Environmental Communication in India: Lessons from Orissa

Environmental Communication in India: Lessons from Orissa Maitreyee Mishra Assistant Professor, Manipal Institute of Communication, Manipal University, Manipal- 576104, Karnataka, INDIA maitreyee.mishra@manipal.edu 20 th AMIC Annual Conference on Taking Stock of Media and Communication Studies: The Challenges and Opportunities of Globalisation, New Media and the Rise of Asia 24-27 th June 2011, Hyderabad, India Abstract Orissa, one of the poorest states in India with a per capita net state domestic product that is 35 percent below the national average (Panda, 2008), is also one of the country s most ecologically sensitive regions, frequented by droughts, floods, and other calamities. The state s environment and climate has witnessed a drastic change over the last few decades with rising temperatures, massive deforestation, coastal erosion and agricultural decline among several other environmental problems. In 1999, coastal Orissa was faced by a super cyclone that led to the deaths of over 15,000 people and destroyed trees and houses among several other things. Post neo-liberal reforms, Orissa s government has focused extensively on industrialisation through mineral resource extraction to alleviate poverty, often resulting in the displacement of indigenous peoples from their traditional homes that are located in mineral-rich areas of the state. This has also led to the opening of Orissa s natural resources to exploitation by both national and international industrial houses, further causing contamination of water bodies, deforestation and innumerable ecological destruction of these areas. Despite the Orissa government s recognition of Orissa s massive environmental crisis, environmental needs have been pushed aside for larger development goals. The state has a considerable media presence with several newspapers; television and radio channels; and a history of cinema. The mass media of the state have been largely echoing views on industrialisation and private investment as laid out by the state government (Mishra, 2010). There has been a widespread support, in the media, of industrial activities in ecologically fragile areas. This places the mass media of the state in a position of failing to provide adequate information about environmental problems witnessed in the state, particularly when related to industrial activities. There has been a gross absence of environment-related stories in the state s print and electronic media, and where information is available; there is a reliance on information from government sources (Mishra, 2008). Furthermore, the media have largely been bent on blaming the victim for the environmental problems that they have had to bear; largely neglecting the historical biases of development thought. This paper takes a discursive and conceptual approach, using past research and case studies, to understand and analyse the various environmental discourses that have risen in the state s newspapers, while also analysing environmental reporting and communication on television and radio in the state. The paper thus looks at the future and role of environmental communication in a changing physical environment, the challenges faced in communicating ecological change in all its forms, and thus also looking at the role of alternative media and other forms of communication in reporting and addressing environmental issues. Keywords: environmental communication, Orissa, environmental movements, media

Introduction Man s heart away from nature becomes hard. Native American proverb A great deal has changed since the beginning of the environmental movement. People all over the world are now questioning the dominant paradigm enshrined in the pro-development philosophy of the west. More has changed since the post-liberalisation era- with political ideologies vested in increased privatisation and private investment. In this nonchalant philosophy, there is no space for the natural world. As the human race expands, so is the scramble for space. The cycle of increased production and consumption, propelled by advertisements, has not only meant that we are using more of the earth s resources than we need, but it also means that the real producer- our earth- is reduced to just a commodity. In a fast changing world, where often the rights of the natural world and of animals and human beings dependent on it, are trampled upon, communication can play an important role in conveying the needs of the natural world, providing a channel for expression, discussion and action. As bulldozers of industrialisation continue to move in to replace indigenous peoples from their homes bound by nature, in many parts of the world, many are resisting change. Grassroots movements against environmental change are showing us that the earth comes before material benefits that development can offer. Not only have perceptions of indigenous people changed now from destroyer to protector of the environment (Mishra, 2010), but many movements have also been started by these communities and groups against development and destruction of their ancestral lands. These groups have risen against displacement and dislocation in both physical and spiritual forms, from the lands they have inherited and inhabited for generations. All these movements have raised fundamental questions on modern connectivity with the earth. Are we growing more and more disconnected from the earth? Can we sustain

