FROM MUSLIM CONFERENCE TO NATIONAL CONFERENCE ( )

FROM MUSLIM CONFERENCE TO NATIONAL CONFERENCE (1938-1939)

IV. FROM MUSLIM CONFERENCE TO N A TIO N A L CONFERENCE (1936-39) Let us rise above petty communal bickerings and work jointly for the welfare of the masses. I appeal to my Hindu brethren not to entertain imaginary fears and doubts. Let us assure them that their rights shall not be jeopardized if they join hands with the Musalmans. (S.M.Abdullah)1 Right from its inception the programme of the Muslim Conference was secular and progressive. True, the leaders of Muslim Conference came forward in the Muslim name but their programme and manifesto was as broad as that of any progressive political Party of India. They fought against exploitation, regardless of the religion of the exploiter. This attitude of Muslim leadership certainly began to influence and impress even the staunch Hindu communalists.2 Besides, the fact that the demands of Muslim Conference were purely secular in nature, it is also worth mentioning that the Conference made persistent efforts to ensure a joint Hindu- Muslim struggle. It did not even miss the smallest opportunity to strive for it. In all of its sessions and Presidential addresses the Conference stressed on forging Hindu- Muslim unity and co-operation. In its inaugural session the President of the Conference publicly declared it that the aim of the Muslim Conference was to redress the grievances of all the communities irrespective of caste, creed and colour.3 On March 7, 1933, a committee was set up to contact non-muslim leaders to seek their co-operation and to persuade them to participate in the movement. However, the committee was unable to achieve any positive results because of the suspicion of the Hindu leaders.4 169

In the welcome address of the second annual session of Muslim Conference the non-muslims were again fervently appealed to join hands with the Muslims and to fight jointly for the common interests of all the communities while forgetting temporary bitterness of the 1931 communal riot:5 Before concluding my address let me tell my Hindu and Sikh brethren that all of us have lived in this land brotherly and cordially. And in future, it is impossible for us to live in separation. It is in the nature of human beings that they sometimes fight with each other but that does not mean that they would remain divided once for all. The only way to the welfare of all the communities of the State is their mutual understanding and unity. In these circumstances I would not hesitate to request you to come forward, forget the past and to stand united in order to assure an era of friendship, love and peace. In his second Presidential address S.M.Abdullah again tried to bring home to the non-muslims that the demands or achievements of Muslim Conference were not exclusively meant for one particular community, instead, it served the interest of all the communities. The President said:6 So far the achievements of Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference have benefited all the communities. These achievements include proprietary rights in land, concessions in connection with the use of forests, abolition of tax on cattle and nazrana, freedom of press and platform, right to formation of associations and establishment of Assembly and the district and municipal boards. Among all these achievements there is no reservation for the Muslims and all communities irrespective of caste and creed have been benefited equally but sometimes the Hindus because of their past hegemony had an opportunity to get more benefits. In a written statement which the Muslim Conference issued on 29th of June, 1934 through its President, the Conference again requested the non-muslims to join hands with the Muslims and assured them every kind of help and safeguard7. As a well wisher of the country and its minorities I would like sincerely to appeal you on behalf of the Muslims that they are ready to provide you as much security and constitutional rights as the majority in India is providing to its minorities. And it is 170

also possible that we can prove more generous in this connection. Come, and say good-bye to the past. The Constituent Assembly framed by Government cannot benefit any of the communities of the State. Therefore, if we persistently demand justice, you are not supposed to favour only verbally but to come forward and prove your spirit of nationalism. This does not mean that you would have to change your stance ostentatiously but the change of mind is needed and the spirit of friendship and peace must flow from hearts. With the publication of Glancy Commission report in May, 1932, it became abundantly clear that all the Hindus were not against the reforms and particularly a section to whom P.N.Bazaz was representing were anxious to see that the legitimate grievances of Muslims are redressed and a progressive form of Government established in the State8. A historic meeting between P.N.Bazaz and S.M.Abdullah took place in July, 1932 at Chashma Shahi Garden wherein a decision for the secularization of State politics was taken. The meeting proved to be of great significance9. On the last day of October 1932, P.N. Bazaz started the first newspaper, The Daily Vitasta, in the Kashmir province to popularize the idea of secular politics and fight for the establishment of a responsible government in the State. This journal did not live long because of the hostility of the reactionary Hindus who tried to suppress it by every means at their command. Nevertheless, the daily rendered great service to the cause of nationalism during those days of the freedom struggle10. It was in 1934 that the Maharaja granted a constitution providing a Legislative Assembly for the people. High hopes were raised with the introduction of the reform but the reality soon dawned upon the people that the Assembly was powerless. Nevertheless, it served a good purpose in that the elected representatives of Muslims and Hindus were brought together on the floor of the house where they began to understand and appreciate each other s point of view. They began to 171

