[PS 14.2 (2015) 176 204] PentecoStudies (print) ISSN 2041-3599 http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/ptcs.v14i2.176 PentecoStudies (online) ISSN 1871-7691 Pentecostals and Development in Nigeria and Zambia: Community Organizing as a Response to Poverty and Violence Richard Burgess 1 University of Roehampton Roehampton Lane London SW15 5PU UK richard.burgess@roehampton.ac.uk Abstract Faith-based community organizing is becoming increasingly recognized as an effective form of democratic engagement and community development, especially among low-to-middle-income urban communities in the United States and Britain. This article focuses on two African Pentecostal initiatives with no formal links to Western community organizing networks: the Young Ambassadors for Community Peace and Inter-Faith Foundation in Nigeria, and the Jubilee Centre in Zambia. In both countries, neoliberal economics, associated with diminished public sectors and decreased government interventionism, has taken its toll, resulting in increased levels of unemployment, poverty and violent conflict. In response, these initiatives are engaged in citizen mobilization through training church and community leaders, and empowering ordinary people to improve the quality of life in their communities. While faith-based community organizing is relatively rare in Nigeria and Zambia, the case studies discussed in this article show the potential of this form of intervention for generating social capital and addressing the dual crises of poverty and violence that assail the African continent. The article assesses the added value of Pentecostal beliefs and practices in relation to civic engagement and development. Keywords: Pentecostalism, community organizing, Nigeria, Zambia, social capital, integral mission. 1. Richard Burgess is Lecturer in Theology, Department of Humanities, University of Roehampton. Prior to this he was a research fellow in the Department of Theology and Religion, University of Birmingham. He has published on Pentecostalism in Africa and the African Diaspora in Britain. Equinox Publishing Limited, Office 415, The Workstation, 15 Paternoster Row, Sheffield S1 2BX.
R. Burgess Pentecostals and Development in Nigeria and Zambia 177 Introduction Chibuluma, a township of eleven thousand people situated in the Copperbelt region of north central Zambia, was formally a flourishing community because of its proximity to the copper mining town of Kalulushi which supplied employment and business opportunities. However, with the decline of copper mining activities the inhabitants of Chibuluma began to experience increased poverty and unemployment as well as reduced access to housing services, water, health care and education, making them vulnerable to crime, prostitution, and HIV/ AIDS. Like the majority of Zambians living in low income communities, the people of Chibuluma did not believe it possible for them to influence government policy. In 2008, the Jubilee Centre, a Pentecostal initiative founded by Lawrence Temfwe, started to work with local churches, helping them to understand their social responsibility from a biblical perspective. An urgent need was for a maternity hospital. The community had recently experienced the loss of a mother and her child due to limited maternity services. Prompted by the Jubilee Centre, pastors, community leaders and marketeers wrote a letter to the Ministry of Health requesting that the government build a hospital in their town. To their surprise the government responded favourably and within a year or so the hospital was completed, partly financed by funds raised in the community. 2 In 2010, the Jubilee Centre helped to facilitate a contract with Africa Drilling Exploration Limited to sink boreholes in the Copperbelt provinces. The money for drilling the boreholes was donated by Willow Creek Church, a megachurch in the USA with strong links to the Jubilee Centre. One of the communities that benefited was Chibuluma (Jubilee Centre, 2010a). The centre has also trained 30 people in Chibuluma, encouraging them to aspire to leadership positions in the public sector and to participate in community-based projects. According to Temfwe, these experiences have transformed the thinking of the Chibuluma people, enabling them to appreciate the power and resources they have at their disposal for bringing about community development. 3 This vignette introduces some of the development-related themes addressed in this article, such as the role of African Pentecostal churches and leaders in community organizing, the significance of leadership training and participation, and the importance of local and global networks. Recently, there has been a growing interest among scholars 2. Lawrence Temfwe, interview by Richard Burgess, 16 March 2014. 3. Lawrence Temfwe, interview by Richard Burgess, 16 March 2014.
178 PentecoStudies from a variety of disciplines in studying the relationship between religion and development. 4 The discipline of development studies was originally founded on the belief that religion is not important to development. It was assumed that as societies developed and modernized, they would also undergo a process of secularization (Deneulin and Rakodi, 2011). However, as Jeff Haynes (2008) notes, religion has recently made a remarkable return to prominence in Western development circles. This is reflected in the number of development funding agencies that have formed relationships with faith communities to achieve the Millennium Development Goals. The rationale behind this is the perceived closeness of faith communities to poor communities and their highly motivated staff and volunteers (Deneulin and Rakodi, 2011: 45 6). Séverine Deneulin and Carole Rakodi (2011: 8 10) refer to three trends which have combined to bring religion back into development studies: the rise of political Islam; the continuing salience of religion in people s lives, associated especially with the growth of Pentecostal and Evangelical Christianity in developing countries; and recognition of the importance of non-government organizations (NGOs), including religious organizations, as mechanisms for delivering development in contexts where neoliberal reforms have resulted in the withdrawal of the state from welfare provision (see also Freeman, 2012; Boran, 2010). It is now increasingly recognized that religion plays a significant role in relation to development outcomes, whether for good or for ill (Haynes, 2008). Religious organizations as civil society actors have traditionally focused on the delivery of social services. However, they are becoming increasingly involved in advocacy and community development through initiatives that hold politicians accountable and address social justice issues. Faith-based community organizing is one example of this (Wood and Warren, 2002; Wood, 2002; Warren, 2009; Bretherton, 2010). In the United States, where faith-based organizing represents arguably the most widespread movement for social justice (Wood, 2002), rather than provide social services, groups in this field seek to empower their members to pursue political goals in the public sphere (Wood and Warren, 2002: 7). Examples of community organizing models from the USA that have been applied in Africa include the Gamaliel Foundation and PICO 4. Examples of recent research on religion and development includes the work carried out by the DFiD funded Religion and Development project at the University of Birmingham and the Religion and Global Development program administered by the Berkeley Centre for Religion, Peace and World Affairs at Georgetown University.
