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Understanding the South African reality Author/Creator Date 1990-11-00 Resource type Language Subject Coverage (spatial) Rustenburg Conference (1990); National Conference of Churches in South Africa; Vorster, Koos Reports English Coverage (temporal) 1990 Source Rights Format extent (length/size) South Africa World Council of Churches Library and Archives: Programme to Combat Racism; microfilm created by the Yale University Divinity Library with funding from the Kenneth Scott Latourette Initiative for the Documentation of World Christianity., Yale University Divinity Library, Programme to Combat Racism [microform], 4223.9.15/8; mf. PCR 157 (from frame 416 to 662) By kind permission of the World Council of Churches (WCC). 16 pages http://www.aluka.org/action/showmetadata?doi=10.5555/al.sff.document.ydlwcc2157 http://www.aluka.org
/ e- / e UNDERSTANDING THE SOUTH AFRICAN REALITY Z11 L.,. "Prof. Koos Vorster. This conference of churches in South Africa has justifiably been described as the most important meeting of churches in the history of the Church in this part of the world. Bearing in mind the deep-rooted differences that developed between churches on the issue of Apartheid, this meeting can be seen as quite an achievement. It promises a new dimension in church relations in South Africa for the future. There is new hope for Christians and Christianity in the "new South Africa" which is inevitably on its way. The theme "Understanding the South African Reality" covers a wide spectrum of issues. Just listing a variety of these issues will be of no use because it will steer the course of our discussions to the age-old ecclesiastical inclination: generalisation without the concrete application of the calling of the Church. I wish therefore to focus in this address on these realities that can be seen as important issues for S.A. churches to attend to in the immediate and near future. But in attempting to do so we are immediately confronted with the first reality: the historical inability of South African churches to be instrumental in the promotion of peace and reconciliation in this part of the world. Before we can formulate the future role of the churches in South Africa we should first of all reflect on the reasons why the churches have been, up to now, part of the problem and not part of the solution (Deist 1989:894). 1. The South African churches under scrutiny Up to now churches were divided in their respective approaches towards the South African society (De Gruchy 1979:53). It is a division caused by ideological preferences. One can say that the Afrikaans-speaking churches approached South Africa with an attitude of conformism to the staus quo. The well-known Cottesloe conference is but one example of the fact. The influential Pentecostal Movement displayed an attitude of indifferentism based on the presumption that religion is a spiritual phenomenon that has nothing to do with politics. A third attitude became evident in the so-called Black and English-speaking Church's fierce opposition and critisism of the South African political scene as expressed in the Kairos Document, the Road to Damascus and the Belhar Confession. The main problem of the churches in South Africa is the division between the Afrikaans-speaking Reformed Churches and the other churches on the issue of Apartheid. Although the Afrikaansspeaking churches nowadays reject racism as a mental attitude, they are still organising their churches on racial basis. In the past the existence of separate Black, White and
Coloured congregations were seen as a matter of principle. From the premise of National Theology they came to the conclusion that each nation should have its own church. Today separate churches for separate nations are no longer considered a matter of principle, but a practical necessity (Dutch Reformed Church of South Africa, 1986:18). Therefore very little real spiritual communication exists between Afrikaans-speaking and Black Christians. The insufficient experiencing of Christian fellowship in these circles resulted in unfamiliarity with each others' living conditions, social problems, needs, fears, and ambitions. Afrikaans-speaking Christians are vitually unknown to, for example, the Black youth of the townships. It is therefore understandable that the Black youth will see them as oppressors with no concern for black aspirations. On the other hand, Afrikaansspeaking Christians have - as result of the Group Areas Act and of this "Church Aprtheid" - very little knowledge of the immensity of broken family life, poverty, inssuficient housing and overcrowded schools. This unfamiliarity with the black Christian's circumstances can be seen as a very important reason for White resistance to change. Many devoted Afrikaansspeaking Christians are not convinced that change is necessary, due to lack of knowledge caused by Church Apartheid. Church Apartheid, even for practical reasons, has very serious negative effects in the