PAPERS IN PHILIPPINE LINGUISTICS No.5

PACIFIC LINGUISTICS S eila..e.6 A - No. 41 PAPERS IN PHILIPPINE LINGUISTICS No.5 by Donna Heick Chandler E. Ruch Jeannee Wiucki Deparmen of Linguisics Research School of Pacific Sudies THE AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY Chandler, D., Ruch, E. and Wiucki, J. ediors. Papers in Philippine Linguisics No. 5. A-41, iv + 78 pages. Pacific Linguisics, The Ausralian Naional Universiy, 1974. DOI:10.15144/PL-A41.cover 1974 Pacific Linguisics and/or he auhor(s). Online ediion licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, wih permission of PL. A sealang.ne/crcl iniiaive.

PA CIFIC LINGUISTICS is published by he L n9u C C cle 06 Canbe a and consiss of four series: SERIES A - SERIES B - SERIES C - SERIES V - OC CASIONA L PAPERS MONOGRAPHS BOOKS SPECIA L PUBLICATIONS. EDITOR: S.A. Wurm. ASSOCIATE EDITORS: D.C. Laycock, C.L. Voorhoeve. ALL CORRESPONDENCE concerning PACIFIC LINGUISTICS, including orders and subscripions, should be addressed o: The Secreary, PA CIFIC LINGUISTICS, Deparmen of Linguisics, School of Pacific Sudies, The Ausralian Naional Universiy, Box 4, P.O., Canberra, A.C.T. 2600. Ausralia. Copyrigh The Auhors. Firs published 1974. The ediors are indebed o he Ausralian Naional Universiy for help in he producion of his series. This publicaion was made possible by an iniial gran from he Huner Douglas Fund. Naiona l Library of Ausralia Card number and ISBN 0 8588 3 114 7

TA BLE OF CONTENTS VERB STEM CLASSES IN NORTHERN KANKANAY, by Donna Heick Chandler INTRODUCTION 1. AGENT ORIENTED 2. EXPERIENCER ORIENTED 3. PATIENT ORIENTED 4. ARGUMENT INCORPORATION 5. PROPOSITION CONSOLIDATION No.e..6 Page 1 1 3 8 10 11 12 17,: ) ROLE COMBINATIONS AND VERB STEM CLASSES IN KALAMIAN TAG BANWA, by Edward Ruch o. INTRODUCTION 1. STEM CLASSES BASED ON AFFIXATION POTENTIAL 2. STEM CLASSES BASED ON PARTICIPANT ROLES 3. STEM CLASSES IN DETAIL 4. MEANINGS OF AFFIXES 5. METHODOLOGY 23 23 24 26 30 46 50 6. MULTIPLE ROLE COMBINATIONS 52 7. CONCLUSION No.e..6 56 57 iii

Lv Page 59 A LEXIC OSTATISTICAL EVALUATION OF TAGALOG-CHAMORRO RELATIONS, by Jeannee Wi ucki 1. INTRODUCTION 2. SUBSTITUTIONS 3. SOUND CORRESPONDENCES 4. THE LISTS 5. COMPUTATION OF TIME DEPTH Noe.!> Re6e ence.!> Cied 61 61 63 64 66 71 72 73 Chandler, D., Ruch, E. and Wiucki, J. ediors. Papers in Philippine Linguisics No. 5. A-41, iv + 78 pages. Pacific Linguisics, The Ausralian Naional Universiy, 1974. DOI:10.15144/PL-A41.cover 1974 Pacific Linguisics and/or he auhor(s). Online ediion licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, wih permission of PL. A sealang.ne/crcl iniiaive.

VERB STEr1 CLASSES IN rwrthern KANKANAY DONNA HETTICK CHANDLER 1. Agen oriened 2. Experiencer oriened 3. Paien oriened 4. Argumen incorporaion S. Proposi ion consolidaion INTRODUCTION In his paper I classify he verb sems of Norhern Kankanay l on he basis of heir underlying case srucures. Ohers have realised he necessiy of some kind of verb classificaion in Philippine languages if one is o generae well formed senences. Miller (1964) based her classificaion sricly on heir occurrence or non-occurrence wih focus affixes. Reid (1966) and Barnard and Forser (1968) posied a siuaional hierarchy and based heir clas sificaions of verb sems on co-occurrence resricions in he siuaional sring and in he clause level grammaical sring. Reid also used ransforma ional poenial of he clause sring as one of he crieria for esab lishing his classes. Fillmore (1968 ) and Langendoen (1969) have developed a heory of case grammar in which hey posi a limied number of case relaionships which seem o be applicable o a wide range of languages. This paper is an aemp o apply hese case relaionships o a Philippine language. The validiy of his mehod of classifying verbs is shown in he consisency in wh ich he classes based on case frames map ono he surface 1 Chandler, D.H. "Verb Sem Classes in Norhern Kankanay". In Chandler, D., Ruch, E. and Wiucki, J. ediors, Papers in Philippine Linguisics No. 5. A-41:1-22. Pacific Linguisics, The Ausralian Naional Universiy, 1974. DOI:10.15144/PL-A41.1 1974 Pacific Linguisics and/or he auhor(s). Online ediion licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, wih permission of PL. A sealang.ne/crcl iniiaive.