R. Burgess Pentecostals and Development in Nigeria and Zambia 179 International, which focus on leadership training, building community organizations, and leading social justice campaigns (Shannahan, 2013; Warren, 2009; PICO International, undated). In a recent study, Dena Freeman (2012: 26) has suggested that in Africa, Pentecostal churches are often more effective in bringing about social and economic change than are secular development NGOs. This article focuses on two African Pentecostal indigenous initiatives, both engaged in community organizing but with no formal links with Western community organizing networks: the Young Ambassadors for Community Peace and Inter-Faith Foundation in Nigeria and the Jubilee Centre in Zambia. It is partly based upon research conducted in Nigeria and Zambia under the auspices of the Pentecostal and Charismatic Research Initiative (PCRI), funded by the John Templeton Foundation and administered by the Center for Religion and Civic Culture, University of Southern California. 5 The article begins by tracing the contours of the religious, political and economic landscapes of Nigeria and Zambia. It then describes the origins and activities of the two organizations before exploring their contributions to development in their respective countries. In both countries, neoliberal economics, associated with diminished public sectors and decreased government interventionism, has taken its toll, resulting in increased levels of unemployment, poverty and violent conflict. The Young Ambassadors initiative and the Jubilee Centre are both engaged in citizen mobilization through generating social capital, training community leaders and empowering ordinary people to improve the quality of life in their communities. They are also indirectly impacting development through reforming cultural values. Together they are addressing two of the most serious crises present on the African continent: violence and poverty (Ranger, 2008a). Recent studies of faith-based community organizing have drawn on the notion of social capital (Wood and Warren, 2002; Campbell, 2004; Gittel and Vidal, 1998), which is defined as the features of social organization such as networks, norms, and social trust that facilitate coordination and cooperation for mutual benefit (Putnam, 1995: 67). Chris Baker (2009: 112) distinguishes between religious capital, defined as the concrete actions and resources that faith communities contribute, and spiritual capital which is the motivating basis of faith, belief and values 5. Research for the PCRI project was conducted by the author (principal investigator) and Naar M Fundisi (research assistant and doctoral student) between 2010 and 2012.
180 PentecoStudies that shapes the concrete actions of faith communities and individuals. Drawing on Baker s distinction, the article assesses the added value of Pentecostal religious and spiritual capital in relation to civic engagement and development. Pentecostalism, Politics and Development in Nigeria and Zambia Nigeria is Africa s most populous nation with an estimated 167 million people in 2011 (National Population Commission of Nigeria, 2015). 6 It also has the largest Pentecostal constituency on the continent, with approximately three-in-ten Nigerians identifying themselves as Pentecostal or Charismatic (Pew Research Centre, 2006: 86). The country is evenly divided between Christians and Muslims, though estimates of the exact balance vary (Paden, 2008). The situation is complicated by the geographical distribution of the two faiths. Of the three main ethnic groups, the Northern Hausa-Fulani are predominantly Muslim, the Eastern Igbo are predominantly Christian, and the Western Yoruba are divided between the two faiths. Northern Nigeria as a whole has a majority Muslim population. The Middle Belt, which is roughly the lower half of northern Nigeria, has a large number of Christians while the core north has only a small percentage of Christians. While both religions have global missionary ambitions, Islamic leaders often state that their objective is to implement sharia, which has created considerable regional tension (Imo, 2008). Since the 1970s, Islamic resurgence, combined with the growth of Pentecostal/Charismatic Christianity, have exacerbated existing religious tensions, resulting in escalating levels of ethno-religious violence and hindering economic development (Ojo, 2007; Ukah, 2009; Hackett, 2000). However, as Jeff Haynes (2008) notes, religion is not necessarily associated with conflict as it can also play a constructive role in building peace. According to Haynes (ibid.), when successful, religion s role in resolving conflicts is a crucial component in helping to achieve human development. As we will see later, some faith-based organizations in Nigeria are responding to ethno-religious conflict in their communities through peace-building initiatives. Zambia is much smaller than Nigeria, with an estimated population of eleven million. Also in contrast to Nigeria, the inter-religious dimension has not been a significant factor, largely due to its much smaller Muslim 6. This figure is a projection from the last national census (2006), when the estimated population was 140 million.