life of the Church. It must presently be identified as the main obstacle in the way of Afrikaans-speaking churches in the fulfilment of their social calling. Without fundamental change at this point it will be impossible for them to play their important part in the new South Africa. Black and English-speaking churches did their part by protesting against the system of apartheid and by identifying the theological basis of this system as a heresy. Over the years they took a strong stand against the Government (De Gruchy 1979:103). However in recent years arguments of the Liberation Theology as described by Gutierrez (1974a), have become more evident in their criticism. Based on the social analysis of this modern theological thinking, these churches have exposed the extent and effects of structural violence (South African Council of Churches 1976:6-7). In this respect they have made a valuable point and have convinced the majority of the White community that an inherently violent structure cannot be changed cosmetically - it must be replaced. -5 From this point the argument moved to the justification of reactionary violence. As in the Liberation Theology, churches justified this kind of violence directly, or indirectly by tacit approval (South African Council of Churches, 1978:15). These churches rightly critici2ed the Government for structural violence, but failed to reject conclusively the violence of terrorism. This action gave violence a clerical garb. Violence has become a behaviour pattern in South Africa. Today it seems as if people deem violence as an acceptable way of practising politics. The so-called reactionary violence has bred violence against any form of opposition. The unfortunate tardiness of those churches over the past decade to reject this form of
violence, has contributed to the emergence of the culture of violence which plagues our country today. Both the Afrikaans-speaking churches and the English-speaking and Black churches are thus in a sense prisoners of ideologies. As long as they remain captives of National Theology on the one hand and Liberation Theology on the other, they will remain part of the problem. South Africa will leave all of them behind. Churches in South Africa today therefore need to be liberated from the magnetic field of their respective presuppositions. It must be accepted that context will always play an important part in hermeneutics, but the least these churches can do is to review their presuppositions in the light of the Bible. The best way to do so, is through ecumenical contact. We should come together and by means of discussion and introspection, commually try to understand the message of the Bible and the task of the church for our situation. In this way churches can distance themselves from their respective one-sidedness and can develop a more objective View on South Africa. That is why a meeting like this is so important. Let us not waste it on repeating the old arguments and washing our hands in emotional self-righteousness. From this point the churches can adress the agenda for the Church in a future South Africa. We can argue that the agenda of the Church will always be the same. Modern theology teaches us, however, that specific situations may each require a specific focus of attention of the task of the Church. Therefore the agenda of the Church may vary from time to time according to the emergence of the new realities (Heyns 1977:101). It is valid to differentiate between an immediate or short-term agenda and a long-term agenda. 2. The short-term agenda In the short term three realities are of the utmost importance for the South African churches to attend to. These are: the present culture of violence; the spirit of dialogue; and the creation of a Bill of Human Rights. 2.1 Violence The most appalling phenomenon in South Africa is the prevailing culture of violence. It seems that South Africans have accepted violence as a political tool on the basis of the secular argument: the end justifies the means (See Fierro 1977:207). In the white community the first blazes of violence against change have errupted; in Natal a civil war rages on and in recent weeks we have been shocked by violence in Black townships. It seems that human life, a precious gift from God, has become cheap and expendable in South Africa. Violence can easily escalate into a spiral of violence as (Camara 1969:4) put it. It usually spreads like a malignant disease and eventually endangers a whole community. We can already see the fruits of this new culture in children who will never recover pshycologically from the death and destruction they have witnessed. They are becoming South Africa's lost generation. The destructive results are also evident in the growing number of dehumanized people with no