2 srucure, wih only minor excepions as noed in he body of he paper. I also shows why a paricular case relaionship maches differenly in he surface srucure wih differen classes. For example, Paien maches accessory wih conveyance verbs (1.3), whereas wih acquisiion verbs (1.4) Paien maches objec. The difference in he surface form is required, because here is a difference in he direcion in which he Paien moves. Furher, his mehod reveals he meaning underlying he differen sem classes. Undersanding he underlying meaning of sem classes also allows one o recognise wih wha sense a word has been borrowed ino he language and o predic how i will funcion. I is no possible, however, o predic how a word will be borrowed. Taip 'ype ', for example, has become a Kankanay conveyance verb. An Agen-Source conveys a Paien, wha is yped, oward a Goal, a piece of paper. Bik 'bake ' is a change of sae verb. An Agen performs an acion which changes he sae of a Paien, he bread, wih an Insrumen, he oven. Likewise, undersanding he underlying meanings of sem classes allows one o recognise he kind of predicae 2 ino which a noun has been incorporaed. I is no possible, however, o predic how a given noun may be incorporaed ino a predicae.. For example, since obi 'swee po ao ', kaiw 'wood/ree ', and sakai 'hay ' can be incorporaed ino predicaes meaning o fech he hings menioned, one migh expec ha danom 'waer ' would also be incorporaed in his way. Bu his is no he case, probably because here is a verb, sakdo, which means 'o fe ah wa er '. Danom 'waer ' can be incorporaed ino a disribuion verb, as in danomak nan sibo (waer-rf- ls-sing opic viand) 'I add wa er o he viand ', which has essenially he same meaning as apiyak nan sibo is danom (add-rf-ls-sing opic viand nonopic wa er) 'I add wa er o he viand ', bu wih a greaer economy of words, which seems o be a virue o he Kankanay. Nouns are simi larly incorporaed in English as in busing he ahildren, which has essenially he same meaning as ransporing he ahi ldren by bus. The noun bus has replaced he verb ranspor and he Insrumen has been incorporaed ino he predicae. Alhough a speaker of English has lile difficuly undersanding bus used in his sense, i would be difficul o predic before he fac ha his is how bus would come o be used. The case rela ionships (who se labels are capialised) ha are valid for Norhern Kankanay are Agen, Paien, Experiencer, Goal, Source, Range, Noninsiga ive cause, Faciive, and Essive. Benefacive, cause, insrumen, developmenal, and cerain aspec and modal elemens are considered ab srac predicaes, since hey are no a par of he

3 essenial meaning of he sem bu are added o i as ouside elemens. The problems I encounered in applying his mehod were mainly cenered in becoming accusomed o he heory. I began by aking he case relaionships posied by Fillmore (1968 ), Langendoen (1969), and Fran z (1971) and checking he Norhern Kankanay daa o see if hey were valid for his language. I was difficul no o be influenced by previous sudies which were based on surface srucure correlaions, which made me wan o assume ha anyhing ha mached objec, for example, had o be a Paien. I also ook some pracice o grasp some of he disincions clearly enough in my own mind o be able o use hem correcly. Examp les of hese disincions are he differences beween Goal and Range, or Agen and Source, or Agen and Experiencer. Alhough surface srucure forms were no he saring poin of classificaion, hey were no ignored. I assumed ha here would be paern and consisency in how he deep srucure case relaionships ma ched ono he surface srucure, since wihou his kind of consisency here could be no communicaion beween speakers of he language. 1. AGENT ORIENTED Several verb sem classes are Agen oriened. Tha is, alhough hese classes have differen combinaions of oher argumens wih which hey occur, he argumen of Agen, he performer of he acion, is common o all of hem. 1.1 BOVY POSITION verb s are Agen oriened ; hey refer o he body posiion of he Agen. Moion is no inheren in he meaning of he verbs of his class, bu wih accessory focus 3 he Agen is assered o move o or o assume he posiion given by he verb. The case frame for his class is Agen and Goal. Some members of his class are okdo 'si ', akdeg 'sand ', podan 'lie down ', posnok 'si on floor wih knees up ', daksay 'si on floor wih legs sraigh ou ', likging 'lie on side ', 10kbob 'lie on somach '. The Agen maches he grammaical subjec in he surfac e srucure of he clause. Wih ac cessory focus, Agen sill maches he grammaical nonopic subjec. Goal, he place where he acion ends, maches he referen. Tomakdeg nan in-ina isnan agdan (Sf-s and opic woman nonopic sairs) 'he woman sands on he sairs '. Iakdegyo no songgep nan Padi (Af-s and-2nd -pl when ener he Pries) 'you sand when he Pries eners '.

4 Takdegan nan in-ina nan agdan (sand-rf nonopic-subjec woman opic sairs) 'he woman sands on he sairs '. 1.2 MOTION verbs asser ha he Agen move s. Wih hese verbs he Agen is viewed as moving along a raj ecory. Gieser (1972 ) describes how hese moion verbs are used o esablish seing. The case frame for his class, besides Agen, includes Range and Goal : someone moves somewhere on somehing. Range maches he grammaical obj ec and Goal he oblique in he surface srucure. Some members of his class are layaw 'run away ', saa 'reurn home ', lokso 'work in he fie Zds ', ikid 'azimb up ', layog 'desaend ', agag 'run ', ayaw 'fzy '. Lomayog nan baba lo isnan dap-ay (Sf-desaend opic young-man nonopic men ' s-house) 'he young man desaends o he men 's house '. Layogen nan baba lo nan pay okan (desaend-of nonopic-subjec young-man opic sone-seps) 'he young man desaends he sone seps '. Any verb in his class also has he add iional case frame Agen Source, Paien, and Goal. The Agen, he one who performs he acion, is now also he Source, he one away from whose iniial locaion he acion is direced. He moves along wih he Paien oward he Goal. As wih conv eyance verbs (1.3), he a ien ma ches he gramma ical accessory. Ilayog Ina nan obi isnan il i (Af-desaend Mo her opic sweepoao nonopic vizzage) 'Moher desaends wih (akes ) he swee po ao down o he vi ZZage. ' Raher han describe his as an addiional case frame of his class, one could say ha Paien is an opional argumen of he class. For he presen, however, I prefer o make his a separae case frame, so ha i will be comparable o conveyance verbs. 1.3 CONVEYANCE verbs asser ha he Paien moves away from he iniial locaion of he Agen, who is herefore also Source, oward a Goal. Since I am describing sem classes according o heir underlying case frame s and no merely according o heir surface srucure focus possibiliies, i is possible o assign Goal as an argumen, even hough he Goal canno be opic of he clause bu raher maches he oblique. Paien ma ches accessory. The case frame of conveyance verbs is idenical o he second case frame of moion verbs. Boh asser ha he Paien moves, and in some insances ha he Agen-Source moves wih i. The moion class, however, describes basically he moion of he Agen, and he Paien is opional wih i. The conveyance class is concerned mainly wih he moion of he Paien and he moion or non-mo ion of he Agen is incidenal. Some members of his class are wasi 'disaard ', gayang