R. Burgess Pentecostals and Development in Nigeria and Zambia 181 community (about 1.4 per cent of the population in 2000; Phiri, 2008: 100). Since the mid-1990s, there has been remarkable growth in the number of Christians, which rose to 85 percent of the population in 2000, with Pentecostals and Charismatics comprising roughly 29 percent of the population (ibid.: 100). The Catholic Church is the largest denomination followed by the United Church of Zambia (UCZ). Christianity has played a prominent public role in Zambia s postcolonial history, permeating the national culture, shaping political discourse and influencing the electoral process (Gifford, 1998; R. D. Smith, 1999). Perhaps its most significant feature is its ecumenical organization, consisting of three bodies: the Catholic Episcopal Conference of Zambia (ECZ), the Christian Council of Zambia (CCZ), and the predominantly Pentecostal Evangelical Fellowship of Zambia (EFZ). 7 This has enabled the church to become a powerful player in Zambia s flourishing civil society (Gifford, 1998: 188). In both countries, there has been a significant shift towards a more politically engaged Pentecostalism during the past two decades, hastened by the return to multi-party democracy, the movement s numerical growth and ecumenical organization, and the continuing poverty of the majority of citizens (Burgess, 2008, 2015; M Fundisi, 2014). The main elements of Nigeria s postcolonial politics are poor national cohesion, Christian/Muslim rivalry, political corruption and instability, reflected in the high turnover of civilian and military governments (Osaghae, 1998; D. J. Smith, 2007). A significant factor in its religio-political mix, which distinguishes it from Zambia, is its combination of military and Muslim dominance of political space. Instead of one-party civilian governments, Nigeria has had military regimes. The rapid expansion of the petroleum sector made Nigeria the wealthiest country in Africa during the 1970s. However, as Toyin Falola and Matthew Heaton (2008: 181) note, rather than contributing to national development and improved conditions for Nigerian citizens, this wealth was distributed unequally, mainly benefitting those who had access to state power. Despite recent economic reform and government attempts to diversify the economy, most Nigerians remain poor, lacking basic necessities and social services (ibid.: 236 42). Ethno-religious violence is both a cause and effect of Nigeria s underdevelopment, especially in the northern and middle belt regions. On the one hand, the involvement of youths in the violence through their respective revivalist organizations is exacerbated by Nigeria s high unemployment rate and persistent poverty (Hackett, 7. In 2012, the EFZ had 225 members churches and organizations (EFZ, 2012).
182 PentecoStudies 2000). On the other hand, successive waves of violence have had a devastating effect on development in terms of the loss of lives, forced migration, the destruction of property and business premises, and the reduction in agricultural activities (Ogbonnaya, 2012; Mohammed, 2005; Abdullahi and Saka, 2007). Zambia is one of the poorest countries in the world. According to the United Nations 2013 Human Development Report, it is ranked 163 out of 187 countries in terms of human development (UNDP, 2013: 143). Zambia s economy was largely dependent upon its copper industry, and for the first ten years of its independence, the high price of copper ensured the country s prosperity. After 1975, however, the drastic fall in copper prices and Zambia s failure to diversify resulted in severe economic decline (Gifford, 1998; Freston, 2001). By the mid-1980s, Zambia had amassed a huge foreign indebtedness and was the recipient of more IMF-sponsored funding than any other sub-saharan African country (Good, 1989: 298 301). In May 1987, the government abandoned the IMF s structural adjustment programme, prompting several of the major bilateral donors to reduce their assistance, including Britain, Germany, Sweden and the United States (ibid.: 304; Hanson and Hentz, 1999: 484). By the early 1990s, the effects of neoliberal reforms and crippling foreign debt had taken their toll on an ailing economy, resulting in mass unemployment, poverty and escalating levels of HIV/AIDS infections. In response, the Zambian government pledged its commitment to meeting the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Despite recent growth in the Zambian economy and the cancellation of debt by the IMF and World Bank, the translation of economic growth into improved living standards for the poor majority remains an enormous challenge, and is undermined by the HIV/AIDS epidemic (M Fundisi 2014). Currently, Zambia ranks among those countries with the highest incidences of HIV/AIDS in sub-saharan Africa, with an estimated 12.7 percent of the adult population infected and 690,000 children orphaned, according to 2012 statistics (Avert, 2014). The Jubilee Centre in Zambia The Jubilee Centre, already introduced above, is a faith-based NGO seeking to address the twin scourges of poverty and HIV/AIDS in Zambia. It was founded in 2000 by Lawrence Temfwe, a member of the Bread of Life Church International, one of the largest Zambian Pentecostal