hope for the future, and embittered communities seeking revenge at the first opportunity. Whatever the causes for violence may be, and there are indeed many causes, the churches should stand up and speak out loud and clear. Violence, in whatever form, clashes with the very essence of the Christian faith. It contravenes the great Commandmend. The time has come for churches to reject violence unambigiously. They should now clearly, without hesitation or conditions, denounce and reject the culture of violence whether it may be structural violence, reactionary violence or violence to sweep away political opposition. If we can achieve this goal at this conference, the meeting will already have been worthwhile. 2.2 The spirit of dialogue In the turmoil of South Africa's recent years one positive ray of light has become visible. This is the growing spirit of dialogue inspired, unfortunately not by churches, but by politicians. The majority of South Africa's political leaders acknowledge the fact that negotiations are the only way to peace. What seemed unthinkable two years ago is now reality. Churches should be instrumental in this commendable development considering the fact that dialogue and persuasion is a basic Christian principle. It is not the task of the Church to provide the blueprint of a new constitution, but it is definitely its task to encourage all leaders to take part in the process of negotiations. Only responsible dialogue can reconcile black ambition and white fears and eradicate the still existing distrustfulness. 2.3 A Bill of Human Rights In a new South Africa a Bill of Human Rights as part of the constitution will be imperative. For too long South Africans have been denied the privilege of legal protection by means of a Bill of Rights, as is already done for years in various democratic countries. In this respect a fair amount of preparatory work has been done in, for example, the Freedom Charter, the proposed Bill of Rights of the SA Law Commission (1989) and various churches (World Alliance of Reformed Churches 1978:13). These attempts are certainly not without deficiencies, but they provide valuable material to work with. It is true to say that a Bill of Rights in itself is not a solid guarantee for peace. It must be accompanied by a general attitude of goodwill and a commitment to peace. But such a Bill will enable churches to realise the principles of the Kingdom of God with regard to social and political life. The churches can by way of united testimony get involved in the formulation of -10- such a Bill. The door is open to do so. In this way Christian principles and values - for example justice, democracy, the maintenance of moral standards, and christian education - can be served. Churches are already now in a position to contribute in this respect by formulating, through ecumenical discussion and agreement, the basic Christian principles that should be included in a future Bill
of Rights. In this respect the deliberations on this conference could pave the way for such an agreement. 3. The lona-term agenda The expression "long-term agenda" does not deal, for the purposes of this adress, with matters like missionary work, evangelism, practical ministry and combating secularism and atheism, for these'issues stand to reason. The "long-term agenda" deals with concrete South African realities that should be addressed by the Church now and in the immediate future. In this regard the following two issues can be identified: poverty, and the maintenance of human rights in the emerging new South Africa. 3.1 Poverty The immensity of poverty in South Africa is well known. Over -11- the years many authoritative investigations have dealt with the problem (Wilson 1989). And it is clear that only a long-term broad strategy by the State and private sector can eventually improve the situation. But the Church as the concrete and visible agent of the love of Christ should also play its part in a church-like manner. First of all, the root causes of poverty must be realistically identified. And the most obvious reasons are low income (Watts 1971:47) unemployment and a low growth rate. The political system of the past has largely contributed to this problem. In the above-mentioned studies this fact was proved beyond any doubt. But it was not the system only. It would therefore be a simplification to say that a mere rectification of the system would solve the problems. The Third World provides ample example of drastic political changes that didn't coincide with the economic upliftment of poverty-stricken communities. How should the Church play its role in order to be part of this solution? It is obvious that a more just political system would be the first step and the role of the Church in this process has been dealt with. But there are pressing ethical questions that should be answered, such as: Which economic system could be regarded as the best expression of Christian social principles? Shul Crta strive for a 0 4reecmrae systemv(see A Should Christians strive for a free market systema(see '"- 2-12- Nurnberger 1979b:157). Deep-rooted differences exists between Christians and in churches on these ethical questions. This important issue is also a major theme the South African churches should deal with by way of ecumenical contact and interaction. But the South African churches can do more. Apart from the important task of prophetical testimony and of educating Christians to combat poverty, the question arises; Hasn't the time arrived for the development of a South African ecumenical diaconate in which all the churches could take part? From such vast potential resourcescould greatly imrove, for example, the situation of children in povertystricken areas. Shouldn't we consider building fewer lavish church buildings and
