John Van Patten: Corporal in the Coloured Corps

John Van Patten: Corporal in the Coloured Corps As with all of the men who joined the Coloured Corps, there were two things that John Van Patten valued very highly: fidelity to his country and commitment to his community. We glean this from the documents and records that he left behind that reveal a proud Black man who chose to defend his country and its values alongside his comrades of African descent both during and after the War. On October 17, 1812, John Van Patten joined the Coloured Corps in the rank of private, and remained with this company until it disbanded on March 24, 1815. By the end of his service he had been promoted to corporal, had seen action at Queenston Heights and Fort Erie, and had remained on as the duties of the Coloured Corps turned to the rebuilding of Forts George and Niagara, and the construction of Fort Mississauga. 1 During this time, Corporal Van Patten was also raising a family. In September 1814, he and his wife, Ann, accompanied Humphrey Waters, another corporal of the Coloured Corps, and Humphrey s wife Catherine, to St. Mark s Anglican Church in Niagara (present-day Niagara-on-the-Lake) where their daughter Ann was baptized by Reverend Robert Addison along with the four Waters children (see Waters Family). 2 As was the case with Richard Pierpoint and Robert Jupiter, John Van Patten s service to his country was finally rewarded on April 19, 1822, with the granting of a location ticket for 100 acres of land in the eastern half of Lot 4, Concession 1 in Garafraxa Township (see Richard 1

Pierpoint and Robert Jupiter). 3 The militia land grant papers reflect the pride he had in his wartime service: John Van Patten (a man of colour)... Corporal in the late Coloured Corps commanded by Lieut. Wm Robertson... 4 At the time, he was living on the Indian Land in the County of Haldimand and working as a labourer. 5 It is believed that Van Patten was the son of one of the slaves of Joseph Brant, or Thayendanegea, the Mohawk leader. In the only first-person narrative of a woman who had been enslaved in Upper Canada, Sophia Pooley related that her former owner, Brant, had two male slaves, one of whom was the father of John Patten. 6 Van Patten s reported residence on the land granted to Brant and the Six Nations after the American Revolutionary War is consistent with Pooley s information. Van Patten completed the settlement duties on his 100 acre land grant quickly. One year after locating on the property, on May 22, 1823, Manuel Overfield, Justice of the Peace, Anson Matthews and Abraham Matthews swore out an affidavit stating that Van Patten had cleared and fenced five acres, constructed a house 16 x 20 feet, had slashed the timber, and cleared out a road in front of his lot. 7 On July 31, he received his patent or clear title to the land and one month later, he sold it to the same Manuel Overfield in what must be viewed as a very unusual deal. After three years of sacrifice putting his life on the line for his country, and after completing the arduous task of clearing his property and constructing a house, he received only 5 (five pounds) from Overfield. 8 Even in 1823, this was next to nothing for a 100-acre tract of improved land and it raises questions about the nature of this transaction. Van Patten appears to have been swindled! 2

After essentially giving away his property, Van Patten was left to search for another way to obtain land. He decided to throw in his lot with his fellow African Canadians and African Americans and petition for land whereby he and his family could receive support and assistance from a large, close-knit group of Black settlers. Thus, Van Patten became involved with Blacks across the province in a series of petitions to the Lieutenant Governor requesting land on which to settle as an entire community. A meeting of 200 Black residents of Upper Canada was held at Ancaster in June 1828 to decide a plan of action regarding recent kidnappings and the lack of educational opportunities in the province. A petition to Lieutenant Governor Sir Peregrine Maitland was drafted which referred to two recent kidnappings of Black men. One man from the Niagara District, named James Smith, was seized in the middle of the night and dragged across the border into New York State by Virginia slave catchers. Luckily, he escaped and swam back across the Niagara River to his home. However, another unnamed kidnap victim was not so fortunate and was never heard from again. In addition, a major bone of contention of the group was the lack of educational prospects for their children, which desirable object they fondly cherish the hopes of being able to accomplish, should they be formed into a settlement, where they could combine and unite their means of exertions for so laudable a purpose... 9 The petition, dated November 9, 1828, requested land adjacent to the main road leading from Burlington to Lake Huron so that they could better protect one another in any kidnapping attempts, and better address the educational needs of their children by building their own churches and school. They preferred a less remote location than the Oro Settlement which had been established in 1819 for Black war veterans of 3