realize that most of the basic problems were common to both11 which helped in the secularization of politics. After the Sopore session (1934) which was the third annual session of Muslim Conference, S.M.Abdullah left for plains to renew contacts with the leaders of political thought over there. It was during this tour that he had a meeting with Pandit Jawaher Lai Nehru which had far-reaching results on Kashmir politics12. S.M.Abdullah accompanied Pandit Nehru (after they met at Lahore Railway Station) to N.W.F.P. and it was during this tour as S.M.Abdullah himself admits that Pandit Nehru laid a tremendous influence on his mind. He also came into contact with Khan 13 Abdul Gaffar Khan whose views and ideas also influenced him. During their tour to N.W.F.P. Pandit Nehru posed various questions to S.M.Abdullah about the nature of Kashmir movement. No doubt the latter acquainted Pandit Nehru with the secular character of Muslim Conference. But the Congress leader suggested him to enlarge the sphere of Kashmir freedom movement in a way that the non-muslims feel no hesitation in joining it. By doing so no room would be left for Hindu communalists and their press to launch any propaganda against Kashmir freedom movement by declaring it communal14. It was during this tour that S.M.Abdullah addressed a press Conference at Lahore at the residence of Dr. Safi-ud-Din Kitchloo (a prominent Congress Leader). In his press conference S.M.Abdullah said:15 The communal tension in Kashmir is to a great extent the result of the propaganda of Punjabi communal leaders. We want that the people of Punjab do not interfere in our matters. My future programme would be to act according to the principles of Congress. After returning to Kashmir I would lay down the foundation of an organisation which would serve national interests. 172

In 1934 S.M.Abdullah underwent a thorough ideological change and came increasingly under the influence of the Indian National Congress with its ideology of secularism and socialism. He realized that the problems in Kashmir were related to the political structure and economic exploitation and had nothing to do with the creed of any particular people.16 He felt the need of involving all people, irrespective of caste and creed into the movement. This initiated a new and progressive phase in the freedom struggle of Kashmir. It is to be noted that the support for secular and progressive ideas was to come not from the Punjabi Muslims 17 but from the Indian National Congress. On August 1, 1935 S.M.Abdullah and P.N.Bazaz started a journal The Hamdard, in Urdu to popularize the ideology and to lay the foundations of progressive nationalism in the State. The inauguration of the first issue of the journal was performed by Dr. Saif-ud-Din Kitchloo in a big public meeting at Hazuri Bagh Srinagar. From its beginning The Hamdard attempted to blaze a new trail in the affairs of the State. It was a standard bearer of democracy and unity of all Kashmiris without any consideration of caste or creed they belonged to. It published articles 18 bitterly and frankly critical of orthodox views. It played a dynamic role in the secularization and reorientation of the State polity19. Chaudri Ghulam Abbas Khan also tried to ally the fears of non- Muslims and requested them to join hands with the Muslims in their struggle for the establishment of a responsible government in the State. Like other leaders he tried to bring home to the non-muslims that whatever the Muslims achieved through their struggle such as reduction in abiyana (irrigation tax), Kahcharai (grazing tax), proprietary rights in land, freedom of press and platform, it served the interests of all 173

the communities. So he requested the non-muslims to join hands with their Muslim brethren in order to fight shoulder to shoulder for the cause of the State people. In his Presidential address delivered to the fourth annual session of Muslim Conference held on 25, 26 and 27 of October, 1935, at historical Shahi Masjid, 20 Srinagar, Chaudri Ghulam Abbas said: While forgetting the bitterness of past, I on behalf of the Muslims of State very sincerely appeal to my non-muslim countrymen to extend their cooperation to us. I assure that the Muslims have no intention to deprive any community of its legitimate rights and they are seeking justice for everyone and demanded for themselves only those rights that belong to them. Let us all join together to struggle for the emancipation of our country. I hope that the non-muslim leaders in the interest of the country will consider my appeal courageously and honestly. They must rest assured that the real good of their community also lies in the same. We have full confidence that the poor among the Hindus and Sikhs will in near future join hands with us in our struggle for the achievement of responsible government. We shall continue our efforts in this direction. The secular nature of Muslim Conference, repeated requests of Muslim Conference leaders to their Hindu brethren for their cooperation and the rise of secular minded non-muslim leaders like Pandit Prem Nath Bazaz and Sardar Budh Singh21 ultimately bore fruits and we find that the fourth annual session of Muslim Conference (1935) was participated by non-muslims although in an individual manner22. On 8th May, 1936, Muslim Conference observed a Responsible government Day throughout the length and breadth of the State. An appeal was made by S.M.Abdullah, President of the Conference to non-muslims to participate in the functions celebrated in connection with the Responsible government Day. The appeal did not go in vain. For, at many places, notably Srinagar, Poonch and Jammu, 174

presidents of the Public meetings held in this connection as also the principal * 2 3 speakers at them were either Hindus or Sikhs. It was under the guidance of P.N.Bazaz that a Party of young men called Kashmir Youth League came into existence in 1936. It believed in the equality of all people in the State and held that there was no distinction between youngmen or women on the basis of religious beliefs they professed. Such activities and developments proved congenial and helpful in the growth of secular politics in the State.24 It was in the interest of Hindu-Muslim unity that the students of schools and colleges belonging to different communities orgnised Kashmir Students Union. The first annual session of this union was held on November 4, 1936, wherein the forceful speechs were made in favour of Hindu-Muslim Unity and the responsible government. On January 7, 1937 the foundation of another organisation called Muslim Socialist Party was laid under the leadership of Abdul Aziz Mir25. The emergence of these progressive organisations was a significant development in the rise of nationalist ideas. The fifth annual session of Muslim Conference was held at Poonch on May 14, 1937, under the Presidentship of S.M.Abdullah. In this session, we find that the President of the Conference once again requested the non-muslims to join the movement and expressed his hope that in near future the poor and exploited sections of Hindu society would join it26. The sixth annual session of Muslim Conference was held on March 25, 26 and 27, 1938 at Jammu, again under the Presidentship of S.M.Abdullah. In his Presidential address S.M.Abdullah observed:27 175