R. Burgess Pentecostals and Development in Nigeria and Zambia 183 denominations (M Fundisi, 2014). 8 Temfwe s concern for social justice issues was shaped initially by his experience in prison: I got saved when I was in prison. And I saw injustices, people who didn t do wrong coming into prison with no advocate to support them. The system pushed them to the wall. When I became a Christian in prison I began to think very strongly about what God says about these issues. So I came out with a strong social ethic. 9 In 1989, Temfwe became Executive Director of Prison Fellowship Zambia, a post he held until 1997, when he left to study for a MA degree in Mission and Intercultural Studies at Wheaton College in USA (Billy Graham Center, 1997). His social ethic was also influenced by his friendship with the late British evangelical John Stott 10 and his leadership role in the Micah Challenge, a global campaign of the Micah Network and the World Evangelical Alliance, which seeks to hold governments accountable to their promise to halve extreme poverty by 2015. 11 The Jubilee Centre s vision is for church leaders and members to be transformed into agents of change bringing Christian hope, justice and well-being within their communities and inspiring others to do the same (Jubilee Centre, undated a). It seeks to facilitate this through its Church Mobilization Programme, which works with over 94 different congregations in urban and rural low income communities, mobilizing leaders and congregations to practice integral church community engagement (Jubilee Centre, undated b). The centre focuses on three main areas: youth and child development, HIV/AIDS, and poverty alleviation. It is particularly concerned about addressing issues related to the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Under the auspices of the Church Mobilization Programme, it works with churches in four urban communities, training local leaders and empowering congregations to respond proactively to the epidemic. It also engages the youth through HIV/AIDS youth action clubs which aim to promote prevention and anti-stigmatization messages, and enable 8. Bread of Life s headquarters congregation has an estimated membership of 10,000. It also has 84 branches across Zambia, including in Ndola where Temfwe and the Jubilee Centre are based. Bishop Imakando is the current Chairman of the Board of the EFZ (M Fundisi 2014). 9. Lawrence Temfwe, interview by Naar M Fundisi, 23 August 2011. 10. During the 1974 International Congress on World Evangelization in Lausanne, Switzerland, John Stott served as the chairman of the Drafting Committee for The Lausanne Covenant, which affirmed the importance of both evangelism and social responsibility for Christian mission (Stott, 1975a, 1975b). 11. Lawrence Temfwe, interview by Naar M Fundisi, 23 August 2011.
184 PentecoStudies young people to practice sexual abstinence outside marriage. The clubs are led by young people who are trained as peer-educators by the Jubilee Centre. Members are encouraged to reach out to the wider community through sports and public events in order to spread their message of prevention and recruit more people. The centre also uses the media to raise awareness and mobilize members of the community. In partnership with Local Partners Capacity Building Program (a USAID-supported programme), it sponsors a radio phone-in programme which provides an open forum for discussion of HIV/AIDS-related issues. It also trains church and civic leaders who have then formed radio listening groups that reach out to their neighbours and discuss how they can reduce incidents of HIV/AIDS in their communities. In partnership with PACT-Zambia and USAID, the Jubilee Centre also facilitates sensitization programmes on HIV/AIDS through training community, political and church leaders (M Fundisi, 2014; Jubilee Centre, undated b). The Young Ambassadors for Community Peace and Inter-Faith Foundation in Nigeria The Young Ambassadors for Community Peace and Inter-Faith Foundation (YACPIF) is one of a number of secular and faith-based organizations in Nigeria engaged in community organizing across the religious divide. 12 Since its inception, it has been involved in conflict mediation through engaging young people to be leaders in bringing peace to their grassroots communities. The foundation was started by Yakubu Pam, an Assemblies of God pastor in the city of Jos, which has become the epicentre of ethno-religious conflict in Nigeria over the past decade or so (Higazi, 2011). Jos is the capital of Plateau State, a majority Christian state located in the middle belt region on the borderlands between the predominantly Muslim North and the predominantly Christian South. Episodes of mass killings and destruction have occurred in the city in 2001, 2002, 2008 and 2010. Ethno-religious violence has had a significant impact on the economic status of Christians and Muslims in Plateau State. Thousands of lives have been lost and many more injured. Mosques, churches, commercial markets, business premises and homes have been 12. Others include the Interfaith Mediation Centre in Kaduna (co-founded in 1995 by Assemblies of God pastor James Wuye and Imam Muhammed Ashafa), the Muslim Christian Youth Dialogue Initiative, and the Jos-based Centre for Peace Initiative and Development (see Krause 2012).