1812. This petition was spearheaded by Paola Brown and Charles Jackson of St. Catharines on behalf of 237 Black inhabitants of Upper Canada (see Oro Settlement). 10 Unfortunately, this petition was denied by the authorities, citing the existence of the Oro Township tract with land still available on which to settle. The petition was followed up one month later by another requesting to purchase land in the clergy reserves on the Grand River in the Gore District, bound by Wilmot Township on the south, Woolwich Township on the east, and Garafraxa Township on the north with the west side being unsurveyed. Paola Brown was again the agent for this group. The petitioners felt that this tract of land was suitable for cultivating tobacco. 11 This time, the names of dozens of people from different locales were included on the petition, including a number of men who had served in the Coloured Corps: Francis Hunt, for example, was living in Ancaster and his name, as well as those of two of his relatives, Jesse and Albun Hunt, were on the list along with 14 others from Ancaster. From Brantford were Robert Chrysler (Crysler) and his relation, Stephen, Richard Shepherd, William Jones, and John Van Patten. A Prince Van Patten was also listed, presumably a relation to John, among a total of 19 from Brantford. Twenty-two from St. Catharines, including Paola Brown, were also on the list and 200 each from Amherstburg and Sandwich were represented by Nicholas Matthews and Charles Jackson. 12 4

Once again, the petition for land to purchase on the Grand River was read in council on January 17, 1829, and denied on the basis that it had not yet been surveyed and therefore was not presently for sale. The Petitioners if not disposed to settle on Wilberforce Street [i.e. the Oro Settlement] may purchase from the Commissioner of Crown Lands as Ordinary Settlers but the Council cannot recommend them to any special consideration in any other situation than the one already assigned to them. 13 Interestingly, as these and other petitions of Black Upper Canadians were being turned down, a group of Cincinnati Blacks wrote to the incoming Lieutenant Governor Sir John Colborne and sent a two-man delegation to meet with him in July 1829. The situation in Cincinnati had come to a head, and Black codes forcing residents to post a $500 bond and to obtain a certificate to live and work there, among a number of other odious measures, were being enforced because of the large numbers of African Americans coming into the city. 14 Colborne reportedly welcomed the Cincinnati group with open arms and approximately 460 people eventually emigrated from Ohio to Upper Canada. Twenty to thirty families ended up settling on an 800-acre tract of land that was purchased in Biddulph Township, Middlesex County where present-day Lucan is located. This settlement was named Wilberforce, after the famous British Member of Parliament and antislavery champion. 15 Why the government assented to the establishment of the Wilberforce Settlement, when the petitions of other deserving Upper Canadians were denied, can only be speculated. However, Van Patten again lent his name to a third petition, sent to the new Lieutenant Governor, Sir John 5

Colborne, but this time as one of three men who spearheaded it. The preamble clearly reflected his input: The Petition of Samuel Wright, Jasper Smith, and John Van Patten, Farmers near Brantford, part of the coloured population of Upper Canada for themselves and as representing a number of coloured people residing at Niagara, Ancaster and Amherstburgh [sic] and in other parts of the Province. Humbly Sheweth That your Petitioners have resided in the Province of Upper Canada for upwards of Five Years (and some for their lives, who fought throughout the last War) would humbly beg leave to address Your Excellency by Petition. 16 The petitioners pointed to the fact that they, unlike the Cincinnati group, had been living in the province for some time, and some, like John Van Patten, for their entire lives. They made sure to add the important fact that some had served their country throughout the duration of the War of 1812. Your Petitioners will acknowledge that the object of their coming into Canada, was to improve not only their own condition, but also that of their families; That your Petitioners have all been bred to the Farming business, and particularly to the raising of Tobacco, and being Men of Sober, industrious habits, accustomed to hard labour, We humbly Propose to become permanent residents in Canada, and to be ready on all occasions to protect the country against all its Enemies, and faithfully to serve His Majesty the King of England as his Loyal subjects... 17 The petition went on to state the group s desire to form a Black farming community that would build its own churches and schools, and they again requested a tract of land on the Upper Grand River to the east of the Township of Woolwich in the clergy reserves. Again, the group asked to 6

be able to purchase plots of land by installment, to enable them to buy the land gradually from the produce of their farms. 18 Van Patten signed his name with an X, suggesting that he could not read and write, as did 24 other Black men who made their mark with an X, including Robert and Stephen Crysler, and Prince Van Patten. 19 The petition also contained the signatures of 35 additional men from the community who endorsed and recommended it to the attention of the Lieutenant Governor. It would appear that this petition was turned down, as were the others that had come from within Upper Canada. And when Paola Brown and a small group settled in Woolwich Township in 1830/31, they apparently squatted, because they all left the area after five or six years. 20 In any case, Van Patten and his group from Brantford were not among them. Van Patten remained in the Brantford area. Neither he nor any children appear to have fought in the 1837 Rebellion, but he certainly demonstrated what side of the conflict he was on in an interesting case in which he lodged a complaint against Robert Micklejohn for treason. On February 7, 1838, Van Patten testified before a judge that he was at the Pearson Hotel in the Town of Brantford when Robert Micklejohn and William Qua entered the bar. Micklejohn offered him a beer if he would drink to Mackenzie s health. He was of course referring to William Lyon Mackenzie, leader of the rebels who wanted to take over the government and install a republican-style democracy in Upper Canada. Micklejohn added that if he didn t wish to 7