Like us the large majority of Hindus and Sikhs in the State have immensely suffered at the hands of the irresponsible government. They are also steeped in deep ignorance, have to pay large taxes and are in debt and starving. Establishment of responsible government is as much a necessity for them as for us. sooner or later these people are bound to join our ranks. No amount of propaganda can keep them away from us. You complain that the Hindus belonging to the vested interests are reactionary and stand in the way of our progress. But have we not had the same experience in the case of capitalist Muslims also? It is significant as well as hopeful that inspite of many difficulties in their way some non-muslims have co-operated with us, though their number is very small. Their sincerity and moral courage make us feel their strength. We must therefore, open our doors to all such Hindus and Sikhs who like ourselves, believe in the freedom of their country from the shackles of an irresponsible rule. S.M.Abdulah spoke in favour of the conversion of Muslim Conference into National Conference which generated heated discussions and confrontations in the ranks of Muslim Conference leaderlship28. On June 24, 1938 he placed a resolution embodying his views about the conversion of Muslim Conference into National Conference before the Working Committee29. The resolution said:30 Whereas in the opinion of the Working Committee the time has now come when all the progressive forces in the country rally under one banner to fight for the achievement of responsible government. The Working Committee recommends to the General Council that in the forthcoming session of the Conference the name and constitution of the organisation be so altered and amended that all such people who desire to participate in this political struggle may easily become members of the Conference irrespective of their caste and creed. The meeting of the Working Committee lasted for fifty two hours and 2 i heated discussions were made on the subject of conversion and thoughtful details were put forward in the opposition of the resolution. At one stage Bakshi Ghulam Muhammad and Mirza Muhammad Afzal Beg co-operated with Chaudri Ghulam Abbas, Maulvi Abdullah Vakil and Khawaja Ahmad-ud-Din Banihali and opposed the resolution32. But the majority of the Working Committee members were in favour 176

of conversion33. The members who opposed the resolution and voted against it include Chaudri Ghulam Abbas Khan, Abdul Majid Qureshi, Shaikh Ahmad-ud-Din Banihali and some others34. They were asked to resign35 which they did not. Chaudri Ghulam Abbas Khan and his colleagues had an apprehension that the conversion would weaken the movement because the non-muslims would not participate in National Conference sincerely but for the sake of the safeguard of their vested interests. Moreover they presumed that the rivals of Muslim Conference would launch a disinformation campaign against the new Party in the name of religion and the Government would get an opportunity to root out the movement36. However, the resolution was passed with a majority vote and recommended the 37 approval of the General Council. On August 8, 1938, Muslim Conference observed a Responsible government Day. It was celebrated throughout the State with great enthusiasm and witnessed a unique fervour for its achievement. The processions and public meetings called on this day were participated by the Hindus and Sikhs as well38. With all these developments it appeared that the Dogra Government represented by N. Gopal Swami Ayyengar (State Premier from 1936 to 1943) felt uneasy because of this new trend in the State politics. The authorities began to provoke the people by gagging prominent workers and by imposing other restrictions' on their activities. Early in August, 1938, it became evident that a conflict between the people and the Government was in the offmg. It looked doubtful if the Muslim Conference would allow to hold its plenary session to ratify the resolution passed by the Working Committee in favour of the conversion of Muslim -3 Q Conference into National Conference. A manifesto was therefore, prepared and 177

published on August 27, 1938, under the signatures of twelve leaders40. These leaders include:41 1. S.M.Abdullah (President Muslim Conference) 2. Pandit Kishap Bundhu (Editor Kisari) 3. Sardar Budh Singh (Ex-member Assembly) 4. Pandit Jai Lai Kilam (Ex-member Assembly and President Bar Association, Kashmir) 5 Pandit Prem Nath Bazaz (Ex-member Glancy Commission) 6 Ghulam Muhammad Sadiq (Member Assembly) 7 Maulvi Muhammad Syed Masoodi (Member Assembly and Municipal Commissioner) 8 Pandit Sham Lai Saraf (President Kashmir Hindu Progressive Party) 9. Mian Ahmad Yar Khan (Member Assembly) 10 Dr. Shambu Nath Pushan (M.B.B.S) 11 Mirza Muhammad Afzal Beg (Member Assembly) 12. Bakshi Ghulam Muhammad (Volunteer Corps Commander) In order to understand the ideological formation of Kashmir Freedom Movement at this particular stage, it is necessary to reproduce this manifesto in letter and spirit. In the annals of Kashmir freedom struggle this manifesto is popularly known as the manifesto of National Demand. It runs as follows:42 As is now well known, there is a nationwide movement afoot among the people of Jammu and Kashmir State, to bring about a complete change in the social and political outlook of the people. This movement is not confined to any particular community or section of the public but all classes of people have begun participating 178

in it, with the fullest consciousness of the issues it involves. But we do make it perfectly clear at the very outset that our loyalty to His Highness s person and throne is unshakeable and needs no reiteration. The ultimate goal of this movement is the achievement of complete responsible government under the aegis of His Highness the Maharaja Bahadur. But, as sponsors of this National Movement we feel that it is our bounden duty to acquaint our countrymen as also others who are interested in it, of the immediate objective we have in view. Our movement is essentially a movement of peace and goodwill. Immediately, it aims at securing the elementary and basic rights of citizenship. It shall certainly try to bring about such a state of affairs in this country as would make it possible for even the humblest subject of His Highness to contribute to the making of his own destiny. Our demands are modest, but they have the force of reason and justice behind them. Not that we are not conscious of our limitations, not that we are not fully aware of the fact that the Government knows its mind and has resources at its disposal to enforce its will But, in the soul - stirring words of Pandit Moti Lai Nehru: However much we may be enfeebled in body, our souls have never been, nor will ever be killed. Our movement has a gigantic urge behind it. It is the urge of hunger and starvation, which proposals it onwards in most adverse circumstances. To ever growing menace of unemployment amongst our educated youngmen and also among the illiterate masses in the country, the incidence of numerous taxes, the burden of exorbitant land revenue, the appalling waste of human life due to want of adequate modern medical assistance, the miserable plight of uncared for thousands of labourers outside the State boundaries and, in the face of all this the patronage that is being extended by the Government in the shape of subsidies and other amenities to outside capitalists, as also the top heavy administration that daily becomes heavier, point to only one direction, that the present conditions can never be better as long a change is not made in the basic principles that are underlying the present system of government. 179

