouppe (who later, however, became an Anglican sympathiser [Wheeler Carlo 2006, 111]). In 1719, a Moravian brother, Christian George, served as pastor of the French Reformed church in St. Denis/Orange Quarter. Also with regard to Santee, complaints were sent to the Bishop of London, head of the SPG, that the Huguenots there did not fully accept Anglican conformism (in Wheeler Carlo 2005, 16). In St. James, at Goose Creek, the Anglican Church had absorbed the Huguenot community. However, the Huguenot pastor of the church, Francis Le Jau (also re-ordained by the Anglican bishop), remarked that the French settlers were mostly dissenters who refused Anglican conformity (SPG papers series A 5, letter of Le Jau of 1 Feb. 1710). The famous Huguenot-Anglican alliance in the British colonies, for which historians such as Robert Kingdon and Patrice Higonnet have argued, disintegrates if we look at the Huguenot elites in the New York French Reformed consistory, or at some of the French Reformed churches in the provinces of New York and South Carolina. More than just a few recalcitrant Calvinist Refugees, more cohesively French, more rural, and Revue Française d Études Américaines 25
Susanne Lachenicht less well off than their anglicanized and assimilated compatriots were determined to stick to the faith of their ancestors, to uphold the orthodoxy of their faith (Kingdon 317-35). Many French pastors and church consistories attempted to establish a Protestant France abroad ( une France protestante à l étranger ) as French historian Etienne François put it in 1990, in an article on Huguenot colonists within the Electorate of Brandenburg (François 235). The story is more complex, though. While some Huguenot consistories made desperate attempts at upholding the orthodoxy of the French Reformed faith and the faith of their persecuted ancestors, their flocks increasingly adopted trans-confessional practices. Already in the 1690s, Huguenots in colonial New York attended Dutch and French Reformed churches (Abeel XVII). Others, from the early 1700s on, went to the Anglican Trinity Church or moved between the French, Dutch Reformed and Anglican churches in town. The consistory records of the Église du Saint Esprit indicate that trans-confessional practices increased, whenever members of the church were dissatisfied with their pastor or the church lacked its own pastor and was dependent on visiting pastors from other Huguenot churches in North America and the Caribbean (Lachenicht 309-24). In the 1760s, even members of the French church s consistory such as the elder François Basset attended other churches in New York, besides his own, to listen to other pastors sermons (NYHS, Livre de Mémoire 24 Nov 1767). Another reason was intermarriage that often led families to flock to two and more churches at the same time (Ibid. Summer 1767). To quote again from the letters of John Pintard, husband of Elizabeth Brasher, an English Methodist, dating from 1816: Mama and herself [his other daughter] are preparing for Church, next Sunday being Communion. I got to [the Eglise du] Saint Esprit in the morning & to Grace Church [the Methodist church] in the afternoon, but Mama & Sister do not like this separation [ ] and: The talents & eloquence of our Minister [Henri Penveyre] attracts a very respectable number, & our congregation [since 1802 officially conforming to the Anglican Church] increases. I only wish that Mama & Sister understood French to attend with me, as this going to different places of worship, especially on Sacrament Sundays is very unpleasant. (Pintard I: 3-4, 278, 280; also II: 29, 39, 221 222, III: 73, IV: 30). In South Carolina, the SPG records document complex trans-confessional practices that worried the missionaries. In 1709, the French Reformed and Anglican pastor Francis Le Jau complained, in a letter to Lambeth Palace, that a great number of men and women who attended his church had never been 26 n 141 4 e trimestre 2014
Religious Orthodoxy and Trans-Confessional Practices baptized. The slaves, whom Le Jau was to catechise, had been baptised by the Spanish and were therefore more Catholic than anything else (Lachenicht 236). Trans-confessional practices were facilitated by the fact that European settlers shared church buildings. This was the case, from 1624 on, for Dutch, Walloon and French Reformed immigrants in New Amsterdam. It was not until 1658 that an independent French-Reformed church was built in New Haarlem (Goodfriend 84). In the late eighteenth century, the French Reformed church of New York shared its place of worship with the German Reformed congregation in the City (NYHS, Procédés des Trustees, 1796-1818). The most important reason for trans-confessional practices, however, was, as described above for New York City, intermarriage and the shortage of pastors. Between 1702 and the 1730s the French Reformed church of New Paltz had no pastor of its own. From time to time, a French Reformed pastor from another Huguenot church came to visit the Huguenot community and held services. During the long vacancy, the Huguenots of New Paltz would attend Dutch Reformed services in Kingston where they also had their children baptized, or relied on lay preachers (Wheeler Carlo 2005, 44-7). In 1731, Johannes van Driessen became pastor of the French Reformed church of New Paltz. Born in Wallonia, he had been ordained by a New Haven presbyter. The Amsterdam Walloon church s Classis (a body representing several Reformed congregations) considered