the future? Many peoples movements for environmental justice have made their voices heard, created networks and affected policy processes. The mass media are at the heart of this struggle against environmental change- they inform, they educate, they affect perceptions and understanding of both the natural world, and of our relationship to it. This paper takes a conceptual approach to explore communication on environmental change, and through the use of existing literature, research and case studies, explores the role of environmental communication in the paradox that creates India- an ancient philosophy that respects and understands nature, and a modern India which has shunned the natural world for growth and development. The paper draws particularly from the example of the eastern Indian state of Orissa, where the role of communication is more complex provided the dichotomous relationship between Orissa s fragile ecology and an adamant political environment. The first part of the paper explores and defines the field of environmental communication in literature and its history, while also discussing how environmental ideologies are formed, and then goes on to explore mass media and perception of nature and environment. The next part of the paper answers the question- why Orissa as a case, while charting out the multiple discourses rising in the media and from indigenous peoples movements towards environmental justice. Environmental Communication- a little history and definitions Environmental communication can be traced to folklore, where communities in the global south, indigenous groups that include the Native Americans, the Africans, the Indians, and the Chinese communicated with their people about the Earth. This can be seen in folk culture and traditions, which teach the young about environmental values, creating their perceptions and understanding of the natural world, and of the earth as mother.

Cox (2006) compares Kenneth Burkes symbolic action to the Shannon-Weaver model and states that symbolic action assumes that language and symbols do more than transmit information: they actively shape our understanding, create meaning and orient us to a wider world. Cox (2006) defines environmental communication as the pragmatic and constitutive vehicle for our understanding of the environment as well as our relationship to the natural world; it is the symbolic medium that we use in constructing environmental problems and negotiating society s different responses to them. He states that environmental communication educates, persuades and helps in the solving of environmental problems, and this communication inherently also is constitutive, thereby helps to compose representations (and perceptions) of nature. Another book that explores environmental communication is Communicating Nature: how we create and understand environmental messages by Julia B. Corbett. Corbett (2006) defines environmental communication as expressed in values, words, actions and everyday practices; individually interpreted and negotiated; historically and culturally rooted; ideologically derived and driven; embedded in a dominant societal paradigm that assigns instrumental values to the environment and believes it exists to serve humans; intricately tied to pop culture, particularly advertising and entertainment; framed and reported by the media in a way that generally supports the status quo; mediated and influenced by social institutions like governments and business. Jurin, Roush and Danter (2010) provide their definition of environmental communication as the systematic generation and exchange of humans messages in, from, for, and about the world around us and our interactions in it. Environmental communication hence constitutes all the ways in which we communicate about our natural world; it helps shape our perceptions of the natural world and of our relationship to the earth; it is persuasive and educative. Environmental communication also is culturally rooted, shaped by cultures, authority and is interpreted individually.

The shaping of environmental ideology In Lynn White, Jr s (1967) article, The Historical Roots of Our Ecological Crisis, White traces the history of the western attitude towards nature to the teachings of Christianity, which he says especially in its western form is the most anthropocentric religion the world has seen. He adds, by destroying pagan animism, Christianity made it possible to exploit nature in a mood of indifference to the feelings of natural objects. White can be said to have triggered some of the initial discussions on religion and perception of nature, and hence leading to discourses on environmental ethics. As he rightly argued, the way nature was perceived by most non-western cultures (Zen Buddhism) was a mirror image of the Christian view. Corbett (2006) provides a perspective of early European settlers who believed it was their Christian duty to impose, control, civilize, tame, subdue, and in essence, denature nature, a view that can be said to be just the opposite of the Native Americans perceptions of nature and the relationship of humans to nature. We are part of the earth, And the earth is a part of us, The fragrant flowers are our sisters, The reindeer, the horse, The great eagle our brothers. Chief Seattle cited in Kerry Ward (2009) To the Native Americans, as can be seen from Chief Seattle s speech, humans formed a part of nature, and were not superior to it- all living things, were interconnected, forming a fraternity, a unity. The Chief of the Duwamish tribe s famous speech foretells the future of the White Man who, because he treats his mother the Earth and his brother the sky like merchandise, will witness a time when man s hunger will eat the earth bare and leave only a desert.