Our cause is both righteous, reasonable and just. We want to be the makers of our own destinies, and we want to shape the ends of things according to our choice, of course, under the august, patronage of His Highness. This we cannot do, so long as a healthy change is not affected in the present system of government. We have also come to the conclusion that without a change, it is impossible for the communities individually or the country collectively to make progress. We are, therefore, of the firm belief that the Government of His Highness should before long be modeled on the following lines (a) (b) The present system of administration in the State shall be replaced by Responsible government, subject to the control and residuary powers of His Highness the Maharaja Bahadur as hereinafter mentioned. The Ministry shall be responsible to the Jammu and Kashmir Legislature and shall have, subject to such responsibility, power to control the expenditure and the revenues of the State and also to make such grams and appropriations of any part of those revenues, or of any other property, which is at present under the control or disposal of the Council, as reserved expenditure, save and except the following, which shall remain under the control of His Highness the Maharaja Bahadur. 1. Expenditure on the Military Services; 2. Expenditure closed as political and foreign; 3 Payment of all debts and liabilities hitherto lawfully contracted inquired by His Highness in Council on account of the Government of Kashmir; and 4. The Dharmarth Trust. (c) The principle of responsibility to the Legislature shall be introduced in all the branches of administration of the Government, subject to general control, reservation and residuary powers vested in His Highness in respect of control of military, foreign and political affairs etc., provided that the proposals of His Highness for appropriation for foreign or political purposes shall be- submitted 180

to the vote of the Legislature, but that His Highness shall have power notwithstanding the vote of the Assembly, to appropriate upto a fixed maximum, any sum His Highness may consider necessary for such expenditure. (d) The Legislature shall consist entirely of members elected by constituencies formed on the system of adult franchise. Provision should be made for the representation of labour, trade, landlords and educational interests in the Legislature by means of elections. The election to the Legislature shall be made on the basis of joint Electorate. Seats should be reserved for the minorities and all other safeguards, and weightages should be guaranteed to them in the Constitution, for the protection of their legitimate linguistic, religious, cultural, political and economic rights, according to the principles enunciated, accepted or acted upon by the Indian National Congress from time to time. In addition to the above, the religious rights and sentiments of all the communities should always be respected and not interfered with. (e) (f) All the subjects of the State without distinction of caste and creed, shall be admitted for service in all areas of defence and for that purpose His Highness shall be assisted by a minister responsible to the Assembly. No subject of His Highness shall be liable to suffer In liberty, life, property or association and free speech or in respect of writing, except under sentence by an ordinary court of justice and as a result of lawful and open trial. All this cannot be given for the mere asking. It requires wise statesmanship from the side of the Government. Our earnest desire is to avoid a strike. Let the Government make an announcement accepting the above principles and if His Highness s Government is pleased to discuss these principles with us, we shall certainly and whole heartedly co-operate for this purpose. We are sure that if this is done, there will reign peace all round. 181

In order to ratify the manifesto of National Demand a public meeting was called at Hazratbal, Srinagar on August 28, 1938. It was called at this place because the Government had imposed section 144 within the Municipal areas of Srinagar which provided for ban on public meetings. It was in this mass meeting that the manifesto of National Demand was ratified by the people with great enthusiasm.43 On August 29, 1938 the leaders decided to call another mass meeting at Partab Park, Srinagar. But, they were arrested and put behind the bars.44 It would not be out of place to focus on some other incidents and reasons which directly or indirectly paved the way for the conversion of Muslim Conference into National Conference. After his arrest on August 29, 1938, S.M.Abdullah was lodged in Kuthwa Jail. It was during his imprisonment that he had a thorough study of Tarjaman-ul-Quran by Maulana Azad which influenced his mind and boosted his nationalistic tendencies45. In addition to it, S.M.Abdullah in his autobiography claims that A.M.Jinah on his visit to the valley in June, 1936 had given his suggestions favouring to conversion. According to him Mr. Jinah had declared it an obligation of Kashmiri Muslim leadership to consider non-muslims as a wheel of their political van46. In fact he had not suggested any change in the name and constitution of Muslim Conference, but had suggested the Muslim leadership to assure the minorities about the safeguard of their rights and equal treatment and thus include them in their struggle47. Moreover S.M.Abdullah claims that in 1937, he received similar suggestion from Allama Iqbal about the formation of a united political front as he had received from Jawahar Lai Nehru earlier48. It appears doubtful because seven years back in 1930 Dr. Iqbal had participated in Muslim League session of Allahabad and had adumbrated his theory of Pan-Islamism and a 182