itself the authority of all French Reformed churches in the Province of New York and therefore did not accept van Driessen as a properly ordained pastor. The New Paltz Huguenots ignored the judgement of the Classis, accepted van Driessen, and no longer attended Dutch Reformed services in Kingston. Other dubious pastors followed, such as Theodore Frelinghuysen (1691-1747), a German Reformed pastor with Pietist tendencies, known for his role during the revivals of the early eighteenth century. In the 1770s, the French Huguenot church in New Paltz united with other Dutch reformed churches in North America (Wheeler Carlo 2005, 48-53). In New Rochelle, the way towards Anglican conformity seems to have been a quick one. In 1709, Daniel Bondet, a French Reformed pastor, re-ordained by the Anglican Church and an official missionary of the SPG, made his New Rochelle church officially a conformist one. Some members of the New Rochelle Huguenot church, however, formed a new non-conformist congregation, which worked against the conformist church and pastors until the 1750s. Depending, again, on the availability of a non-conformist pastor, the New Rochelle congregation grew every time they had one at their disposal. In 1808, the non-conformist Huguenot church of New Rochelle united not with the Anglican Church, but with the English-speaking Presbyterian congregation (Wheeler Carlo 2005, 67-8, 70-1). However, even the officially conformist Huguenot church of New Rochelle was a French Calvinist church, as Paula Wheeler Carlo has demonstrated (2005, 88-9, 91). Revue Française d Études Américaines 27
Susanne Lachenicht The lack of suitable marriage partners within both the congregation and ethnic community fostered trans-confessional practices, as well as the shift to another denomination. For the period between 1706 and 1755, the church registers of New York s French Reformed Église du Saint Esprit have no Huguenot marriage on record. This and a variety of other factors has led Jon Butler to argue that the French Reformed church and community in New York quickly disintegrated and assimilated to the dominant Dutch and later English-Anglican population of New York City (Butler 157-60). The church registers of New York s Dutch Reformed church, however, reveal that Huguenots married other Huguenots in that church. All in all the number of bi-confessional and bi-ethnic marriages increased, first between Huguenots and Dutch Reformed, then, from the 1750s onward, between Huguenots and English Anglicans (Ibid. 158-9, 188). In the 1750s, in the Église du Saint Esprit, more than 40% of all marriages were exogamous (NYHS, Registres des mariages). Marriages in New Rochelle were less exogamous than in New York City. Up to the 1760s, most Huguenots married other Huguenots or church members of Walloon descent (Wheeler Carlo, 2005 99-100). In New Paltz, Huguenot patentees made attempts to hinder other Huguenot patentees from marrying outside the Huguenot community. Only from the third and fourth generations onward increasing numbers of mixed marriages can be noted, mostly, though, of Dutch reformed or Presbyterian families (Ibid. 115, 117). Regarding South Carolina, Bertrand van Ruymbeke showed that, for the first generation of Huguenots, marriage outside the French Reformed community was no option. Social endogamy prevailed. Only with the second and third generations of Huguenot settlers in South Carolina did social exogamy become more frequent (Van Ruymbeke 2006, 88-91). Up to the 1740s exogamous marriage was rather the exception than the norm: 40% of all registered Huguenot marriages remained endogamous (Friedlander 252-66, 278-81). Charleston, as a major port city, was different. Huguenot merchants started marrying outside the Huguenot community from the second generation onward mostly English and Anglican women to strengthen trade interests and establish working relations with Anglican merchants. From the second generation onward, 70% of Charleston s Huguenot merchants married non- Huguenot women (Nash 226-7). Conclusion According to Jon Butler, Huguenot cohesion slipped away in New York as surely as it did in Boston and South Carolina. It was already badly shattered by 1710, when assimilation in politics, social life, and the economy already was remarkable. By 1750 Huguenot assimilation and internal disintegration were 28 n 141 4 e trimestre 2014
Religious Orthodoxy and Trans-Confessional Practices virtually complete and awaited only the collapse of New York City s French Church in 1776 (Butler 145). As Paula Wheeler Carlo, Bertrand Van Ruymbeke and myself have shown, a closer look at trans-confessional practices and exogamous marriages indicates that this statement must be nuanced. Even where and when it was required, from the later seventeenth century onward, Anglican conformity was much less a reality than what the scholarship on North America s Huguenots has suggested. Huguenot churches such as the Église du Saint Esprit (in 1804) or New Paltz (around 1772) eventually conformed to the Anglican Church, or united with other Reformed churches, while some of the Huguenot churches which were officially conforming to Anglicanism never became fully anglicanized. Other dissenting churches German Lutheran, Dutch Reformed, Presbyterian and even Moravian seem to have been a better choice than conforming to the Anglican Church. Upholding the orthodoxy of one s faith with a view to remembering past persecutions and paying reverence to persecuted