"THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, NOT A DISUNION PARTY" A SPEECH BY JOHN ALEXANDER MARTIN Fall, 1856 Transcribed by Ernst F. Tonsing Thousand Oaks, California July 10, 2004 [The following speech by seventeen-year-old John A. Martin is written in an unusually elegant hand, on seven and a quarter pages which are kept in the archives of the Kansas State Historical Society in Topeka, Kansas. The transcription was made difficult in that Martin has crossed out many passages and written his substitutes lightly in pencil. The spelling punctuation is as it appears in the manuscript. The capitalization is problematic in that little difference is made between the miniscule and uncial "u" and "s" letters. The typewritten text below reflects the judgments of the transcriber. [Probably delivered during a meeting of the Franklin Institute in Brownsville, Pennsylvania, a literary club Martin helped found, the speech is in response to accusations that the platform of the Republican party, which took a position against extension of slavery during the 1856 presidential contest, moved to dissolve the union. Martin finds no evidence in the party for disunion, and argues that the history of the United States and the expectations of prosperity under the union are too great for any state to contemplate withdrawal from the mighty alliance. He is passionate and eloquent in his contempt for human slavery as well as in his hopes for the country. He foresees the withering away of slavery, and a time, shortly, in which all persons in the United States will be free. He is wrong, of course. Within five years of his speech, the union will divide over the question of slavery, and "King Cotton" will engage the North in a most dreadful slaughter. -Ernst F. Tonsing] The Republican Party, not a Disunion Party. Mr. President:- The subject which will exercise your patience this evening, is the charge made, night after night, in this hall, that the Republican Party is a Disunion Party that its object is to effect a dissolution of the Union and that its leaders are avowed disunionists. This silly and unjust charge, in connection with the others equally absurd and false, is made in this hall, in every discussion, by members who either do not understand the principles of this party, or else, understanding them, villainously and falsely charge the Republican with advocating doctrines which they do not believe in. These charges are made, and that is about the amount of them. No arguments are advanced no proof is adduced to substantiate these libels but members say the Republican party is Disunion in its sentiments, and there they leave it. As the party
against which these charges are made, is the one under whose banner I expect to enlist whose candidates I intend to support, and whose principles I will advocate and battle for, if needs be, "to the bitter end," I have, naturally, a desire to see this party clear of these aspersions, [which are] false in their character and malicious in their design. Upon what, then, I ask, are these charges based. Parties are generally judged by the principles the[y] advocate; the measures they lay down in their platform, and by their leaders. How, then, can any one charge the Republican party with Disunionism. Can they point out any Disunion Principles they advocate does their platform contain any disunion sentiment is there a single disunionist among their leaders. I defy gentlemen to point them out. On the contrary, their principles are to maintain the Union at all hazards their platform proclaims an unwavering attachment to it and their orators have always defended it, alike in prosperity and adversity. Follow them through the late campaign. 1 Did they, in the beginning of that contest, when their step was bright with promise, and they joyously anticipated a certain victory when, in the State elections, State after State, rang out their startling shouts for freedom; when the hardy pioneers of Iowa sent forth their songs for liberty the green mountain boys of Vermont caught up its joyous strain, and the wood choppers of Maine joined in the chorus; when the whole country was musical with the paeans of the hosts of freedom did they then, in this hour of prosperity, utter one threat of dissolution, in case their young candidate was or was not elected. Did they threaten to resist the will of the majority march to Washington, seize the archives and the treasury and carry their ends at the point of the bayonet. Did they say, as did a certain gentlemen whom the Democratic party now worship as an idol, that "they would be unanimous in their resistance, even to dissolution." Did their leader proclaim, as did the candidate of another party, that, "his defeat would be the signal for dissolution, and ought to be." No, sir, but during the whole of that exciting campaign, the Republican party stood upon the broad platform of the Union and the Constitution, and proclaimed their intention to defend the one, and support the other. Their youthful leader declared his intention to "administer the government in such a manner as to preserve both liberty, and Union." And sir, when their hosts were marshalled [sic] upon the field of battle, and marching to combat the legions of oppression, they "carried the flag and kept step to the music of the Union." Over them floated the banner of confederation, and their rallying cry was "Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseperable [sic]." And when that hard fought battle was over when the Bunker Hill of this new crusade had been fought and lost, and that little land of heroes, defeated but not dismayed, were retreating, contesting inch by inch, the possession of the field, the same banner that had been their guiding star in the morning of their hope, still floated over their ranks. When their leaders again rallied their scattered cohorts, to prepare anew for the conflict, there that banner still proudly floated, a glorious constellation of 31 glittering stars, undimed [sic] by defeat, and untarnished by dishonor, and from the lips of that little band broke the same shout, "Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseperable Martin is referring to the presidential campaign in 1856 in which John Buchanan was chosen by the Democrats as candidate for president against the Republican nominee, John C. Fremont.