separate state for the Muslims of the subcontinent in his Presidential address49. Therefore, there arises no question of such a type of suggestion from Dr. Iqbal during 1937. While writing about the ideological orientation of Kashmir freedom movement Pir Giyas-ud-Din, a contemporary progressive politician observed:50 It will be apt to note here that the ideological inspiration which permeated our movement during this period was that of this great Kashmiri Brahimin (Dr. Iqbal) who remained a unique inspirer of the movement from 1931 till his death in 1938. This period should be called the Era of Iqbal in our movement. It would not be incorrect to designate the following period, as the Nehru Era. Like his predecessor this great Kashmiri Brahmin, through his political acumen put the stamp of his ideas on the political scene from 1938 onwards. It was during this period that an organisation was set up by Indian National Congress called All India States Peoples Conference under the leadership of Pandit Jawahar Lai Nehru. It was aimed at struggling for peoples rights in the Princely States51. All India States Peoples Conference convened a conference on 15, 16 and 17 of February, 1939, at Ludhiana. In order to gain the sympathies of Indian nationalist leaders, it was deemed necessary by the leaders of Muslim Conference to demonstrate their nationalist tendencies by changing the name and constitution of co their organisation before the Ludhiana Conference. But it could not become possible to give final touch to the conversion prior to the Ludhiana Conference owing to the imprisonment of outstanding leaders. Most of the leaders were released on February 11, 1939, and just after their release they went to Ludhiana in order to participate in the session of All India States Peoples Conference. It is to be noted that Pandit Jawaher Lai Nehru had invited S.M.Abdullah and his colleagues for their participation in the Ludhiana Conference. The prominent leaders who participated in Ludhiana Conference were 183

Sardar Budh Singh, Chaudri Ghulam Abbas, Pandit Jai Lai Kilam, P.N.Bazaz, Maulana Masoodi, Ghulam Muhammad Sadiq and Ghulam Mohi-ud-din Nakash54. S.M.Abdullah and Pandit Kishap Bandhu could not participate in the Ludhiana Conference because they were still behind the bars and were released on February 24 and 25 respectively55. After his release on February 24, 1939, S.M.Abdullah reached Chattabal, Srinagar, wherefrom he was taken in a procession to Pather Masjid. There he delivered a forceful speech in favour of Hindu-Muslim unity and the need of a joint platform. The procession included people from all the communities56. It was in March, 1939, that Indian National Congress called its annual session at Tripura. S.M. Abdulah had been specially invited to this session by the Congress President Rajandra Prasad. He participated in this session along with his colleagues including Pandit Kishap Bandhu, P.N.Bazaz, Maulana Muhammad Syed Masoodi and Bakshi Ghulam Muhammad. He presided over one of the meetings of this session and delivered a speech in which he exposed the false propaganda of the State rulers against the movements of their concerned states. He also made an appeal to the leaders of British India for not relying upon this baseless propaganda which was carried in Hyderabad in the name of Islam and in Travancore in the name of Christanity57. With the participation of Kashmiri leaders in this session, the joy of Congress leaders knew no bounds and the whole atmosphere in the session was surcharged with enthusiasm. The Congress leaders were happy because they got the favour of a well organised political Party in the State of Jammu and Kashmir, 184

whereas the Kashmiri leaders were happy that they have been able to win the support of a big political Party of the subcontinent like Indian National Congress58. A Special Session of the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference was held at Srinagar on 10 and 11 of June, 1939 under the Presidentship of Khawaja Ghulam Muhammad Sadiq. Chairman of the Reception Committee Maulana Masoodi introduced the following resolutions:59 The Special Session of the Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference approves the Working Committee resolution No. 5 of 24th of June, 1938, for the change of the name of the Conference and for bringing about the necessary amendments and changes in its constitution, which was confirmed by the General Council in its session held on April 27, 1939. The Conference therefore, decides that it shall henceforth be named as All Jammu and Kashmir National Conference and every citizen of Jammu and Kashmir, whether male or female shall irrespective of his religion and race, be entitled to become the member of the Conference provided he undertakes in writing to strive for setting up of a responsible government and securance of individual liberties as his political goal. This session also resolves that until the next annual session, the existing Working Committee and the General Council, the office bearers and the delegates to this Conference shall function in the same capacity as office bearers and members of the All Jammu and Kashmir National Conference. It may not be out of place to mention that the special session of Muslim Conference was attended by 176 delegates representing all the districts of the State.60 Khawaja Ghulam Muhammad Sadiq in his Presidential address said:61 Any responsible government cannot be the Government of any particular class or Party or religious group but, on the other hand., every individual comprising the forty lakh inhabitants of the State will be a component part of the same and will have the same share in running it. It is therefore, essential that in the struggle for the establishment of responsible government, every citizen of the State, irrespective of his religion or race, should be able to participate and make his contribution, for channelising these sacrifices and conducting the movement in an orderly manner, a common platform in the shape of a single organisation is the first important step. 185