5 'hrow, 4, dowa 'give ', dogos 'push ', bowa 'spi ou', dolin 'pu away '. Iwasi Ina nan okis isnan abbak (Af-discard Mo her opic peeling nonopic pigpen) 'Moher discards he peeling in he pigpen '. Disribuion verbs are a subclass of conveyance verbs. These verbs no only imply moion away from he Agen-Source, bu also ha he acion is disribued over a group or a field. The case frame is he same as for conveyance verbs, bu Goal ma ches he grammaical referen, raher han he oblique. Some members of his class are wa las 'disribue ', sebseb 'pu ou a fire by hrowing somehing on i ', megmeg 'feed somehing o chickens '. Imegmeg Ina nan bagas isnan manok (Affe ed-chickens Mo her opic rice nonopic chicken) 'Moher feeds he rice o he chickens '. Goal maches he grammaical referen in he examp le Megmegan Ina nan manok is bagas (feed-chickens-rf Mo her opic chicken nonopic rice) 'Moher feeds he chickens rice '. 1.4 ACQUISITION verbs asser ha a Paien moves oward he Agen, who is herefore also Goal. Paien maches he grammaical obj e c, Source he oblique. Some members of his class are ala 'ge ', sikpaw 'cach ', ani 'harves', kan 'ea ', inom 'drink ', awi 'carry, 5. Alaen Ina nan bagas isnan kamowan (g e -Of Mo her opic rice nonopic baske ) 'Moher ges he rice from he baske '. Separaion verbs are a subclass of acquisiion verbs which parallels he disribuion subclass of conveyance verbs. As in he previous class of disribuion verbs in which he meaning of conveyance or moion away from he Agen-Source is furher defined by saying ha he Paien is moved o a Goal which exends over a field or group, likewise separaion verbs furher define he meaning of acquisiion by saying ha he Source from which a Paien is moved exends over a group or field. The case frame is he same as for acquisiion verbs, bu Source ma ches he grammaical referen raher han he oblique. Some members of his class are bo las 'gaher frui 01' vegeables ', da los 'clean ', koskos 'remove he bark of a ree ', kono 'scrach ', bodas 'clean food for cooking by removing he inedible pars ', and daos 'weed '. Bodasan Ina nan bagas (clean-rf Mo her opic rice) 'Moher cleans he rice '. Bodasen Ina nan ea isnan bagas (clean-of Mo her opic unpounded-grainsof-rice nonopic rice) 'Moher cleans he unpounded grains from he rice '. A few sems have muliple conveyance-acqui siion case frames. Wih one case frame Agen is he Source and wih he oher Agen is Goal. For example, in ilakon Ina nan baa ken Indi (Af-ransac Mo her opic

6 bananas nonopic-person Indi) 'Moher sells bananas o Indi ', 'Moher ' is boh he Agen and Source, while 'Indi ' is Goal. The Paien, 'bananas ', moves away from he Agen-Source. However, in lakowan Indi nan baa ken Ina (ransac-rf Indi opic bananas nonopic-person Mo her) 'Indi buys bananas from Mo her ', 'Indi ' is now he Agen, alhough her role as Goal has no changed, and 'Moher ' remains he Source bu no he Agen. The Paien, 'bananas ', moves oward he Agen-Goal. Moion verbs also have his kind of a converse relaionship. When a Paien maches accessory he acion is direced away from he iniial locaion of he Agen-Source as in ikaab Mo ing nan soki (Af-c limb Mo ing opic sick-used-o-remove-frui-from-rees) 'Moing climbs up wih he sick '. When a Paien ma ches obj ec he direcion of he acion is oward he Agen-Goal as in kaaben Mo ing nan 01 law (climb-of Mo ing opic kie) 'Moing climbs up fo r he kie '. 6 1.5 EXTENVEV ACTION verbs asser ha an acion is performed on he surface of a Range. The se verbs are similar o separaion and disribuion verbs in ha he acion exends over a field, bu hey differ in ha hey do no asser ha a Paien is direced oward or away from he field. Range maches he grammaical referen. Some members of his class are saba 'culivae ', lampaso 'scrub he floor wih a co conu husk ', laba 'launder clohes ', owas 'wash some hing such as dishes ', and denas 'wash he fe e '. Sabaan Ina nan om-a (culivae-rf Mo her opic fie ld), Mo her cu livaes he fie ld '. 1. 6 CHANGE OF STATE Agen oriened verbs have he Agen performing an acion on a Paien which changes he Paien. Paien ma ches he grammaical objec. Some members of his class are be be 'cu wih a chopping moion ', pa li 'bucher ', disig 'chop fire wood ', dop la 'smo ke obacco ', langen 'singe hair off a buchered animal ', and poyo 'cu down rees '. An insrumen is usually implici wih change of sae verbs. Following Langendoen (1969), I have handled insrumen as an absrac predicae (5.4 ). The insrumen is no normally expressed in he surface srucure unless i is oher han he expeced insrumen. Change of sae verbs can be infleced for referen focus. Under hese circumsances Paien is no longer an explici argumen of he predicae, bu Range. The acion, insead of changing he sae of a Paien, is raher localised o a specific Range. For example, be be en Mo ing nan kaiw (chop-of Mo ing opic wood) 'Moing chops he wood ' assers ha Moing is changing he sae of he Paien, 'wood ', from