drink to Mackenzie s health, then he could have water and drink to that of Sir Francis Bond Head, the Lieutenant Governor. Van Patten refused the beer in the form it was offered and chose the water. A guard present who overheard the conversation said that if Micklejohn had drunk to Mackenzie s health, he would have taken him to the Guard Room, and presumably had him arrested. 21 This case illustrates the heightened tensions that existed at the time of the Rebellion, as well as the loyalty felt by average Upper Canadians toward the British monarchy. Certainly, there is a great deal of documented evidence of the fierce loyalty of the African Canadian community, just as during the War of 1812. Blacks were afraid that any reform toward a more American-style government on the part of the colonial administration could lead to Canada ultimately being annexed to the United States and slavery being reinstituted on her territory. 22 Van Patten s actions that day clearly illustrate his own beliefs in that regard. After 1838, John Van Patten receded from the archival record. At the time of the case against Micklejohn, he was described as being of the Town of Brantford Labourer. He had a son named John, born in 1815, who was also a labourer living in Brantford in 1851 with a wife, Elizabeth, born in Scotland, and children Anna, Henry, Mary, and John. The children ranged in age from 12 to 5 years old. 23 The couple were married at the Mohawk Chapel, three miles south of Brantford, in 1839. 24 An Anne Van Patten was also married at the Mohawk parsonage in 1832, possibly another daughter of John. 25 8

The narrative of John Van Patten is not exactly of the happily ever after variety. He had served his country proudly during the War of 1812, and had obtained a measure of acknowledgement in the 100-acre land grant he received in Garafraxa Township. However, after relinquishing this property under questionable circumstances, he remained thereafter in pursuit of land in a community of his peers. His defence of Upper Canada during the American invasion known as the War of 1812 played a small but important role in forging the country and its institutions that we know and cherish today. 1 As was the case with Robert Jupiter, John Van Patten was recorded on all four known lists of Coloured Corps members, and like Robert Jupiter, it was on the last list that he was listed as a corporal : 1) Robert Runchey Capt., October 24, 1812, 191-192, British Military and Naval Records C Series, RG 8, vol. 1701, Library and Archives Canada (hereafter LAC) microfilm C-3839, Archives of Ontario (hereafter AO); 2) Color d Corps Muster Roll & Pay List from 25 th April to 24 th July 1813 Inclusive, British Military Records C Series, 113-116, RG 8, vol. 688e, LAC microfilm C-3232, AO; Nominal Return of Captain Runchey s Company of Colored Men who served from the 24 th October to the 24 th December, 443-444, Militia and Defence, RG 9, IB7, vol. 21, LAC microfilm T-10385, AO ; and Corps of Artificers (Alias Colored), 179-180, Militia and Defence, RG9, IB7, vol. 1, LAC microfilm T-3488, AO. 2 Baptism of Waters and Van Patten children, September 6, 1814, Register of Baptisms, Burials and Marriages, 1792-1849, St. Marks Anglican Church (Niagara), MS 545, reel 1, AO. 3 Certificate no. 2819 of the Adjutant General of Militia for John Van Patten, April 19, 1823, 187, Township Papers, RG 1-58, Garafraxa, east half of Lot 4, Con. 1, MS 658, reel 153, AO. 4 Certificate no. 2819, April 19, 1823; Fiat no. M520 and Location Ticket of John Van Patten, April 19, 1823, 186-192, Township Papers, RG 1-58, Garafraxa, east half of Lot 4, Con. 1, MS 658, reel 153, AO. 5 Location Ticket of John Van Patten, April 19, 1823. Two of the Coloured Corps lists also state that Van Patten was at the Head of the Lake with Secord, meaning the Hamilton-Burlington area at the western tip of Lake Ontario. This could either indicate that he was living there and working for Secord at the time of his enlistment in 1812, or it could mean that he went there after the War: Robert Runchey Capt., 24 October 1812 and Nominal Return of Captain Runchey s Company of Colored Men. 6 Benjamin Drew, ed., Refugees from Slavery: Autobiographies of Fugitive Slaves in Canada (Mineola, NY: Dover Publications, 2004), 137. Peter and David Meyler, A Stolen Life: Searching for Richard Pierpoint (Toronto, ON: Natural Heritage Books, 1999), 106. 9