[sic]." To threats of dissolution, no resistance to the will of the majority were made, but their noble young leader, speaking the only wish of his party the good of our common country said, "May God grant that Mr. Buchanan will make a better President than I could." 2 Upon what, then, of the Republican party advocate no disunion sentiments; have no disunion leaders; and stand by the union on every occasion, are these charges predicated. "Why," they will say, "they are opposed to the divine institution of human bondage, and the South will dissolve the Union if their institutions are curtailed." But, sir, who then would be the disunionists. Are the free people of the free north to be lashed into submission for exercising the right of suffrage in voting for the measures the[y] conceive to be right, by this threat of dissolution. Are they disunionists, because they believe with the Declaration of Ind. "that all men are endowed with certain, &c," think with Jefferson, that "one hour of African Slavery is fraught with more misery than millions of that which we rose to oppose," or with Madison, that "Slavery is a dreadful calamity." Are they disunionists because the[y] declare with the immortal Clay, that they "never can, never will, and no earthly power can ever force them to vote to extend Slavery over one inch of territory now free." No, sir, they are not. If they are, so were all these men so were Washington, Franklin, Adams, & Henry, for they were all opposed to the extension of Slavery. And, Sir, let me tell the gentlemen, that the Republican [party] still supports], and ever will support the Union of these States. I defy them to point to one member of the Republican party who is in favor of a dissolution. They have borne reproach and continualy [?]; they have seen their orators and writers stricken down by the hand of violence; they have seen their presses muzzled and silenced, and when all the fabrication which the deamon [sic] of malice could mount or the fiend of falsehood howl, were showered upon their leader, they have still maintained an unshaken fidelity to the Union. They have only said, that "if this government was established for no other purpose than to extend and perpetuate Slavery, it ought to have perished 'er it was born." So say I; so says everyone. But then the Republican party turned to the Constitution; and found that the Union was made "to establish justice," and they take their stand upon that, for certainty there is no justice in Slavery. They turn again, to the Dec. of Ind, the foundation stone of the Union, and they find it guarantees to every man the right to, "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness," and here again they see that their principles are the principles of the founders of the Republic, and their party the party of the Constitution, the Declaration, and the Union. And sir, let me inform the gentlemen, that when the day of their triumph comes; and come it will, as sure as the sun will rise to-morrow morn; they will still remain faithful to the Union, the Constitution, and the Declaration. They will still be found, on the day of victory, as in their defeat, marching under the same banner, and shouting the same watchword, "Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and imseperable [sic]." They will still battle for 2 James Buchanan became President of the United States on March 4, 1857.