Other philosophical bases, including those of Shintoism, Buddhism and Hinduism underline a similar understanding of the connectedness of all living beings. The Vedic concept of Vasudeva Kutumbakam, for example, entails that all living beings are part of one large family, protected and overseen by Mother Earth, who in turn provides, sustains and punishes (when required, through natural disasters) (Dwivedi, 2003). This underlining principle behind this concept is the valuing of the earth as one s own mother; as one ought not to insult, unduly exploit, and violate one s mother, but be kind and respectful to her, (similarly) one should behave toward Mother Earth (Dwivedi, 2003). These philosophical concepts provide a rich background to the basis of Hindu, Buddhist and Jain thought in which unity in pluralism is sought for. The Jain principle of Asteya stresses on distinguishing between need and greed, and if one takes more from nature than meets (one s) essential need, (one is) stealing from nature clearing an entire forest would be seen as violation of nature s rights and as theft (Kumar, 2006). The earth s exploitation for selfish reasons is hence considered unjust and sacrilegious (Dwivedi, 2003). The necessity of (wo)man living in harmony with the earth and using as much as is required is stressed upon. Nature takes a usual feminine form and was seen as mother, giving and sustaining life. All life therefore, as all living beings are connected, deserves respect- all beings possess a soul. The limits of human habitation were also structured on the basis of this relationship, where space was divided between all living beings, including humans....the ecological crisis is rooted in the mistaken belief that human beings are not part of the democracy of nature s life, that they stand apart from and above nature Vandana Shiva, (1993) pp 265 Shiva s (1993) above statement traces the origin of the environmental crisis to the belief that humans are above nature. Much has been discussed about the role of religion in shaping perceptions of the earth, of nature and of human relationship to other living beings. White s supposition, as mentioned earlier, targets

the notion of anthropocentrism, in which humans are considered supreme beings. In this view, nature exists only to serve humans. Today, human population expansion and urbanisation has meant the encroaching of these ecological spaces devised by traditional thought, and has also led to decreased communication between humans and their earth and with their children and grandchildren. Most countries around the world with the adoption of western models of development have also assimilated western notions of nature and perceptions of our relationship to the environment. Fewer children grow up within a natural setting as more and more families move to cities; even fewer experience an untouched natural system. For children in the cities, parks, which simulate nature, provide the only natural setting. Corbett (2006) argues that childhood experiences with nature influence the formation of ideology. She observes that in the USA, there has been a very real decline in children s direct experiences, especially with healthy and abundant systems. She highlights the role of experiences with nature for a child because this experience is like baggage a child carries that helps shape the present and future. The need for environmental communication in the post-modern era would mean revisiting the connection that people once had with the earth. Therefore that environmental communication needs to include communication with the environment. The Media and Environment: environmental journalism and cinema as persuasion The mass media play a large role in shaping our perceptions of the natural environment and affecting our attitudes and actions. Cox (2006) states that mainstream media and entertainment media are the most important sources of information on the environment. Cox (2006) observes that few mainstream media have the space to document less dramatic problems, such as loss of biodiversity or the impacts of new synthetic chemicals. Instead they more frequently

cover specific events as opposed to longer-term developments (Wilkins and Patterson, 1990 cited in Cox, 2006; Anderson, 1997). On television, importance is given to environmental stories with greater visual quality (Anderson, 1997). Let us now take a look at environmental journalism, which plays a large role in providing information, and in educating and persuading audiences to act on environmental issues. There are several environmental magazines, which include National Geographic; The Ecologist and Mother Earth News. Many newspapers have a section on the environment- The Guardian, The Independent, The Times, New York Times (in which environment is covered under science ), etc. Alternative media, especially online news websites have been sprouting and there is a plethora of options and voices. Cox (2006) observes that the widest access to environmental information and news is provided by the online media. Examples of online environmental news providers include the Environmental News Network (enn.com); Grist (grist.org); Environmental News Service (www.ens-newswire.com). All of the magazines and newspapers mentioned above also have an online edition and do provide environmental news. In India, environmental magazines include Down to Earth. Some newspapers have an environmental section including The Hindu (in its Science and Technology section) and The Times of India. Most newspapers cover environmental news; again this coverage is rested on events. There are several environmental news websites. These include the portal of The Centre for Science and Environment (cse.org) and India Environmental Portal (indiaenvironmentalportal.org.in). The medium of film through both fiction and actualities (documentaries) has been used to explore environmentalism and affect perception of the natural environment. There are several documentaries on environmental issues. Some recent documentaries would include An Inconvenient Truth (2006), The 11 th Hour (2007) and Age of Stupid (2009). Cinema informs, educates and persuades audiences indirectly, through its imagery, themes, symbolism, metaphors, allegory- all used to weave a narrative that engages and moves the audience to think, rethink