7 Affidavit for John Van Patten, May 22, 1823, 186-192, Township Papers, RG 1-58, Garafraxa, half of Lot 4, Con. 1, MS 658, reel 153, AO. 8 Abstract Index Books, ca. 1830-1958, West Garafraxa Township (v. O1, 1), Wellington County (North) Land Registry Office, microfilm GSU 178714, AO. Because Garafraxa Township was first part of Halton County, the actual registration of the sale is located in that county s records: Memorial C32, Halton County v. C-D (1-430, 1-298), 1823-1827, Halton County Land Registry Office Records, microfilm GSU 179003, AO. 9 Petition of Paola Brown and Others, November 7, 1828, 115g, Upper Canada Land Petitions (hereafter UCLP), RG 1, L3, vol. 50, B Bundle 15, LAC microfilm C-1628, AO. 10 Petition of Paola Brown and Others, November 7, 1828, 115c-115i; Adrienne Shadd, The Journey from Tollgate to Parkway: African Canadians in Hamilton (Toronto, ON: Dundurn Press, 2010), 61-63. 11 Petition of Paola Brown and Others, December 1828, 117, UCLP, RG 1, L3, vol. 50, B Bundle 15, LAC microfilm C-1628, AO. A postscript to a copy of the petition retained in the Civil Secretary s correspondence contained the information about wanting to cultivate tobacco. November-December 1828, 50306-50825, Civil Secretary s Correspondence, Upper Canada Sundries, RG 5, A 1, vol. 91, LAC microfilm C-6866, AO. 12 Petition of Paola Brown and Others, December 1828, 117, 117a-117b, 117e. 13 Petition of Paola Brown and Others, December 1828, petition 117c. 14 Shadd, 64-65. 15 Only five or six of the original Cincinnati group settled in the Wilberforce Settlement, with several hundred others settling in various other locations around the province. On this settlement, see Fred Landon, The History of the Wilberforce Refugee Colony in Middlesex County, in Ontario s African- Canadian Heritage: Collected Writings by Fred Landon, 1918-1967, Karolyn Smardz Frost, Bryan Walls, Hilary Bates Neary and Frederick H. Armstrong, eds. (Toronto, ON: Natural Heritage Books and Dundurn Press, 2009); Drew, 171-172; Marilyn Bailey, From Cincinnati, Ohio to Wilberforce, Canada: A Note on Antebellum Colonization, Journal of Negro History 58: 4 (October, 1973): 427-32; Nikki M. Taylor, Frontiers of Freedom: Cincinnati s Black Community, 1802-1868 (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2005), Chapter 3; Shadd, 64-65. 16 Petition of Samuel Wright and Others, September 1830, 58083-58087, Civil Secretary s Correspondence, Upper Canada Sundries, RG 5, A 1, vol. 102, LAC microfilm C-6871, AO. 17 Petition of Samuel Wright and Others, September 1830. 18 Petition of Samuel Wright and Others, September 1830. 19 Petition of Samuel Wright and Others, September 1830. 20 Shadd, 66-70. 10

21 The complaint of John Van Patten against Robert Micklejohn, February 1838, 103876-103879, Civil Secretary s Correspondence, Upper Canada Sundries, RG 5, A1, vol. 186, LAC microfilm C-6897, AO. 22 See, for example, Sir Francis Bond Head, A Narrative (1839; reprint, Toronto, ON: McClelland & Stewart, 1969), 172-173; Austin Steward, Twenty-Two Years a Slave, and Forty Years a Freeman; Embracing a Correspondence of Several Years, While President of Wilberforce Colony, London, Canada West (1857; reprint, New York, NY: Negro Universities Press, 1968), 300; Josiah Henson, An Autobiography of the Rev. Josiah Henson ( Uncle Tom ) From 1789 to 1883 (London, UK: Christian Age Offices, 1882), 176; Paola Brown, An Address Intended to be Delivered in the City Hall, Hamilton, February 7, 1851, on the Subject of Slavery (Hamilton, ON: Printed for the Author, 1851), 28; Shadd, 104-109. 23 Household of Van Patten, 1851 census of Canada West, Brant, Town of Brantford (subdistrict 5), stamped page 199-200, line 44-49, LAC microfilm C-11713, AO. 24 Angela Files, Brant County, Mohawk Chapel Marriage Records, 1827-1877, Publication 189 (Brantford, ON: Ontario Genealogical Society, Brant County Branch), 13. 25 Marriage of Anne Van Patten, 1832, Grace Anglican Church (Brantford), Brant County Registers, Brantford Marriages, vol. 4, 1827-1846, Ontario Genealogical Society, Brant County Branch, Brantford, Ontario 1987. 11