R. Burgess Pentecostals and Development in Nigeria and Zambia 185 destroyed, severely affecting the livelihoods of inhabitants (Burgess, 2008; Higazi, 2011). One of the underlying factors behind the conflict is competition for political control of Jos. This is closely linked to Nigeria s indigeneity laws (Higazi, 2011; Orji, 2011), which declare certain ethnic groups in each state indigenes, thus preventing members from other groups from formally being considered indigenes. One consequence is that non-indigenes are discriminated against as citizens in matters concerning land-ownership, political participation, education and employment (HRW, 2006). In Plateau State, Hausa-Fulani Muslims tend to be defined as settlers, whereas the mainly Christian Plateau peoples are recognized by the state government as indigenous. There are also large Christian (mainly Igbo and Yoruba) populations from the South who have been settled in Jos just as long as the Hausa-Fulani and have also been excluded from the benefits of indigenship. However, unlike the Hausa-Fulani, they are not competing for political control of Jos or the benefits of indigenship. When violence ensues, the Hausa-Fulani count them with the indigenes, and they have incurred horrendous losses as a result (Ostien, 2009: 10 11). Despite Christian predominance in the state and the city of Jos, there is a general perception among Christians that northern Muslims want to take control and implement sharia. According to Adam Higazi (2011: 7), the dominant discourses in the conflicts refer to political exclusion on the basis of ethnicity and religion, on the Muslim side, and fears of religious and cultural domination, among Plateau Christians. Economic development has also been hindered by the migration of Igbo and Yoruba traders to their homelands in the south. Another consequence of the violence is the spatial segregation of communities, an indication of deepening polarization in what were once genuinely mixed populations. The city of Jos has experienced increasing segregation along religious lines. There are now certain parts of the city that are off-limits if you are from the wrong religion. When the Jos crisis first erupted in 2001, Rev. Pam regarded himself as a Christian radical who advocated retaliation as a legitimate response. However, his attitude changed as he engaged in dialogue with Muslim leaders in his capacity as the chairman of the Plateau State Inter-Religious Committee. Following his transfer to an Assemblies of God church in a Muslim-dominated area adjacent to Jos central mosque, he began to visit his Muslim neighbours, taking time to listen to their grievances. He also encouraged his members to reach out to local Muslims by providing food and clothing for the poor. Over a period of time, he came to understand that retaliation only serves to prolong the cycle of violence and impede
186 PentecoStudies development (Pam and Korb, 2011). Pam s venture into community organizing began in December 2009 when he gathered a group of Muslim youth who lived near his church to discuss peace principles. His efforts were put to the test in January 2010, when a major crisis broke out between Christians and Muslims in Jos. Fortunately, some of the Muslim men he had trained protected his church when other Muslim youth from outside the area tried to destroy it. Soon after, he started the Young Ambassadors for Community Peace and Inter-Faith Foundation. 13 Since then, the foundation has organized a series of community-wide peace rallies involving Christian and Muslim youth as well as a two-week football competition, called the Jos Peace Cup, in which teams were divided to include both Christians and Muslims. To overcome the spatial obstacles to Christian-Muslim engagement, the foundation has also opened a centre in a neutral area of Jos where the youth can meet together to watch films, develop friendships, discuss issues related to peace, build conflict resolution and leadership skills, and plan peace programmes in their respective areas. The foundation also sponsored joint Christian-Muslim monitoring teams during the 2011 elections (McCain et al., 2012). 14 There are currently around 10,000 Young Ambassadors registered with the foundation in Plateau State (YACPIF, 2010). Through its programmes, some of the leading perpetrators of the violence have now become advocates of peace and reconciliation. Most of those involved in the violence are unemployed youth located on the margins of society. Many belong to street gangs and are engaged in various criminal activities in order to finance their drug habits. According to Rev. Pam, politicians on both sides of the religious divide are sponsoring the youth for their own political ends. In response, the foundation offers vocational skills training and loans to empower the youth and enable them to start their own businesses, making them less vulnerable to manipulation by unscrupulous politicians. To what extent has this strategy of engaging the youth as peace ambassadors succeeded in reducing levels of violence in Jos? Pam believes that it has, though his optimism is tempered by the threat posed by the Boko Haram terrorist insurgency. 15 Boko Haram 13. The foundation s Board of Trustees included the late Chief Solomon Lar (former Governor of Plateau State), Alhaji Ahmed Makarfi (Senator and former Governor of Kaduna State), and Dr Akilu Andabawa (Special Advisor to the President on Political Matters). See YACPIF (undated). 14. Yakubu Pam, interview, Jos, 8 May 2012. 15. Yakubu Pam, interview, Jos, 8 May 2012.
R. Burgess Pentecostals and Development in Nigeria and Zambia 187 (meaning Western education is forbidden ) is a Salafi jihadi group which is seeking to eliminate all western influences and create a pure Islamic state ruled by sharia. As well as attacks on moderate Muslims and government institutions, the group targets Christian communities and churches across Nigeria. Since early 2010, it has come to dominate the security discourse, creating a climate of fear throughout the nation (Adesoji, 2010; Walker, 2012). Religious Capital: Leadership, Participation and Networks In different ways, the Jubilee Centre and the Young Ambassadors Foundation are contributing to development through leadership training and community empowerment initiatives. Their effectiveness in engendering change is partly contingent upon the social capital they are able to generate. Lack of trust in society is considered a major obstacle to development, especially in countries dominated by corruption and/or violence such as Zambia and Nigeria. One of the strengths of Pentecostal churches in African societies is their closeness to poor communities, with members embedded in networks of relationships that are dependent on trust and reciprocity. Another is their organizational culture which is