and in some cases, act. There are many examples of such films, some noteworthy features would include the 1988 Canadian film The Man Who Planted Trees, the much critically acclaimed Studio Ghibli animated films by Japanese directors Hayao Miyazaki and Isao Takahata (Princess Mononoke (1997); Laputa: Castle in the Sky (1986); Nausicaa of the Valley of the Wind (1984), Pom Poko (1994) and the 2001 film Spirited Away), the Disney films Brother Bear(2003) and Pocahontas (1995), Pixar s Wall-e (2008), Jimmy T. Murakami s 1986 animated feature, When the Wind Blows and James Cameron s 2009 film Avatar. In the Disney animated feature, Pocahontas, a song sequence explores the contrast between Native American and western perceptions of the Earth. The movie s namesake, the Native American tribal chief s daughter, Pocahontas tells, John Smith, an English explorer who has landed in the New World - you think you own whatever land you land on/ the earth is just a dead thing you can claim/ But I know every rock and tree and creature/ Has a life, has a spirit, has a name. Many documentaries have been made in India on environmental issues, some have been on conservation such as the documentaries of Valmik Thapar and Mike Pandey; some others have been event specific such as on pollution of a river, lake, etc.; others have focused on community uprisings and environmental movements (such as Buddha Weeps in Jadugoda and Chaliyar, The Final Struggle. Few however are widely available to audiences. Indian cinema, particularly Bollywood has a large number of takers; however, it is hard to point out any film that runs on an environmental theme. Satyajit Ray s Pather Panchali (1955) does explore nature subtly though, through the traditional narrative of birth, death and rebirth. India is yet to use feature films and animation to explore an environmental narrative.

Orissa: Development and Environment Change India, having succumbed to the neo-liberal philosophy, witnesses a number of complex environmental issues: should industries be set up provided the environmental repercussions; should we use nuclear power; what should we do with all the plastic, e-waste, non-biodegradable waste that is now piling up, largely due to our patterns of increased production and consumption, post 1990s; what do we do with chemical inputs in agriculture; what do we do about the people displaced from their homes due to an environmental crisis; how do we handle an environmental crisis? India s modernisation has meant a change of perception in the relationship of humans with our environment. This, as I will illustrate is also the case with Orissa. This section first looks at the conflict between Orissa s environment and development needs, and then proceeds to discuss environmentalism and perception of nature in Oriya traditions and thought. Orissa, one of the poorest states in India with a per capita net state domestic product that is 35 per cent below the national average (Panda, 2008) is also one of the country s most ecologically sensitive regions, frequented by droughts, floods, and other calamities. The last few decades have seen drastic changes in the state s climate and environment with rising temperatures, widespread deforestation, coastal erosion and agricultural decline among other environmental problems. The year 1999 saw the super cyclone that swept across coastal Orissa and led to the death of over 15,000 people, destroyed thousands of trees and houses, destroying villages. While the state is still recovering from the cyclone, the condition of its turbulent environment has caused further destruction, with years of alternating droughts and floods; the most recent floods were seen in August 2010 that affected 85,000 people, mostly in Southern Orissa (Outlook India, 2010) Despite Orissa s fragile environment, the neo-liberal reforms in the 1990s saw the government s focus shifting to rapid industrialisation through mineral resource extraction, leading to the opening of Orissa s rich natural resources (the state contains more than half of India s bauxite reserves) to exploitation by

both national and international industrial houses. Some of these include UK s Vedanta Resources Ltd, the South Korean Pohang Steel and Iron Company (Posco), India s Tata and Jindal. The Orissa government has signed 43 Memoranda of Understandings (MoUs) with several of these industrial houses (Amnesty USA, 2007 & Pandey, 2008 cited in Mishra, 2010). me of them have already started their operation and their operations have resulted in displacement of indigenous people from their traditional homes located in mineral-rich areas of the state and has also led to the contamination of water bodies, deforestation and innumerable ecological destruction of these areas. Though the Orissa government recognises the state of Orissa s environment and the imminent crises, environmental needs and concerns have been pushed aside for larger development goals. The recent Government of Orissa (2010) Climate Change Action Plan dichotomises the present policies of industrialisation and impacts on the environment, deducing that growth is more important than climate change and environmental concerns. Orissa is at the heart of the crisis, being one of the poorest states, desiring to compete with the other states and to improve infrastructure and quality of life. Yet the state has to face an array of environmental disasters, most of which affect the poor. Orissa has been a predominantly rural state till recent times. The rural-urban migration is a recent phenomenon and most Oriya people, although, they have moved to cities could have a rural home somewhere. I would like to draw from some of Orissa s traditions and ways of living to illustrate the importance of the environment in Oriya folklore and how nature was ingrained and communicated in Oriya thought and traditions. Environmentalism in Oriya traditions Village life (which itself is no longer highly esteemed) induced a constant natural interaction with one s environment; there was familiarity and understanding of ways of nature, and an innate respect for the Earth. This is evident from Orissa s own folklore, its Hindu traditions and philosophical outlook. Orissa s