The proposal (to change the constitution and the name of the Conference moved in the last session at Jammu) was kept pending so that on the one hand, public opinion is elicited and on the other, the doubts existing in certain sections of Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs in this behalf could be removed. But much time had not as yet elapsed when political conditions in the subcontinent began rapidly moving. The question of the States participation in the Federation assumed great importance; the Viceroy intensified his efforts to win over the Princes and our State silently decided to join the Federation. It is for this reason that the question of forming a common platform could not be further postponed. Some of the delegates including Chaudri Ghulam Abbas Khan expressed their fears privately about the future of the movement once the change was effected. As mentioned earlier that Chaudri Abbas and other like-minded leaders were not sure that the State Hindus would sincerely support the new Party.62 A meeting was held in which S.M.Abdullah, P.N.Bazaz and Chaudri Ghulam Abbas Khan discussed all these doubts and fears63. It was obvious that majority of State Hindus would prefer Dogra rule to a democratic government. But it was presumed that the re-orientation would immensely strengthen the forces of freedom and enable Hindu and Sikh progressives and patriots to participate in the struggle64. Chaudri Abbas and his supporters feared that National Conference would become hand-maid of Indian National Congress. But S. M. Abdullah, P. N. Bazaz and Chaudri Abbas solemnly declared that it would be most harmful and dangerous to bring the Kashmir freedom movement under the influence of some outside organisation. It was decided that the organisation would keep aloof from Indian National Congress as well as Muslim League. On these assurances the misgivings of Chaudri Abbas were allayed and he gave his fullest support to the resolution in the plenary session of the Conference.65 Consequently all the important leaders from Jammu, including Chaudri Ghulam Abbas Khan, Mr, A.R. Saghar, Chaudri Hamidullah Khan, Hakim Muhammad Hussain and some others attended the 186

Special Session and except for Chaudri Hamidullah66, supported the Working Committee resolution. Thus the resolution was passed with an overwhelming majority of delegates supporting it and only three hands were raised in opposition67. About the number of leaders who opposed the resolution there is controversy among the contemporary writers of Kashmir freedom movement. However, S.M.Abdullah had put the number of opposite leaders at four, namely Maulvi Abdullah, Advocate, Khawaja Ghulam Ahmad Ganai Baderwahi, Shaikh Ahmad Din Banihali and Chaudri Hamidullah Khan.68 Chaudri Ghulam Abbas Khan69, and Allah Rakha Saghar70, delivered their speechs in the session favouring the conversion of the Muslim Conference into the National Conference. Thus the morning of the June 11th, 1939, when the historic decision was taken after deliberating over it for the whole night, sounded the death knell of the Muslim Conference and heralded the day with the 71 news of the birth of the National Conference in its place. With the conversion of Muslim Conference into National Conference some new faces from Hindu youngmen joined the National Conference. The prominent among them were D.P.Dhar, Jankinath Zutshi, Sham Lai Saraf, Srikanth Raina, Sham Lai Wat and Prem Nath Dhar72. Some Sikh youths from Baramullah 73 also joined the National Conference. No doubt the Muslim Conference was converted into National i Conference but an important question that strikes ones mind is that whether the purpose of conversion was achieved or not? The most important cause for which the conversion was effected was that the Nationalist leaders wanted to forge Hindu- Muslim unity and to fight the Dogra autocracy through a common platform. But the idea of joint platform to a great extent proved a utopia and the Hindu-Muslim unity 187

on political front remained a distant dream. National Conference came into existence in 1939 and it was during the early forties that most of the Hindu leaders parted their ways with it. In addition to it Chaudri Ghulam Abbas Khan, a veteran leader of the National Conference resigned in 1940 and joined hands with Mirwaiz Muhammad Yousuf Shah and the Muslim youngmen who had resented the conversion of Muslim Conference into National Conference and had revived the Muslim Conference74. Anyway, the point under discussion would remain incomplete if we shall not throw some light on the reasons which proved as bottleneck in the way of common platform. The preceding chapters have made it abundantly clear that the Muslims in general were an exploited section of the State population. This is why they had initiated the freedom struggle and non-muslims had kept aloof because they belonged to pampered section of the society. No denying the fact that all the non-muslims did not belong to privileged class but as per the population ratio majority of the affluent people in the State belonged to this community and yielded tremendous influence in the State administration. The divergent interests of the two communities was the most important reason that foiled the efforts made in the interest of a common platform.75 As a matter of fact religion had played an indirect role in the rise of Shaikh Muhammad Abdullah as a popular leader of the Kashmiri Muslims. But shortly after the formation of National Conference the non-muslim leaders began to stress upon him to change the methods of mass mobilization (for instance the recitation of holy Quran in public meetings) used during the course of Muslim Conference. But it was not less than a political suicide for S.M.Abdullah because the opposite forces like Mirwaiz Muhammad Yousuf Shah young Muslims leaders had 188

already declared the conversion of Muslim Conference into National Conference as a 77 betrayal with the Muslims of the State. It is to be remembered that it was a time when the rate of modem education among Kashmiri Muslims was very low to whom progressive politics carried no meaning. S.M.Abdullah admits that he was well aware that he would have to face some difficulties and problems in shaping a common platform. But in due course of time these difficulties increased to a great extent and eroded his way more than he had expected and foreseen. In his autobiography S.M.Abdullah, writing about the problems that emerged out of conversion admits that he would have reconsidered rather reverted his decision but that did not suit to his nature and principles.79 S.M.Abdullah always experienced difficulty in working with the Hindu leaders of National Conference. The Hindu Nationalists raised an objection against the raising of slogans like Nara-i-Takbir (a slogan usually raised by Muslims in religious congregations which means God is great) in National Conference sessions and mass meetings on the plea that it bleeded the secular character of National Conference. S.M.Abdullah, time and again, tried to convince them that he did all this keeping in view the culture, the tradition and the level of mental faculty of the audience. He also referred to Indian National Congress which had adopted Bande Mataram as its national song when the most parts of this poem went against the Muslim sentiments and the Muslims did not raise any objection against it80. But, all that could not convince the non-muslim nationalists. The Pandit leaders held disgusted because they felt that S.M.Abdullah was trying to soothe the religious sentiments of the Muslims by celebrating Idd-i- 189