ancestors was a powerful means of resistance. Despite situations of crisis and disintegration in some Huguenot churches in the provinces of New York and South Carolina, Huguenot congregations remained intact up to the later eighteenth and early nineteenth century. Rather than assimilation and acculturation, we see a slow process of amalgamation or creolization in small ethnic and religious communities. In this process trans-confessional practices played a central role as much as economic and social needs. Works cited Abeel, Garrett, ed. Records of Domine Henricus Selyns of New York. New York: Holland Society of New York, 1916 (Collections of the Holland Society of New York, vol. 5). Butler, Jon. The Huguenots in America: A Refugee People in New World Society, Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1983. Durand de Dauphiné. A Frenchman in Virginia, being the memoirs of a Huguenot refugee in 1686, originally published in French in 1687 in The Hague, translated by a Virginian. Privately printed by Harrison Fairfax in 1923. François, Etienne. La mémoire huguenote dans le pays du Refuge. Eds. Frédéric Hartweg & Stefi Jersch-Wenzel. Die Hugenotten und das Refuge. Deutschland und Europa. Beiträge zu einer Tagung. Berlin: Colloquium, 1990. 233-9. Friedlander, Amy F. Carolina Huguenots: A Study in Cultural Pluralism in the Low Country, 1679 1768. Diss. Emory University, 1979. Revue Française d Études Américaines 29
Susanne Lachenicht Glatfelder, Charles H. Pastors and People: German Lutheran and Reformed Churches in the Pennsylvania Field, 1717-1793. Breinigsville, PA: Pennsylvania German Society, 1981. Goodfriend, Joyce D. Before the Melting Pot: Society and Culture in Colonial New York City, 1664 1730. Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 1992. Häberlein, Mark. The Practice of Pluralism: Congregational Life and Religious Diversity in Lancaster, Pennsylvania, 1730-1820. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State UP, 2009. Haefeli, Evan. New Netherland and the Dutch Origins of American Religious Liberty, Philadelphia, PA: U of Pennsylvania P, 2012. Higonnet, Patrice. French. Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups. Ed. Stephan Thernstrom. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1980. 379-86. Kingdon, Robert. Why did the Huguenot refugees in the American colonies become Episcopalians? Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal Church 49 (1980): 317-335. Koppermann, Paul E., Profile of a Failure: The Carolana Project, 1629 1640. North Carolina Historical Review 59 (1982). 1-23. Lachenicht, Susanne. Hugenotten in Europa und Nordamerika. Migration und Integration in der Frühen Neuzeit. Frankfurt/Main and New York: Campus, 2010. Nash, R.C. Huguenot Merchants and the Development of South Carolina s Slave-Plantation and Atlantic Trading Economy, 1680 1775. Eds. Bertrand Van Ruymbeke & Randy J. Sparks Memory and Identity: The Huguenots in France and the Atlantic Diaspora. Columbia, SC: U of South Carolina P, 2003. 208-40. New York Historical Society (NYHS). Abstracts of Last Wills, vols. I XV. New York: New York Historical Society, 1892-1907.. Consistory Minutes 1771-1773.. Livre de Mémoire pour Jaques Buvelot.. Procédés des Trustees de l Eglise Reformée Protestante Française dans la Ville de New York, 1796-1818.. Registres des mariages, baptêmes et sépultures, Église du Saint Esprit.. Registre des Résolutions du Consistoire de l Église Françoise de la Nouvelle York, 1723 1766. Parker, Mattie E., ed. North Carolina Charters and Constitutions, 1578 1698. Raleigh, NC: Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission, 1963. [Pintard, John]. Letters from John Pintard to his daughter Eliza Noel Pintard Davidson, 1816 1833, 4 vols. New York: New York Historical Society, 1940. Powell, William S. Carolana and the Incomparable Roanoke: Explorations and Attempted Settlements, 1629 1663. North Carolina Historical Review 51 (1974): 74-104. Ressinger, Dianne N., ed. Memoirs of the Reverend Jacques Fontaine. London: Huguenot Society, 1992. 30 n 141 4 e trimestre 2014
Religious Orthodoxy and Trans-Confessional Practices Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts (SPG). Records. (1701 ff.). Series A, vols. 1 16; series B, vols. 1 21; series C, vol. 1. Yorkshire, England: Microform Academic Publishers, 1964. Van Ruymbeke, Bertrand. From New Babylon to Eden: The Huguenots and their Migration to Colonial South Carolina, Columbia: U of South Carolina P, 2006.. From Ethnicity to Assimilation: Huguenots and the American Immigration History Paradigm. Eds. Randolph Vigne & Charles Littleton. From Strangers to Citizens: The Integration of Immigrant Communities in Britain, Ireland and Colonial America, 1550 1750. Brighton & Portland: Sussex Academic Press, 2001. 332-41. Voorhees, David William. Jacob Leisler and the Huguenot Network in the English Atlantic World. Eds. Randolph Vigne & Charles Littleton. From Strangers to Citizens: The Integration of Immigrant Communities in Britain, Ireland and Colonial America, 1550 1750. Brighton & Portland: Sussex Academic Press, 2001. 322-31. Wheeler Carlo, Paula, Huguenot Refugees in Colonial New York: Becoming American in the Hudson Valley. Brighton & Portland: Sussex Academic Press, 2005.. The Huguenot Soul. The Calvinism of Reverend Louis Rou. Ed. Anne Dunan- Page. The Religious Culture of the Huguenots, 1660 1750. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006. 109 119. Revue Française d Études Américaines 31