tribal people also possess strong notions of connectivity with the earth, viewing rivers, trees, mountains, are part of one s own family. During the three day annual Oriya Hindu festival of Raja, the Earth is believed to be menstruating and therefore she must be treated with care. Young girls, assuming a symbolic unison with Mother Earth, are at the heart of the festival, and are not allowed to do any household work for and instead play on dolis (swings). During these three days the tilling of the earth by farmers for agriculture is not allowed (Pattnaik, 2008). The festival marks the fertility of the earth and this is when the monsoons start. Pattnaik (2008) believes that the festival reflects the spirit of scientific environmentalism. Other Oriya traditions also reflect similar traits of environmentalism. It is also in this very tradition that leaves are not to be plucked in the night, believing the plant to be asleep. During the holy months of Kartika (October and November), the Oriyas, who love eating fish, refrain from fish-eating, as these months mark the breeding period for fish (Pattnaik, 2008). Although the festival of Raja is still celebrated, the physical and perhaps (spiritual) distance from the village has changed the nature of the festival. In villages traditional swings used to be placed for the children (specifically girls) to play with; in the cities, with smaller bearings and hardly any garden or trees to accommodate the large swings, the significance of this environmentally-conscious festival is somewhat negated. Human interaction with the Earth is as seen above, considered symbiotic in Oriya folklore- the trees, rivers, plants and other animals were respected and cared for. In Orissa, as in other parts of the developing world, the migration of people from the villages to the cities also meant a symbolic disconnection with the Earth. This interaction with the earth is being eroded and most people are being cut off from their rural connection.

Environmental Communication in Orissa Orissa has a considerable media presence with several newspapers; television and radio channels and a history of cinema, dating back to 1936. The mass media of the state have been largely echoing views on industrialisation and private investment as laid out by the state government (Mishra, 2010). There has been widespread support of industrial activities in ecologically-fragile areas. Studies conducted by Mishra (2008) of Oriya and English dailies, television and radio programmes showed lack of media interest in environmental reporting and also pointed towards a dependency on government sources of information on environmental concerns. This may be due to two reasons- one, a lack of interest, and secondly, a lack of knowledge of environmental issues. Newspapers in the state do not generally have a section on environment, so environmental stories are issue or event-dependent. Furthermore, alternative sources of information are not usually sought out. Official sources, in Orissa s case too tend to enjoy advantaged access to the media and become primary definers of the issue in question (Anderson, 1997). In 2009, as part of a road-widening project, hundreds of large trees were uprooted in many parts of Bhubaneswar, the state capital. The story was not covered by the media for several months. This showed general neglect of such issues, which are not dramatic in nature. Furthermore, there was little desire to question what was happening. People I spoke to were dissatisfied and saddened by the uprooting of the trees that they had grown-up seeing. None of the discourses, however, raised the question whether the uprooting was necessary. Mishra s (2008) studies on the media in Orissa for coverage of agricultural (specifically rice-fish farming) news and features revealed some trends in media coverage of environmental issues, noting that environment-related stories were rare and hardly made it to the front page. Most coverage would be related to general issues around global warming or climate change, with focus on information from experts. She also observed that most coverage (was) limited to scientific expertise, extension,