Milad. Shaikh s difficulty lay in the fact that the Muslim Conference81 was threatening to become an all Kashmir movement. The Muslim League - the political mentor of the Muslim Conference early in 1940 had thrown a challenge to his devotion to Islam by organising Idd-i-Milad. Abdullah too, decided to celebrate the Idd-i-Milacf2. The Pandit members of the Conference did not appreciate this. This led to the resignation of Pandit Jai Lai Kilam and Kishap Bandhu, two leading Kashmiri Pandit members from the Working Committee as well as from the primary 83 membership of the National Conference. On the other hand the Government orders of 1940 regarding the introduction of double script were resented by the Muslim Conference84. The Muslim members of the National Conference Working Committee became desperate. They were again placed in a very difficult situation. Their unqualified condemnation of the Government orders alienated Prem Nath Bazaz85 another Pandit member of the Working Committee who resigned from National Conference on November 28, 1940.86 The Pandit leaders also raised objections against the celebration of the Martyrs Day (July 13, 1931). In their opinion these martyrs had laid down their lives exclusively for the Muslim cause. Therefore, the celebration of this day would be 87 against the secular character of National Conference. In Legislative Assembly Chaudri Hamidullah s88 cut motion to discuss the preponderance of the Kashmiri Pandits in State Services was supported by the National Conference. This raised a 89 storm of protest in the Pandit circles and their press. How long could the Pandits remain in a movement which tended to undermine their privileged position. After their resignation Pandit Kishap Bandhu and Jai Lai Kilam went to Delhi in order to 190

register their protest against S.M.Abdullah before Pandit Jawahar Lai Nehru. But the latter rejected their plea with contempt90 Many educated Muslims heartily disliked the new orientation that the leaders had given to the politics of the State. These youngmen had utilised the Muslim Conference as an instrument to secure government jobs. From June 11, 1938, when the Working Committee of Muslim Conference had adopted the resolution recommending change in the name and constitution of the Conference, they had looked with suspicion and doubts at the activities of the Muslim leaders91. Maulvi Muhammad Syed Masoodi encouraged these impulsive Muslim youngmen to start Muslim Conference and secretly promised them his help and that of some other leaders of National Conference. But when the proposal matured he turned a voltee 92 face owing to the fear of being exposed The above discussion leads us to the conclusion that the desire and efforts of the Nationalist leadership for organising a common platform against the Dogra autocracy proved a failure. The Pandit leaders wanted National Conference to follow the foot-prints of Congress in its all matters and policies, whereas the Muslim Nationalists like Maulana Masoodi were unhappy with their decision of the 93 conversion of Muslim Conference into National Conference. No doubt, some prominent Hindu leaders like Pandit Jai Lai Kilam, Shiv Naraian Fotedar and Kishap Bandhu returned to National Conference in June 1943,94 but it does not mean that the purpose behind the conversion was achieved. Speaking broadly and realistically National Conference did not succeed in organising a well established common platform throughout the course of freedom struggle. 191

REFERENCES 1. Statement of S. M. Abdullah vide Dr. P.B. Gajendrgadkar, Kashmir- Retrospect and Prospect, Bombay, 1967, p. 24. 2. Taseer, Tahrik-i-Hurriyat-i-Kashmir, Vol. II, pp. 17-18. 3. Presidential address delivered by S.M.Abdullah to the first annual session of Muslim Conference vide Dastawaizat, p. 222. 4. The committee consisted of Kh. Saad-ud-Din Shawl, Chaudri Gh.Abbas Khan, Kh. Ghulam Ahmad Ashai, Agha Syed Hussain Jalali, Maulana Muhammad Abdullah, Pir Hussam-ud-Din Gilani, Kh. Ghulam Muhammad Bhat, Mian Ahmad Yar Khan, Maulvi Muhammad Hussain, Munshi Ab.Aziz and Ab. Majid Qureshi. For details see Presidential address delivered by Kh. Ghulam Muhammad Sadiq to the Special Session of Muslim Conference June, 1939, p. 9; S. M. Abdullah, Atashi-i-Chinar, pp. 162-63; Bazaz, Inside Kashmir, p. 167. 5. Welcome address presented by Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan in the second annual session of Muslim Conference on December 15, 1933, vide, Dastawaizat, pp. 285-86. 6. Presidential Address delivered by S.M.Abdullah in the second annual session of Muslim Conference on December 17, 1933 vide Dastawaizat, p. 298. 7. Press statement of S.M.Abdullah against the Franchise Committee Report vide Dastawaizat, pp. 316-17. 8. P.N.Bazaz, The History o f Struggle fo r Freedom in Kashmir, p. 164. The Kashmiri Pandits mounted a pressure on P.N.Bazaz to resign from Glancy Commission (1932) but he did not yield and thus favoured the genuine aspiration of Kashmniri Muslims. For details see Taseer Tahrik-i-Hurriyat, Vol. I. pp. 235-36. 9. P.N.Bazaz, The History o f Struggle for Freedom in Kashmir, p. 164. 192