theological seminaries, to make funds available for the proposed project of a South African Diaconate? A conference like this could discuss such a possibility. 3.2 The maintenance of Human Rights The new South Africa could be a marvellous place for all South Africans. But it could also become a demonic society with a repetition of all the injustices of the past. We will achieve nothing by replacing one oppressive system with another. We must accept that the new South Africa will be initially fragile and will be plagued by residues of bitterness, unfulfilled ambitions and selfish agendas. The initial voyage will probably not be untroubled. The churches will have a crucial task, especially in the initial stage of a new South Africa. Without having a commitment to any group or a new Government, the Church should be, true to its essence, the unique force committed to justice, peace and the maintenance of human rights. We live in a country where the Church still has the ability to exert effective and meaningful influence. Especially in the initial dangerous cruise of the new South Africa, the Church should be the always present prophet appealing to the conscience of South Africans, urging them to be willing to sacrifice in order to create a society based on values we all can be proud of. In this way the Church can in the immediate future contribute to the emergence of a new race in South Africa - the decent race - as it has been called by Frankl on South African Television. 4. Conclusion This address does not attempt to provide the answers to the many questions which face us. I tried to identify the immediate areas of concern and to propose a direction for the discussions of the following days. Other important questions may exist and you may. have better answers. Much more important is the fact that we -14- should be honest and frank with each other, with the main purpose of trying to hear and understand each other, to seek solutions together and to make a collective contribution. If we should fail, our children could justifiably say that the Church has become irrevelant and that it has been left behind by South Africa. But if we succeed under the guidange of God and the direction of the Holy Spirit with the Word, our children could say: "They did what they had to do. The conference of Churches of 1990 was indeed a 'fine hour' in the history of this land of promise". 5. Bibliography CAMARA, H. 1969. Chrushed by a triple violence. Pro Veritate (8)3:4. CAMARA, H. 1964. Violence - the only way. (In Kee, A. ed. A reader in Political Theology. S.C.M. Press. p. 139). DE GRUCHY, J.W. 1979. The Church Struggle in South Africa. Grand Rapids, Michigan. W.B. Eerdmans. DEIST, F.E. 1989. Die kerk: 'n Verenigende of Verdelende faktor -15-
in die ontwikkeling van Suid-Afrika. Hervormde Teologiese Studies. 45(2):894-915. DUTCH REFORMED CHURCH OF SOUTH AFRICA. 1974. Human Relations and the South Afridan scene in the light of the Scripture. Pretoria. Dutch Reformed Publishers. DUTCH REFORMED CHURCH OF SOUTH AFRICA. 1986. Church and Society. A testimony of the Dutch Reformed Church. Bloemfontein. Pro Christo Publishers. FIERRO, A. 1977. The Militant Gospel. An analysis of Contemporary Political Theologies. London. S.C.M. Press. GUTIERREZ, G. 1974a. Theology of Liberation. London. S.C.M. Press. GUTIERREZ, G. 1974b. A Spirituality of Liberation. (In: Kee, A. A reader in Political Theology. London. S.C.M. Press: 95-100) HEYNS, J.A. 1977. Die Kerk. Pretoria. N.G. Kerkboekhandel. INSTITUTE FOR CONTEXTUAL THEOLOGY. 1985. The Kairos Document. Challenge to the Church. Braamfontein. The Kairos Theologians. -16- INSTITUTE FOR CONTEXTUAL THEOLOGY. 1989. The Road to Damascus. Kairos and Conversion. Johannesburg. Skotsville Publ. NURNBERGER, K. 1979a. Capitalism, Sosialism, Marxism. Economic ideologies in a christian perspective. Durban. The Lutheran Publ. House. NURNBERGER, K. (re4.) 1979b. Ideologies of Change in South Africa; Capitalism, Socialism and the power of the Gospel. Durban. The Lutheran Publ. House. SOUTH AFRICAN COUNCIL OF CHURCHES. 1976a. SACC'S reply to Minister T.N.H. Janson. Ecunews. 6(1979):7. SOUTH AFRICAN COUNCIL OF CHURCHES. 1978. Resolution adopted at the Tenth National Conference of the SACC. Ecunews. (20)1978:15. SOUTH AFRICAN LAW COMMISSION. 1989. Project 58: Group and Human Rights. Pretoria. State Library. WATTS, H.L. 1971. Poverty. (In Spro-cas. Some implications of inequality. Johannesburg. Ravan Press.)