agricultural policy information and innovations, demonstrating a rather top-down approach to information on environmental issues. People s voices and movements in Orissa: Cases and discourses Communication of ecological change has been seen in peoples movements across Orissa, where communities, particularly tribal peoples affected by development activities are voicing their dissatisfaction. Two cases of peoples movements are discussed here- Niyamgiri-Vedanta and Posco- Jagatsinghpur. The UK-based Vedanta Resources signed a Memoranda of Understanding (MoU) in 2003 with the Government of Orissa to construct an alumina refinery and coal thermal plant at Lanjigarh in Orissa s Kalahandi district. Though the alumina refinery was eventually built at Lanjigarh, at the foot of the Niyamgiri hills, Vedanta wanted to set up an open cast mine in the hills by blasting the mountain s top. Fearing the destruction of the hills that they considered their gods, the Dongria Kondh tribe opposed, blocking roads (Mishra, 2010). In October 2010, following years of local, national and international agitation against Vedanta s activities, the Government of India blocked Vedanta s plans of expanding the alumina refinery, stating that the company had violated the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) notification (Times of India, 2010 cited in Mishra, 2010). Similarly, in 2005, the Orissa government signed an MoU with the South Korean iron and steel company Posco, to construct a steel mill at Paradip in Orissa s Jagatsinghpur district. As the project was to displace close to 2000 people, villagers feared losing their livelihoods, and for the last five years the people from three gram panchayats (village-level governments) have been protesting against what they deem an illegal occupation of their lands (Mishra, 2010). A people s organisation, Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti (PPSS) was formed in 2005, to protest against the project. 2900 acres of the 4000 acres required by

the company is forest land (Mukherjee, 2010). After various appeals and halting of the project due to the NC Saxena Committee report by the central government, the project is now under way after an environmental clearance was given by the Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF), despite the continued protests by the PPSS and the villagers. Mishra (2010) observes some positive traits from recent people s environmental movements, unlike the 1950s and 1960s where minority interests were not publicised and were ignored to make way for larger development goals, the last two decades have seen a shift in both awareness and empowerment of marginalised communities. The Niyamgiri-Vedanta case drew a lot of media and international attention, with building of grassroots, local, national, and international networks; advocacy by activist organisations and perhaps the creation of an understanding of the environment and these people. Mishra (2010) observes that in general the mass media though somewhat receptive to the needs of these communities have not been representative of these counter-development arguments. She further notes that the Niyamgiri-Vedanta issue saw emerging horizontal communication models through alternative media coverage (public discussions) particularly over the Internet. Similar use of the Internet, including the use of social networking websites by the Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti, was also seen. Policy information and citizen s rights are available on the Internet for people wishing to use this information towards achieving environmental justice (Mishra, 2010). The coverage given to the Niyamgiri conflict in the mainstream media, in alternative media and through advocacy groups is quite interesting. The Niyamgiri case saw the use of the visual medium through a documentary titled Mine: The Story of a Sacred Mountain made by Survival International on the ways of living of the Dongria Kondh tribe. The documentary, highly positive, focused on the self-sufficiency of the tribe, the threat of Vedanta s plant and also on the tribe s resolve to ensure that Vedanta leaves their ancestral lands. Other communities movements particularly against government-backed mining and

industrial projects such as the ones in Jagatsinghpur (Posco) and Kalinganagar (Tata) did not receive the international support that Niyamgiri received (Mishra, 2010). Whether it was content on the Internet (blogs), or the documentary (available online) or reports released by Amnesty International, the narrative was bent on the spirituality of the Dongria Kondh, their unique culture, their connection to the Earth and dependency on it. The Dongria Kondh, through this narrative and these discourses, became a metaphor for the natural world, fighting against the rape of modernity. Some photographs are available online, and one can always see a colourful, gleeful young man or woman in these pictures. The general international coverage to the Niyamgiri issue was positive, where the Dongria Kondh s struggles were highlighted; their self-sufficiency, dependency and resolve to protect their revered mountain are discussed; their struggles are said to be representative of similar indigenous peoples struggles. They were perceived as pure and untouched, unaffected by modern society, and modernisation (in the form of Vedanta) was gnashing itself at this people. A few online discourses by Survival International drew parallels between the Na vi tribe in the James Cameron film, Avatar to the Dongria Kondh. Avatar is an allegory for colonisation; and the RDA corporation in the film was a fitting comparison to Vedanta. The tribal movement itself led to blockades of their sacred hills, the tribe s symbolic gatherings on the top of the hill, ritualistic singing- some of these traditions found mentioning in newspapers, both national and international. The grassroots organisations such as Friends Association for Rural Reconstruction (FARR), which helped the Dongria Kondh understand their rights and channelized their struggles, probably laid the foundation for the networks that formed at the local, national and international levels. Survival International, Amnesty International, and other organisations stepped it to support the tribe; celebrities stepped in too. The mainstream media, too, found greater cause to cover the culture, spirituality and environmental unity of this tribal group. International newspapers and media also moved in to cover the story by travelling to the Niyamgiri hills. Thus through this coverage, through the public outcry and