designed to mobilize the laity and foster participation (Miller and Yamamori, 2007; Freeman, 2012). Pentecostal churches and institutions in Nigeria and Zambia represent strong networks of religious capital capable of generating considerable numbers of volunteers for community engagement. In mainstream development theory, community participation and empowerment are considered essential components of successful development outcomes (Paul, 1987; Mayo and Craig, 1995; Clarke, 2011, 2014). Matthew Clarke (2011: 10) refers to the way that self-worth is restored and traditional structures of power and domination overturned when people are allowed to run and take control of development interventions. According to Dena Freeman (2012: 24 5), the ability of Pentecostal churches to foster participation is one reason why they seem more successful than secular NGOs in bringing about effective and sustainable social change. Freeman points to the way that Pentecostal churches are embedded in local communities and to the ability of Pentecostal pastors to enable their members to become involved in church activities from the outset. Thus, according to Freeman (ibid.: 25), Pentecostal churches are locally owned organisations, run by people for the people, in a way that development NGOs simply are not. Similarly, Donald Miller and Tetsunao Yamamori (2007) refer to
188 PentecoStudies the highly active lay leadership within Pentecostal churches which gives them a competitive edge over more traditional congregations that are mired in bureaucracy. The role of Pentecostal pastors, according to Miller and Yamamori (ibid.: 186), is to enable church members to discover their gifts and to become actively engaged in the work of the ministry. The emphasis of the Jubilee Centre and the Young Ambassadors Foundation on leadership training and empowering local communities is beginning to pay dividends, if only on a modest scale. When the members of the Jubilee Centre s Church Mobilization Programme enter a community, they bring church and civic leaders together to identify particular problems that need to be addressed. 16 They then train facilitators from each church so that they can share their knowledge and explore what integral mission means for them as a church in their community. The centre runs a leadership programme, called Will the Church save Zambia? which provides a forum for discussion and a platform for challenging church leaders to deepen their engagement with the poor (Temfwe, 2005). Temfwe is particularly concerned about challenging the dominant pattern of leadership in Zambia, based on patron-client relationships and the use of public office for private accumulation, by developing servant leaders after the model of Jesus Christ (Jubilee Centre, 2010b: 2 3). Currently, the centre works mainly with smaller churches in rural and urban localities. According to Temfwe, smaller churches are often intimidated by the prospect of engaging with politicians. The Jubilee Centre helps pastors to recognize the resources available within their congregations and communities, and to realize that they have power and agency to bring about social transformation. 17 More recently, the centre has turned its attention to urban megachurches whose focus on prosperity teaching has hindered their capacity to speak prophetically to power. It hopes to persuade these churches, which attract members of the urban elite (including politicians), to use their apostolic authority and numerical strength to challenge the government on issues such as corruption and social justice. As a board member of the Evangelical Fellowship of Zambia and a member of the Bread of Life Church International, Temfwe is well-placed to facilitate this. 18 However, few megachurches have participated in the centre s programmes so far, which suggests reluctance on their part to jeopardize their relationship with the state and the benefits that accrue from it. 16. Lawrence Temfwe, interview by Naar M Fundisi, 23 August 2011. 17. Lawrence Temfwe, interview by Richard Burgess, 16 March 2014. 18. Lawrence Temfwe, interview by Richard Burgess, 16 March 2014.
R. Burgess Pentecostals and Development in Nigeria and Zambia 189 One example of a successful development initiative, facilitated by the Jubilee Centre, occurred in the densely populated settlement of Mapalo on the outskirts of Ndola, the second largest city in Zambia. In the run-up to the 2006 Zambian elections, the centre encouraged church leaders to solicit the support of prospective political candidates in meeting the collective needs of their community. Mapalo is known for its economic poverty and high levels of HIV/AIDS. Twenty percent of the people in Mapalo are living with HIV/AIDS and do not have access to anti-retroviral treatment. Unpaved roads hamper the export of market goods to adjacent townships. In 2003, the Jubilee Centre brought together leaders of churches, youth groups, women s groups and political groups to discuss the kind of community they preferred. Prior to this, political representation had been poor. It then worked with local pastors to draft a Memorandum of Understanding for political candidates to sign. The pastors began by identifying the needs of the community. A draft of the memorandum was then shared with community leaders to solicit their views. Its purpose was to seek the commitment and cooperation of politicians and the community to meeting the stated needs. In total, 3,500 residents signed the memorandum. In September 2006, a meeting was organized attended by electoral candidates, pastors, community leaders and over 1,000 community members. All the candidates present signed the agreement and copies were sent to the district court for public documentation. News of the meeting spread and was publicized on radio and television across Zambia. The Electoral Commission of Zambia identified the Mapalo social contract as a model to be adopted by other communities. Following the elections, the Mapalo church leaders continued their advocacy work by holding their elective representatives accountable to demonstrate their support for the memorandum with action (Jubilee Centre, 2006). Since then, considerable progress has been made. The government has upgraded Mapalo s status from an illegal settlement to a site and service community. In collaboration with Mapalo residents, it has paved the roads, built three new schools, and provided good quality housing (ibid.). 19 The advocacy work of the Young Ambassadors initiative in Jos is different from the Jubilee Centre partly because it takes place in a community deeply divided by ethnicity and religion. What is unique about the Young Ambassadors, which sets it apart from the Jubilee Centre, is the involvement of both Christian and Muslim youth leaders 19. Lawrence Temfwe, interview by Richard Burgess, 16 March 2014.