7 one large piece o smaller usable pieces. However, in he example, be bean Mo ing nan kaiw (chop-rf Maing opic wood) 'Maing chops he wood', he meaning appears o be he same as he firs example, bu he informan clarifies he meaning as 'Maing chops he end off of he wood'. 'Wo od' now indicaes he Range where he acion akes place. 1. 7 SPEECH verbs are disinguished from oher Agen oriened classes in ha he acion is idenified as a speech even and is Paien is a quoaion. Boh subclasses have he same case frame bu ar e separaed ino subclasses by he kind of acion involved. Speech caegorising verbs classify he kind of discourse which he Agen, who is he speaker, uses o communicae a message, he Paien, o a Goal o whom he message is direced. The Paien ma ches he grammaical obj ec, and he Goal, he oblique. Some members of his clas s are ka li 'speak', soo 'a sk', sodok 'relae sories', sappi 'relae sories wih a mora l', oya 'discuss', banag 'conduc a rial', and damag 'ell news'. Sodoken Ama nan inomma id kasin isnan ongong-a (relae-sories-of Faher opic happened nonopic before nonopic children) 'Ama re laes wha happened long ago o he chi ldren'. ('Wha happened long ago' represens a paricular sory.) In speech conveying verbs he acion of speaking is assered o be direced away from he Agen, who is also Source, as wih conveyance verbs. The Paien, or message, maches he grammaical accessory, and he Goal, he grammaical referen. Members of his class include bodaw 'shou', ayag 'invie', baga 'e ll', songba 'answer', oog 'agree', and 10wa l0 'pray'. Ayagan Ama nan agida (invie-rf Fa her opic relaive- 3rd-pl) 'Fa her invies heir re laives'; iyayag Ama nan so la isnan agida (Af-i nv ie Faher opic leer nonopic re laive-3rd-pl) 'Fa her sends a leer o invie heir relaives'. I could well be argued ha speech conveying verbs could be included in he class of conveyance verbs. Perhaps all Agen-Source verbs should be included in one class. A his poin, however, he similariies ha hese classes have wih oher classes is beer illusraed by keeping hem separaed, ha is, grouping speech conveying verbs wih speech caegorising verbs. 1.8 Wih all Agen oriened classes in which Agen is no Source, ha is, acquisiion, separaion, exended acion, change of sae, and speech caegorising, he Paien, or Range in he case of exended acion verbs, may ma ch he grammaical accessory. Generally hese forms carry he meaning of doing he acion in he manner of he sem raher

8 han in some oher way. I am no prepared o describe his fully, bu I would like o sugges, as a resul of hese sudies, ha perhaps accessory focus implies conveyance. The phenomenon described in Secion 2.1. 1 of accessory focus occurring wih percepion verbs o add he meaning of inenion seems also o be a kind of conveyance. An example of accessory focus wih an acquisiion verb is bi la layena nan awina dana iyago (carry-in-he-hand-of-3rd-sing opic Zoad-3rd-sing hen-3rd-sing-immediae Zy Af- carry-on-he-head) 's he carries he Zoad in her hand hen she carries i on her head'. This could be paraphrased 'she picks up he Zoad (acquisiion) and carries i in her hand and hen she moves i (conveyance) and carries i on her head'. An example of accessory focus wih a change of sae verb is ay isangag ako nan mani onno ipenpen ako (quesion Af-roas ls-pl opic peanus or Af-boiZ ls-pl) 'shalz we roas he peanus or shazz we bo il hem?'. Boh sangag 'roas ' and penpen 'bo iz' are change of sae verbs, which generally focus on he Paien wih objec focus. This example migh be paraphrased 'where shazz we convey hese peanus: o he skizle o be roased or o he po o be boized?'. An example of accessory focus wih exended acion verbs is ilabam od nan badom adim aped ibabadeng (Af-Zaunder-2nd-sing pzease opic czohes-2nd-sing negaive-2nd-sing jus Af-pZace) 'p Zease Zaunder your czohes; don' jus Zay hem down'. Laba 'Zaunder' is an exended acion verb which generally focuses on he Range wih referen focus. This examp le migh be paraphrased 'ake hese clohes and Zaunder hem insead of Zeaving hem Zying around'. 1.9 Wih he excepion of moion verbs, when no Paien occurs, and body posiion verbs, which ake no Paien disinc from he Agen, all he Agen oriened classes can occur wih no Agen expressed, bu wih none of heir oher case relaionships changed. The Agen may be unexpressed o indicae eiher ha i is highly predicable or ha he acion is uninenional. The nonagenive prefix ma- occurs alone wih objec focus, as mai- wih accessory focus, as ma-. -an wih referen focus, and as mai-.. -an wih benefacive focus. 2. EXPERIENCER ORIENTED Experiencer oriened verbs differ from Agen oriened verbs in ha he subj ec is assered o perceive or feel he predicaion. 2.1 In PERCEPTION verbs he Experiencer, who may also be Agen, is assered o perceive a Pa ien. The acion may or may no be insigaed by he Experiencer-Agen. In he main subclass of his class Paien