advocacy provided by organisations such as the ones mentioned above an international public opinion was shaped. Information was available on the Dongria Kondh, and people all over supported the tribe. A trend of negative environmentalism- some discussions The trends visible from the analysis of media and patterns of communication are as follows: 1. Authority bias- media dependency on an authority for sole source of information, leading to audience perception based on authority. This authority includes State institutions and research organisations; hospitals and doctors; multinational corporations and also a heavy dependency and positive perception of information from the so-called west in the media. 2. Local is not in - for mainstream media, indigenous and local has never solely been a source of reliable information. There is a lack of informational pluralism. Struggles of local people are perceived through the glass of modernism and development, and therefore creation of news is based on this. 3. Natural environment as commodity- there is now a widespread representation of the natural environment as commodity. This is construed and perceived as thus due to excessive commercialism. 4. Media are unquestioning- the media are generally receptive to representations of the environment as in perceived by the status quo. This leads to an unquestioning attitude, particularly in the case of the environment and environmental struggles. Communication on the environment undoubtedly has the power to affect public opinion; the media in Orissa have to move beyond conservative boundaries and perhaps even revisit Orissa s traditional wisdom.

Future of Environmental Journalism and Communication and Conclusion Maria Mies (1993) in her chapter, Who made nature our enemy? laments, we cannot touch nature, we cannot communicate with nature as living natural creatures; an invisible barrier separates us. Our environmental crisis needs to be disentangled quickly. Eastern cultures did not believe that the earth was a silent spectator, and therefore needed our voices to communicate her pain. Indeed for most of these cultures, the earth gave, sustained life and took when required; the earth s wrath was real. Perhaps the earth has been communicating to us through her anger (as the Hindus would believe), through all the natural disasters that we have witnessed. Nature is perhaps, after all, not silent. This paper has tried to look at environmental communication through an analysis of perceptions of nature found in religion, traditional practices, drawing largely from examples of Orissa, where a strong tradition of environmentalism exists in folklore that has shaped individual and community outlook towards nature. This traditional environmentalism, however, is contrasted to present political ideologies and paradigms, vested in quick industrialisation through mineral resource extraction. The conflict between traditional environmental thought and persistent attitudes of development has resulted in many people s movements, particularly in tribal areas. Those who support development are not from these areas, and not being from there, they cannot fully empathise with the earth- they have perhaps grown hard. People s voices towards environmental justice have been communicated through the networks that have been built, through grassroots, local and international advocacy organisations; the internet and sometimes mainstream media. Communication about the earth, in all the ways possible, can help create perceptions of nature; induce action and bring the essential questions about where humans are placed in the planet to the public forum.

Voices are definitely calling out for environmental justice- through this communication we are able to experience and feel for people we have never met. I think the role of environmental communication is also to communicate with the Earth, by understanding and caring, through the realisation that we are part of the world and not superior to any living being. The discussions drawn earlier on the wisdom provided in many cultures and philosophical traditions leads us to reassess our role on the planet. I stress upon Corbett s argument on the importance of the interaction of children with the environment in helping them shape their future, and also in shaping their understanding of all living beings and their relationship to them. This familiarity with the environment will not only help in building and sustaining a healthy mind and body but will also lead to compassion for the earth. Compassion entails that we understand another, love and respect another and care for their feelings, and therefore we are naturally compelled to pause and think before we harm the earth through any of our actions. The mass media have a large role to play in shaping the perception of the human-nature relationship. They will need to be willing to provide and portray alternative environmental discourses and alternative voices, thoughts and perhaps greater concern for ethics. They will need to in turn also question norms and existing industrialisation models; to assess, reassess, think and rethink on all matters pertaining to the environment. A one-dimensional approach to perceiving the earth through excessive consumerist media attitudes and practises needs to be questioned. Mindless consumerism undermines the sanctity of nature. There is also a greater need for using environmental films, pamphlets, government intervention to improve understanding of environmental issues, particularly those which are not mainstream issues. School and college education require adopting a holistic pattern, placing emphasis on human interaction and relationship with the environment, thus helping to create environmental consciousness, love for nature and appreciation of the co-existence of life. This essential process of human communication with the environment will help the environment become a part of their personality. Children of the future have

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