190 PentecoStudies in community organizing. Training is geared towards transformative learning through workshops, discussion forums and peace films, enabling students to share their own experiences of conflict and develop collaborative plans for peace programmes in their respective areas. Theory is then translated into practice through engagement in peace initiatives such as inter-religious football tournaments, peace rallies, and advocacy work. On several occasions the intervention of peace ambassadors has alleviated ethno-religious tensions and contributed to conflict resolution in Jos. For example, in January 2011, when violence threatened to engulf the city following a bout of bomb blasts on Christmas Eve allegedly carried out by Boko Haram insurgents, the foundation was directly involved in brokering peace between the two religious communities. In Jos North, a group of Christian youth were gathering to retaliate against the Hausa Muslim community of Gada Biyu. However, Augustine Davou, a Christian youth leader and peace ambassador who had participated in one of the Peace Cup camps, was able to intervene and prevent the ensuing violence (Pam and Korb, 2011). Tensions were also raised in the communities of Bukuru and Gyel in Jos South. Bukuru had been burnt the year before, causing most of the Christians to relocate to nearby Gyel. Rev. Pam received notice that the Christian youth were gathering to march into Bukuru to exact revenge for being driven out the year before. In his capacity as the founder of the Youth Ambassadors foundation and a leader of the Christian Association of Nigeria, the main ecumenical organization in Nigeria, he was able to diffuse the situation and convince the Christian youth to return home. 20 The Young Ambassadors foundation is also seeking to engage with politicians. During the 2010 Peace Cup football tournament, organized by the foundation, leaders of four political parties in Plateau State publicly signed a declaration of nonviolence for the upcoming elections in April 2011. They also established the Conciliation Group, a forum aimed at providing a platform for addressing political issues and for discouraging any recourse to violence for the settlement of political differences. In its establishment declaration the group resolved to condemn the use of violence to resolve political differences, to take prompt action against any form of incitement to violence during the 2011 elections, to conduct political campaigns in a peaceful manner, to end the exploitation of youths as thugs in the political process, and 20. Yakubu Pam, interview, 8 May 2012.
R. Burgess Pentecostals and Development in Nigeria and Zambia 191 to work towards inter-ethnic and inter-religious understanding for the greater good of Jos, Plateau State and Nigeria at large (Ome, 2011). After the post-election violence that followed the April 2011 Presidential elections, the foundation recognized the serious possibility of violence following the Plateau State gubernatorial and senate elections. Therefore, it organized two training days to enable the Young Ambassadors to serve as election observers. In addition to observing the voting process, the youth were also responsible for monitoring their respective communities to detect early signs of violence. Because of the diligence of the Young Ambassadors, several potentially violent situations were calmed within the Jos environs (McCain et al., 2012; YACPIF, 2011). 21 Social capital theory distinguishes between bonding capital, which connects like-minded people and tends to reinforce homogeneity and exclusivity, and bridging capital, which connects people across communities (Putnam, 2000; Wood and Warren, 2002). The Jubilee Centre has developed interdenominational bridging capital through its collaboration with the Evangelical Fellowship of Zambia, one of the three main ecumenical organizations in the country. 22 As noted earlier, it currently works with over 94 congregations, mobilizing leaders and congregations to engage in community development projects. Although the Young Ambassadors foundation is a relatively small organization, its strength lies in its capacity to generate interfaith bridging capital and to promote social cohesion across the religious and ethnic divide, particularly among young people. Significantly, the foundation does not seek to convert Muslims who participate in its programmes. In fact it is crucial for its approach to conflict prevention that Muslim peace ambassadors remain engaged with their religious communities, which would be difficult if they converted to Christianity as they risk being ostracized by their families and communities. As we have seen, both organizations have also generated social capital with individuals and institutions beyond the church such as political parties and community groups. Global religious networks are also important sources for generating social capital. This is especially the case with Lawrence Temfwe and the Jubilee Centre. In contrast to Yakubu Pam, Temfwe has established extensive links with churches and Christian organizations in the USA and Britain. During the 1990s, he attended Wheaton College, a Christian 21. Yakubu Pam, interview, Jos 8 May 2012. 22. Temfwe and Pam have held leadership positions in the EFZ and the Christian Association of Nigeria respectively.
192 PentecoStudies liberal arts college in the state of Illinois. After his graduation in 1999, he wrote his position objective: To create a bridge between Western and the African Christians, which promotes mutual respect, accountability, and partnership in proclaiming the gospel to the unreached people and in making meaningful contribution to the African desire for godly social peace and economic sufficiency. (Jubilee Centre, 2013) As well as maintaining links with Wheaton College, Temfwe collaborates with several congregations in the USA and Britain, including the well-known Willow Creek Community Church, an evangelical megachurch with a strong ecumenical outlook. 23 Temfwe is a member of the Willow Creek Association, a loose network of several thousand member churches from around the world. The Willow Creek Association s flagship conference is the Global Leadership Summit (GLS), an annual event held in over 300 cities and 92 countries. Temfwe is the coordinator for GLS Zambia, and Temfwe s Bread of Life church in Ndola has been the venue for the event on two occasions (Jubilee Centre, 2011). Willow Creek has also donated funds for some of the Jubilee Centre s social projects (Jubilee Centre, 2012). More important for the Jubilee Centre s contribution to development in Zambia is its links with Micah Challenge, the global campaign against poverty of the Micah Network and the World Evangelical Alliance. 24 In 2001, the heads of state from 186 countries gathered together under the umbrella of the United Nations to develop a fifteen year plan to reduce poverty, hunger and disease in developing countries. They agreed eight goals which they called the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The target was to meet these goals by 2015. 25 The Micah Network is a community of over 550 evangelical institutions in more than 80 countries whose common focus on integral mission is inspired by Micah 6:8: What is good and what does the Lord require of you? To act justly and to love mercy and to walk humbly with your God (Micah Challenge, 2015). Micah Challenge Zambia is coordinated by the Jubilee Centre under the auspices of the Evangelical Fellowship of Zambia, and until 2006, 23. Other churches include Christ Presbyterian Church, Ridgepoint Community Church (USA), and St Nicolas Anglican Church (England). 24. The international director of Micah Challenge is Joel Edwards, a British Pentecostal and former General Director of the Evangelical Alliance, the main evangelical ecumenical organisation in Britain. 25. For more on the MDGs, see www.un.org/millenniumgoals.