9 ma ches objec. Members of his subclass include ila 's ee', denge 'hear', song song 'sme ', likna 'fe e ', geek 'know', layad ' ike/ ove', nemnem 'hink/remember', i iaw 'dr eam', ganas 'e njoy', and saki in is exended meaning of 'fe e offe nce', no is lieral meaning of 'fee pain'. Dengngen I na nan kana (hear-of Mo her opic song) 'Mo her hears he song'. 2. 1. 1 A subclass of percepion verbs are inenional acion percepion verbs. Paien maches accessory. Some percepion verbs are also members of his subclass. The difference beween his subclass and oher percepion verbs parallels he difference described in Secion 1.7, when he Paien maches he accessory insead of he objec as expeced. I do no fully undersand he exen of he meaning of verbs as hey occur in his subclass, bu I have illusraed hem here as bes I can : idngena nan kanan nan misa lana (Af-hear-3rd-sing opic say possessive eacher-3rd-sing) 'he acive y hears (obeys) wha his eacher says'; isongsong nan malion nan lipo lyo (Af- sme nonopic -sub jec pregnan opic cabbage) 'he pregnan one rejecs he smeh of cabbage', igekna nan binasana (Af - know-3rd-sing opic Of-compleive-read-3rdsing) 'He app ies wha he has read'. Oher verbs ha behave his way are saki 'fe e offence', nemnem 'hink', 1 ikna 'fe e ', and ganas, enjoy'. Some inenional percepion verb sems, which are no also members of he main subclass of percepion verbs, are nengneng ' ook carefu y a somehing', sin-eng ' ook hrough a sma opening a somehing', and naag ' isen carefu y/eavesdrop'. I nengneng Ama nan 1 i los (Af- ookcarefu y Faher opic c ock) 'Fa her ooks carefu y a he c ock'. 2.2 In SENSATION verbs he Experiencer who does no iniiae any acion is assered o sense by seeing, hearing, asing, sme lling, feeling, or wha he Kankanay consider he sixh sense, knowing. The Experiencer ma ches he grammaical referen of a nonagenive clause. Wha is sensed in his class is a Noninsigaive cause raher han a Paien, and i ma ches he oblique when he Experiencer maches he grammaical referen. Noninsigaive cause maches subj ec when hese verb s occur wih anoher case frame as described in 3.1. Some percepion verbs also occur wih he case frame of sensaion verbs. Members of his class include denge 'heal", song song 'sme ', geek 'know', bango 'fragran', aged 'sour', dagsen 'heavy', peeg 'bad odour', and ngenge 'buzz'. Nasongsongan si Ina isnan bawang (nonagenive-sme -Rf opic Mo her nonopic onions) 'Mo her senses he sme of onions'. This can also be paraphrased as 'Mo her is adverse y affe ced by he sme of onions'.

10 3. PATIENT ORIENTED Several classes of verbs ar e Paien oriened, ha is, a Paien is affeced in some way by he predicaion. All Paien oriened clauses may be dominaed by an absrac developmenal predicae which is described in Secion 5 on proposiion consolidaion. 3.1 SENSATION STATIVES describe a Paien in a way which can be perceived by an Experiencer. Paien maches he grammaical subj ec. Members of his class describe smells, boh pleasan and unpleasan, ases, and also hings which can be fel, sucq as exures and he sharpness of a knife. The se sems also have he case frame of sensaion experiencer verbs. Subj ec focus -om- wih his class indicaes developmenal ; he Paien develops ino or become s he sae specified in he verb (Secion 5.3). Members of his class include aged 's our', amnay 'as ezess', sampe 'rough', leeg 's raigh', bango 'fragran', dagsen 'heavy', yap-ew 'righ weigh', akoo 'sme ZZ of somehing dead', angseg 'sme H of ro en pzans', angili 'sme ZZ of singed hair or feahers ', amay 'nice', ngenge 'buzz', and kiking 'jing Ze'. Men-aged nan lolokison (Sf-sour opic orange) 'he orange is sour'. 3.2 Anoher class describes he INHERENT STATE of a Paien. The Paien maches he obj ec of a nonagenive clause when he verb is infleced wih he compleive affix na-. These verbs canno be affixed wih he incompleive ma-, and hey canno ake an Experiencer. Subjec focus -om- indicaes developmenal ; he Paien akes on he characerisic of he sem. Members of his class include dalos 'inherenzy czean', oled 'brave', gage 'indu srious', anos 'pa ien', imo 'se Zfish', pigsa 's rengh', ngina 'expensive', and sokil 'naughy'. Na oled nan soldado (nonagenive-of-brave opic so Zdiers) 'So Zdiers are brave'. 3.3 ACQUIREV STATE verbs are Paien oriened. Paien maches he grammaical obj ec, and Noninsigaive cause, he subj ec. Verbs of his class may be affixed wih eiher he incompleive ma- or compleive na- forms of he nonagenive obj ec focus affix. I is he disincion beween no ye and already acquired ha allows his class o be infleced wih boh forms of he affix. The incompleive implies ha he Paien is in he process of acquiring he sae of he verb, for example, maseyepka (nonagenive-incompleive-of-szeep-opic-2nd-sing) 'You go o szeep'. Wih he na-, compleive form, as illusraed by