10. Ibid. p. 165. 11. Ibid. p. 166. 12. S.M.Abdullah, Atashi-i-Chinar, pp. 226-27; M. Yousuf Saraf, Kashmiris fight fo r Freedom Vol. I, p. 507. 13. S.M.Abdullah, Atashi-i-Chinar, pp. 226-27. 14. Ibid. p. 228. 15. S.M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, p. 210; Taseer, Tahrik-i-Hurriyat-i-Kashmir, Vol. I, pp. 227-28. 16. Birdwood, Two Nations and Kashmir, p. 35; Syed Jamal-ud-Din, From Communal to National Politics; Kashmir during 1930-40 vide Yasin and Rafiqi, History o f the Freedom Struggle in Jammu and Kashmir, p. 68. 17. Syed Jamal-ud-Din From Communal to National Politics; Kashmir during 1930-1940 vide Yasin and Rafiqi, History o f the Freedom Struggle in Jammu and Kashmir, p. 68. 18. P.N.Bazaz, The History o f Freedom Sturggle in Kashmir, p. 167; S.M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, p. 212. The scholar has personally gone through various issues of this organ and is fully convinced with its democratic and progressive character. 19. Josef Korbel, Danger in Kashmir, p. 20. 20. Presidential Address delivered by Chaudri Ghulam Abbas to the 4th annual session of Muslim Conference vide Dastawaizat, p. 394. 21. Taseer, Tahrik-i-Hurriyat-i-Kashmir, Vol. II, p. 19. 22. Ibid. pp. 334-335. 23. See Chapter - III. 193

24. P.N.Bazaz, The History o f Struggle fo r Freedom in Kashmir, p. 167; Taseer, Tahrik-i-Hurriyat-i-Kashmir, Vol. I, p. 347. 25. Taseer, Tahrik-i-Hurriyat-i-Kashmir, Vol. I, p. 348. 26. Presidential address delivered by S.M.Abdullah in the 5th annual session of Muslim Conference at Poonch on May 14, 1937. 27. Presidential address delivered by S. M. Abdullah in the 6th annual session of Muslim Conference at Jammu on March 27, 1938. 28. S.M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, p. 232; Taseer, Tahrik-i-Hurriyat-i-Kashmir, Vol. I. p. 366. 29. P.N.Bazaz, The History o f Struggle fo r Freedom in Kashmir, P. 167; Taseer, Tahrik-i-Hurriyat-i-Kashmir, Vol. I. pp. 366-367; S.M.Abdullah, Atash-i- Chinar, p. 232. 30. Resolution placed before the Working Committee of Muslim Conference. 31. P.N.Bazaz, The History o f Struggle fo r Freedom in Kashmir, p. 168; S.M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, p. 232. 32. Ibid. 33 S.M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, p. 232. 34. Ibid. But S.M.Abdullah in his autobiography has not mentioned the name of Abdul Majid Qureshi. 35. Taseer, Tahrik-i-Hurriyat-i-Kashmir, Vol. I, p. 367. 36. S.M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, pp. 232-232. 37. P.N.Bazaz, The History o f Struggle fo r Freedom in Kashmir, p. 168. 38. For details see Supra Chapter-Ill. 194

39. P.N.Bazaz, The History o f Struggle fo r Freedom in Kashmir, Vol. I. p. 368. 40. S.M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, pp. 235-236; P.N. Bazaz The History o f Struggle fo r Freedom in Kashmir, p. 169. 41. Manifesto o f National Demand, Published on August 27, 193 8. 42. Ibid. 43. S.M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, p. 234; Taseer, Tahrik-i-IIurriyat-i-Kashmir, Vol. II, p. 25. 44. P.N. Bazaz, The History o f Struggle for Freedom in Kashmir, p. 170; Taseer, Tahrik-i-Hurriyat-i-Kashmir, Vol. II, p. 29. 45. S.M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, p. 35. 46. Ibid. Atash-i-Chinar, p. 306. 47. Speech of A.M.Jinah in response to the address presented by Muslim Conference at Pather Masjid, Srinagar on June 3, 1936. 48. S.M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, pp. 228-229 49. P.N.Bazaz, The History ofstruggle fo r Freedom in Kashmir, p. 147. 50. Pir Giyas-ud-Din, Main trends o f the History o f the Kashmir Freedom Struggle vide Yasin and Rafiqi, History o f the Freedom Struggle in Jammu and Kashmir, p. 86. 51. All India States Peoples Conference Papers, Nehru Memorial Museum, New Delhi, File No. 14, Part II, 1939-40. 52. Ibid. 53. S.M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, p. 228. 195

54. Taseer, Tahrik-i-Hurriyat-i-Kashmir, II, p. 36. 55. Ibid. p. 40. 56. S.M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, p. 236. 57. Khalid, March 22, 1939; S.M.Abdullah, Op. Cit; p. 260. It is to be noted that the rulers of the States wanted to give communal colour to the peoples movements launched in their concerned States. 58. Deepak, Jammu, March 11, 1939; Taseer, Tahrik-i-Hurriyat-i-Kashmir, Vol. II, p. 45. 59. Resolution presented by Maulana Masoodi before the special session of Muslim Conference on June 10, 1939. 60. S.M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, pp. 232-233, P.N.Bazaz, The History o f Struggle fo r Freedom in Kashmir, p, 170. 61. Presidential address delivered by Khawaja Ghulam Muhammad Sadiq in the special session of Muslim Conference at Pather Masjid, Srinagar on June 11, 1939. 62. Khalid, June 15, 1939; S.M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, pp. 232-233. 63. P.N.Bazaz, The History o f Struggle fo r Freedom in Kashmir, p. 170. 64. Ibid. 65. P.N.Bazaz, The History o f Struggle fo r Freedom in Kashmir, pp. 170-171. 66. M.Y. Saraf, Kashmiris fight fo r Freedom, pp. 530-531. 67. P.N.Bazaz, The History o f Struggle fo r Freedom in Kashmir, p. 171. 68. S.M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, p. 240. 196