R. Burgess Pentecostals and Development in Nigeria and Zambia 193 Temfwe was its National Facilitator. 26 Micah s vision is two-fold: To establish a global movement to encourage deeper Christian commitment to the poor and hold governments to account for their pledge to halve extreme poverty by 2015 (Winter and Woodhead, 2014). Its theological basis is the Micah Declaration on Integral Mission which was developed by participants in the Micah Network s consultation on Integral Mission held at Oxford in September 2001. The Micah Declaration defines integral mission as the proclamation and demonstration of the gospel Justice and justification by faith, worship and political action, the spiritual and the material, personal change and structural change belong together. As in the life of Jesus, being, doing and saying are at the heart of our integral task (Micah Challenge, 2001). 27 According to Emily Winter and Linda Woodhead, Micah s focus on integral mission situates it at the midpoint of a Christian spectrum between the positions of proclamation only Christianity, which views political action as a distraction from preaching the gospel, and liberation theology which asserts that the gospel is preached by a deed-only approach through transforming unjust societal structures (Winter and Woodhead, 2014: 14). Zambia is recognized as one of Micah Challenge s most successful campaigns. In partnership with Micah Challenge Zambia, the Jubilee Centre organizes workshops for pastors and Christian leaders to enlighten them on the Zambian government s progress on the Millennium Development Goals and to encourage them to hold the political leaders accountable. It currently works with around 1000 churches in ensuring that the MDGs are met at the grassroots (M Fundisi, 2014: 215). 28 Micah is not an anti-globalization movement as such but rather a response to the inequalities and injustices generated by global economic capitalism. It positions itself as a critical partner to government, in contrast to those taking a more oppositional stance (Winter and Woodhead, 2014: 14), and identifies a lack of political will on the part of wealthy nations to reform global financial institutions and to reshape the global economy as the main obstacle to the equitable distribution of the benefits of globalization (Christian Reformed Churches of Australia, 26. Lawrence Temfwe, interview by Naar M Fundisi, 23 August 2011. 27. The term integral mission was first coined by members of the Latin American Theological Fellowship during the 1970s. It was later endorsed by participants at the 1974 International Congress of World Evangelization in Lausanne. 28. See also Lawrence Temfwe on the Micah Challenge at www.youtube.com/ watch?v=gsigkz0th7s (accessed 25 November 2014).
194 PentecoStudies 2006). Micah also represents a post-paternalistic and postcolonial approach to development which is reflected its efforts to devolve power and decision-making to grassroots organizations in the global South, such as the Jubilee Centre in Zambia. It believes that global economic inequalities can only be countered by a trans-national mobilisation of grass-roots movements from below (ibid.). Spiritual Capital: Integral Mission and Cultural Reformation The Jubilee Centre s focus on integral or holistic mission represents a significant shift in cultural orientation among some Pentecostals in Zambia and Nigeria, an example of the way Pentecostal religion may impact development through the reformation of culture (Gifford, 2004: 181; Martin, 2002: 22). In both countries, Pentecostalism has long been associated with personal transformation and evangelism, often accompanied by divine healing and deliverance, and Pentecostals commonly consider individual conversion as the key to social change. According to Freeman (2012: 13, 25), the key element of this transformation of subjectivity is a shift from seeing oneself as a victim to seeing oneself as a victor, enabling Pentecostals to reject passive, fatalistic beliefs and reclaim their agency. Freeman suggests that this sense of empowerment leads to new forms of conduct and social relations, both of which enhance economic development and foster upward social mobility (ibid.: 25). Similarly, Miller and Yamamori (2007: 33) refer to the incremental impact on people s social welfare due to the social uplift associated with Pentecostalism s moral prescriptions against alcohol, gambling and womanizing, which gives them a competitive economic advantage over their neighbours. These social and economic effects are indirect results of Pentecostalism rather than explicit goals. However, Lawrence Temfwe and Yakubu Pam represent an emergent group of African Pentecostal leaders who are intentionally seeking to bring about social transformation in their communities. Their focus on holistic mission, which seeks to integrate evangelism and proactive forms of social action, is associated with a shift away from the separatist tendencies of a Pentecostal emphasis on individual transformation and morality to a form of social holiness understood as obedience to Christ s command to love one s neighbour in the wider society. Margaret Poloma and Ralph Hood (2008: 2, 65 70) refer to this as godly love in their study of Pentecostal faith-based social ministry and link it to Spirit baptism and the exercise of spiritual gifts.