11 Naseyep si Ina (nonagenive-of- compleive- s eep opic Mo her) 'Mo her is as eep ', he Paien has acquired he sae. This conrass wih inheren saives in ha in he inheren sae he Paien is aken as being in he sae of he verb, bu no as acquiring i. Naanoska (nonagenive- compleive-paien-opic- 2nd- sing ) 'you are pa ien '. Acquired saives include bisi l 'wea hy ', ogo 'crazy ', bosog 'full from eaing ', oweng 'deaf ', seyep 'as eep ', gido 'awake ', kao 'hin ', beay 'ired ', owa 'hungry ', ago 'a ive ', and siken 'maure '. 3.4 RELATIONAL STATIVES describe he Paien in a way which can be compared : long in relaion o shor, or small in relaion o large. The verb is uninfleced for any focus, bu he Paien is always opic. Verbs of his class have he addiional case frame of change of sae Agenive oriened verbs. See Bierwisch (1969) and Chafe (1970) for a fuller descripion of relaional predicaes. Members of his class include ando ' ong ', ap ik 'shor ', ee een 'sma ', dakel ' arge ', aik 'few ', ado 'many ', gawis 'good ', ngawi 'bad ', adaem 'deep ', aapew 'sha ow ', and aakdag 'high '. Tee een nan baeym i (sma opic house-1s-pi) 'our house is sma '. 4. ARGUMENT INCORPORATION Verbs and nouns can be disinguished in mos Philippine languages by sricly surface srucure crieria, hough he descripion may be raher complicaed. The descripion is furher complicaed since verbs may funcion as nouns and nouns as verbs. An oversimplificaion of he disincion beween nouns and verbs in Norhern Kankanay is ha verbs can be infleced for focus and complee versus incomplee aspec. Nouns can occur wih pluralising or coun ing affixes and possessive pronouns. However, verbs according o he above descripion may occur as he noun of a noun phrase, e.g. isgepmo nan bini lag (Af-ener-2nd-sing opic Ofcompleive- dry) 'Bring in wha-has-been-pu -ou-o-dry ' or in simple English 'bring in he c ohes '. A verb like inom 'drink ' may occur wih boh couning affixes and possessive pronouns, e.g. sinkainomko na (uni-drink-ls-sing his) 'his is my one-uni-of-drink ' or 'his is enough for me '. Nouns, sems which idenify a person, place, or hing, may also occur wih focus affixes and be infleced for compleive aspec. For example, abis ong 'jew 's harp ', abisongen 'p ay on he jew 's harp '; agas 'medicine ', agasan 'app y medicine o '; and benge 'hair beads ', men benge 'wear hair beads '.

12 Franz (1971) calls nouns, adj ecives, and verbs conenives and shows how hey can all be reaed as predicaes wih argumens in he underlying srucure. Nouns are predicaes ha have he argumen Essive, bu hey can also be incorporaed ino a predicae ha has he case argumens of verbs. When his happens, however, he noun brings wih i he case argumens of is nominal form and adds hem o he ones he predicae already has. Hall (1969 ) has described his phenomenon in erms of a dummy verb. He says ha he dummy verbs indicae ha some acion is performed using he verb sem. In he examples cied above, he Paien is incorporaed ino he, predicae in place of whaever less specific predicae migh be assumed here. Examp les of Insrumens being incorporaed ino change of sae verbs are ba lbeg 'spear ', ba lbegen 'kizz wih a spear '; and igad 'graer ', igaden 'shred wih a gra er '. In Norhern Kankanay he Faciive (resul) is also expressed by argumen incorporaion: ka lowen Ama nan al i (non-cardinal-hree-of Fa her opic rope) 'Faher hirds he rope '. Objec focus here implies ha 'hree ' has he change of sae semanics of 'cu ', so he gloss for his example could be 'Faher cus he rope ino hree pieces'. Under incorporaion hese noun roos fi ino regular verb sem classes when hey are verbalised, according o heir meaning. I have no explored he full exen of argumen incorporaion in his sudy. The above examp les sugges he possibiliies. 5. PROPOSITION CONSOLIDATION Langendoen (1969 ) has shown how assuming ab srac predicaes in he deep srucure can help explain he relaionship beween predicaes and heir argumen s for English predicaes like shake, which can have one argumen, as in he ree shook, and wo argumen s, as in he boy shook he ree. He poins ou ha he boy shook he ree and he boy caused he ree o shake have virually he same meaning. By esablishing a deep srucure predicae, causaive, which has an Agen as one of is argumens, in his case he boy, and anoher proposiion as anoher argumen, his similariy in meaning is capured. The second proposiion is a predicae, shake, wih one argumen, he ree. By a ransformaional rule he predicae shake is subsiued for he ab srac predicae causaive o give he surface srucure he boy shook he ree. This descripion enables him o say ha "s hake is a single lexical iem which occurs in he deep srucure wih jus one argumen ". He al so shows how by he same principle an ab srac insrumenal predicae and an absrac inchoaive predicae can be esablished.