A Union of lakes, a union of lands, A Union of States none can sever, A Union of hearts a union of hands, The American Union forever. 3 But, sir, to quiet the fears of the faint hearted gentlemen who see dissolution in every opinion which happens to conflict with their own ideas, let me tell them, that, even were the Republican party, or any other party to attempt to dissolve the Union, they could not. The ties that bind it together are too strong and lasting the remembrance of its past too vivid and impressive the knowledge of its presence too proud and glorious the hopes of its future too mighty and magnificent to permit a thought of such an event. No party dare no faction will aye [?], not even the world in arms can ever wrest one State from her connection with the others. Their interests are too identical their feelings too uniform their mission too great to ever be torn asunder by party spirit. Like one of the wondrous rocking stones raised by the ancient Druids, which the finger of a child might vibrate to its centre [sic], yet the might of an army could not move from its place; our Union is so nicely poised that it seems to sway with every breath of Revolution, yet so firmly based in the hearts of the people that the wildest storms of nullification and [Nashville?] conventions sweep over it in vain. The reminiscenses [sic] of its mighty past yet live in the memory of the people they have not forgotten that it was formed in the darkest hour of our darkest night, when American virtue and American liberty maintained the unequal combat against British oppression and tyranny, and they will yet see the benefit they would derive if this last remnant of British subjection was blotted forever from the face of our county. Already are the people awakening to this great 3 At this point in the speech, Martin has struck out the following: And when that time shall come, when virtue shall once more guide our nation, and Liberty shall again assume her sceptre [sic], how proud can an American be of his country. No more will the Declaration of Independence be termed "a self-evident lie," and scouted at as the delusion of a fanatical brain. No more will American citizens in foreign lands be taunted with the Slavery of their country, and told that their glorious Stripes and Stars, are emblematic, the Stripes of the Scars, and the Stars of the number of of[sic] lashes inflicted upon the backs of their Slaves daily, but all nations will point to her as the model republic of the world, and unite in saying; "Glorious America! On thy pleasant valleys rests the sweet air of freedom; around thy hills, like mighty mists, the love of liberty clings; over thy broad praries [sic] and beautiful lakes, Freedom's banner floats; and far away, in the dim horizon of thy past, gleam the mighty memories of thy two Revolutions, the one against the tyrant of King George, the other against the oppression of King Cotton!" Let those who have enlisted in this new crusade, remain faithful, and every fresh breeze will bring to their ears the sound of the march of new recruits, to fan the flame of liberty and fight the battles of freedom But keep the same old banner, For none can fitter be; Press on the same old watchword Fremont and Victory! And sound again the bugles, Call the battle roll anew; If months have well-nigh won the field, What may not four years do. [The last four lines are found at the top of the last page of the manuscript.]
object. Three new States, Minnessota [sic], Oregon, and Nebraska have already applied for admission, and will add three new stars to our already glorious constellation. Missouri will in a few years shake off the chains which bind her to the dead corps of Slavery, and be added to the list of free States. She has already elected two well-known free-soilers to represent her in the national Congress, and the collector of the port of St. Louis is an avowed emancipationist. Maryland will quickly follow in her wake. She has not forgotten that from her borders came that one, who braved the power of British oppression, in proclaiming all men free and equal by subscribing his name Chas. Carroll of Carrollton. Virginia will come next the mother of Presidents the home of Washington, of Jefferson, of Henry and of Madison, she is yet true to the memory of her sons, and will free herself from this monstrous crime, which even now prevents her the mightiest State of our Union in her internal resources from becoming the first State of the Confederacy. Ky., Term., Del., N.C., Mis., and Ark. will follow their examples, and in a few years, the land that once groaned beneath the curse of Slavery, will know it no more forever, and it will only be recollected by the memory of its crimes, its misery, its degredation, and its death. Few in this hall to-night, will, perhaps, live to see that day, but that it will come, I feel in my heart that there is intelligence enough in the American people to see its evils, and wisdom to remedy them, and if I could have one wish granted me, it would be that when I shall look for the last time upon the country of my birth, my glance may rest upon the free, united, and prosperous State of a mighty Union unpoluted [sic] by the footsteps of a slave and undefiled by the tears of a down-trodden people. Oh! let my last glance rest upon a country, free both in name and in reality upon a people acknowledging liberty not only as their own peculiar birthright but as the inailienable [sic] condition of all mankind and upon a land teeming with the blessings of universal freedom, education, and Christianity. May my last look see the flag of our country honored by every nation as the emblem of a free people, and respected by every country as the protector of the oppressed of all countries. 4 Charles Carroll (1737-1832), educated in France at the Jesuit College at St. Omer, returned as a highly refined gentleman to his home in Maryland to find it divided by the Stamp Act. Identifying with the American cause, he wrote a series of newspaper articles against taxation without representation, and promoting armed resistance to separate the colonies from Great Britain. When the Maryland convention decided to support the revolution, it elected Carroll to represent the colony at the convention on the 4 th of July. Even though he was too late to sign the Declaration of Independence, he did sign it boldly, "Charles Carroll of Carrollton." He served in the Continental Congress, and in the first Federal Congress in 1788. Carroll was the last survivor of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, dying in 1832 at the age of ninety-six.