13 Following his same principle, I have found i useful o assume absrac insrumenal, benefacive, causaive, and developmenal ( Langendoen 's inchoaive ) predicaes. Perhaps nonagenives could also be handled in his way. Hohulin (1971 ) describes cerain aspecs, modes, and manners in Keley-i Kallahan, a relaed Philippine language, in a similar way, and she calls hem complex predicaes. She finds, however, ha nonagen ive does no fi he sysem as an ab srac predicae. 5.1 Benefacive is indicaed in he surface srucure by he affix i-... -an, which is a combinaion of he accessory focus and referen focus affixes. This could be inerpreed as a combinaion of wo semanic elemens in a meaphorical sense, ha is, one could consider Goal, which frequenly underlies referen focus, and moion away from he Agen, which is indicaed by ac cessory focus, as ogeher underlying benefacive. On he oher hand, wheher one defines benefacive as a simple relaion or a composie one does no make a significan difference a his poin. For ha reason, and since i has been radiionally referred o as one of he focus caegories, I have coninued so o refer o i in his paper. The bene6ae ve predicae, as opposed o he grammaical benefacive, has Experiencer as one of is argumens. This follows Franz 's (1971 ) usage. In Norhern Kankanay, benefacive indicaes ha he acion is done on behalf of he Experiencer. The Experiencer may or may no be he Goal of he acion. The following example s illusrae Experiencer as Goal. I Jayogan Moing si AJapo is pagey (Bf-descend Mo ing opic Grandparen nonopic rice ) 'Mo ing akes he rice down for (and o ) Grandparen '. The Agen 'Mo ing ' is doing he work for Grandparen, bu implici in he saemen is ha Grandparen will also receive he rice. Benefacive is no necessarily he Goal of he acion, however, as in he example iagagan Moing si Songado (Bf-run Mo ing opicperson Songado ) 'Moing runs for Songado ' in a baseball game when Songado can sill ba, bu his sprained ankle won ' le him run. Figure 1 ( overleaf ) illusraes how he ab srac benefacive predicae is consolidaed wih a basic predicae. 5. 2 Causaive is indicaed in he surface sruc ure by he affix pa-. The eau a ve predicae has an Agen as one of is argumens as well as an Experiencer, which mus have he same referen as he Agen of he basic predicae wih which causaive is consolidaed. Wih moion verbs and some acquisiion verbs, causaive can be layered on causaive. An ordering rule is needed o indicae which argumens map on which

14 FIGURE 1 Proposiion Benefacive Experiencer s po I. I OP1C- 'Grandparen' person moion I 1 ayog Proposiion Agen I -mo I 1 'descend ' 'you' Paien I bagas.1 'r'l-ce' ilayogam si Alapo is bagas Grandparen nonopic rice) 'you ake he rice down for Grandparen'. (Bf-descend-2nd-sing opic-person grammaical caegory in he surface srucure, bu his and oher mapping rules have no ye been worked ou fully. See Franz (1971) for his descripion of mapping rules for a similar kind of proposiion consolidaion in Blackfoo. Double causaive is seen in he examp le papainomenyo si Ake ken Iki (cause-cause-drink-of-2nd-pl opic-person Baby nonopic Au n) 'y ou have Au n give Baby a drink '. Wih moion verbs double causaive is indicaed in he surface srucure by he choice of he grammaical caegory which maches he Agen of he basic predicae. In he simp le causaive paagagen Moing nan kabayo (cause-run-of Mo ing opic horse) 'Mo ing makes he horse run ', 'horse' ma ches he obj ec even hough i is he horse ha does he running. However, in he doub le causaive paiagag Moing nan kabayo ken Songado (cause-af-run Mo ing opic horse oblique-person Songado ) 'Mo ing has Songado make he horse run', 'horse', hough sill he Agen of he basic predicae, ma ches he accessory slo and sill anoher causaive predicae is consolidaed wih he basic predicae. Absrac causaive predicaes can be illusraed as in Figure 2, on page 15. 5.3 The deveopmen a predicae has no argumen oher han he embedded proposiion. Developmenal is indicaed in he surface srucure by he -om- infix wih Paien oriened verbs, excep for he class of acquired saives : domagsen nan ka lon (Sf(-om-}-heavy opic box) 'he box becomes heavy ', which can be illusraed as in Figure 3, on page 15.

15 FIGURE 2 Proposiion causaive Agen I., I. Mo lng Mo 1-ng ' causaive Agen A 1 Songado 'Songado 1 ' molon Agen I ag ag nan kabayo I I. I 'run ' OPlC 'horse ' pai ag ag Mo ing nan kabayo ken Songado (cause-af-run Mo ing opic horse oblique-person So ngado ) 'Moing has So ngado make he horse run ' FIGURE 3 Proposiion developmenal Proposiion saive Paien I dagsen nan kal on I I. 1 'heavy ' OPlC 'box ' domagsen nan ka l on (Sf-heavy opic box) 'he box becomes heavy ' 5.4 The inc umen al predicae has an Insrumen as one of is argumens. Insrumen maches he accessory in he surface srucure : ipoyona nan wasay isnan kaiw (Af-fe ZZ-3rd-sing opic axe nonopic ree) 'He fe ZZs he ree wih an axe '. See Figure 4, overleaf.

16 FIGURE 4 Proposiion insrumenal Insrumen nan wasay olic 'al, change of sae 1 poyo 'fe1 zz ' Agen 1 -na,l, Paien I. kalw I 'ree' ipoyona nan wasay isnan kaiw (Af-feZZ-3rd-sing opic axe nonopic ree) 'he fezzs he ree wih he axe'

NOT ES 1. Maerial for his paper wa s gahered in Balugan, a barrio of he Sagada municipaliy of Mounain Province (formerly Bonoc Sub-Province), Philippines. Sagada lies on he norhernmos edge of he Norhern Kankanay language area. According o Dyen (1965), Sagada is one of he languages of he Igoro subfamily of he Philippine branch of Malayo Polynesian languages. The language spoken in Sagada, according o Sco (1957), is represenaive of ha spoken in he municipaliies of Sagada and Besao, which, according o he 1970 census, include over 22,000 speakers. This language is also undersood in he municipaliies of Kayan, Bauko, and Sabangan, which represen a populaion of abou 25,000. Sco and ohers have suggesed ha Sagada is he norhernmo s exension of Kankanay of he Lepano area. The Sagada language and culure have been referred o as Norhern Kankanay and Norhern Kankanai, and Sco has used he erm Sagada Igoro. The people refer o hemselves and heir language as Igolo ; however, by his erm hey include all he ehnic and linguisic groups of he whole former Mounain Province complex. Reid refers o he Sagada language as Wesern Bonoc in a foonoe (1964 ). The auhor has been engaged in field work in Norhern Kankanay under he auspices of he Summer Insiue of Linguisics since 1963. This sudy was made during a hree-monh workshop conduced by Jo seph E. Grime s of SIL and Cornell Universiy in 1971 a he Philippine Branch of SIL's souhern cener a Nasuli, Malaybalay, Bukidnon. Dr Grimes ' presence in he Philippines and he workshop he conduced were boh parially suppored by Gran GS-31BO of he Naional Science Foundaion. Appreciaion is expressed for Dr Grimes' guidance during he workshop boh in doing he research for and in he wr iing of his paper. I also graefully acknowledge he kind assisance Miss Edih Abeya, a naive speaker of Norhern Kankanay, gave me during he workshop. Finally, i is acknowledged ha he research for his paper wa s grealy faciliaed by he concordance of Norhern Kankanay exs, a 17

18 concordance made on he IBM 1410 compuer a he Universiy of Oklahoma as par of he Linguisic Informaion Rerieval Projec of he Summer Insiue of Linguisics and he Universiy of Oklahoma Research Insiue, which wa s parially sponsored by Gran GS-270 of he Naional Science Foundaion. The phonemes for Norhern Kankanay consis of fifeen consonans b, d, g, k, 1, m, n, 0, P, 5,, w, y, a voiced velar fricaive, and gloal sop; and four vowels a, +, i, and e. All examples are given in he pracical orhography. The velar fricaive which only occurs medially in he vowel sequences ea, aa, ae is symbolised by acue accen on he sressed vowel. Gloal sop is symbolised by hyphen when i occurs in a consonan cluser, and is no symbolised beween vowels and word iniially. The velar nasal 0 is symbolised by ng; a hyphen beween n and 9 indicaes ha his is o be read as a sequence of n and g, no as he velar nasal. The high cenral vowel + is symbolised by e. Sress, alhough phonemic, is no wr ien. 2. The erms predicae and argumen are used exclusively in heir logical sense. 3. Focus is a relaionship beween cerain verbal affixes and a opic noun phrase in he clause. The focuses disinguished in Norhern Kankanay are subj ec (Sf), objec (Of), accessory (Af), referen (Rf), and benefacive (Bf). Unl ike Ivaan (Reid 1966, 8-11 ), noun phrases in Norhern Kankanay do no conain an explici idenifier of heir grammaical roles in he senence. The focus morpheme which co-occurs wih he opic idenifies he grammaical role of he opic. There are noun phrases which are never opic ; herefore, heir grammaical role canno be idenified. I call he grammaical roles of hese noun phrases oblique hroughou his paper. 4. Some sems have muliple case frames. For example, gayang 'hrow' also has he case frame of change of sae verbs. Wih his case frame i has he meaning 'injure by soning'. Alhough I have indicaed when an enire sem class ha s muliple case frames, I have no indicaed i for isolaed sems. This will have o be shown, however, in he dicionary. 5. One verb sem be l ig 'carry on he shouzder ' occurs wih referen focus raher han objec focus ; oherwise i funcions he same as oher verbs meaning o carry in various ways. I believe ha his is an excepion and does no consiue a reason for handling i differenly

19 from oher carry verbs. 6. I is ambiguous from he surface srucure as o wheher he objec here maches Paien or Range. An example of Range is kaaben Mo ing na n ka iw (climb-of Mo ing opic ree) 'Mo ing climbs he ree'. A similar problem in English occurs wih follow ha man and follow ha rail. 7. A special mapping rule is needed for some verbs when Paien and Agen have he same referen as in men-emeska ( Sf-bahe-opic-2nd- sing) 'y ou ba he (yourself)' in conras o emsem nan onga (bahe-of-2nd-sing opic child) 'you bahe he child'. I have no included symme ric verbs, such as asawa 'marry' and sape 'figh', and verbs wih group Paiens, such as iso 'compare', bu I believe ha hey can be included in he class of change of sae, or perhaps acquisiion verbs, and ha mapping rules can also handle he referens for hese verbs. Langendoen (1970) has discussed symme ric predicaes. Wolff (1970) in his classificaion of Cebuano verbs has called symme ric verbs a separae class.

REFERENC ES Barnard, Myra L. and Jannee Forser 1968 "A classificaion of Dibabawon acive verbs". Lingua 4:9.265-78. Bierwisch, Manfred 1969 "On cerain problems of semanic represenaions ". Founda io n 06 Language 5:2.15 3-84. Chafe, Wallace L. 1970 Meaning and he uc u e 06 language. Chicago : Universiy of Chicago Press. Dyen, Isidore 1965 "A lexicosaisical classificaion of he Ausronesian languages". Indiana Unive : y Monog aph Se ie Memoi 19. In e na io nal Jou nal 06 Ame ican Lingui ic 31, par 2. Fillmore, Charles J. 1968 "The case for case". Unive al in lingui ic heo y, ed. by E. Bach and R. Harms, 1-8 8. New York: Hol, Rinehar and Winson. Franz, Donald G. 1971 Towa d a gene a ive g amma 06 BlacR600. Summe In i u e 06 Lingui ic publica io n in lingui ic and ela ed 6ield, 34. Norman, Oklahoma : Summer Insiue of Linguisic s of he Universiy of Oklahoma. Gieser, C.R. 1972 "Kalinga sequenial discourse". Philippine Jou nal 06 Lingui ic 3:1.15-33. 20

21 Hall, William C. 1969 "A classif icaion of Siocon Subanon verbs ". AYhlopo.og-i.c.a.. L-i.Ygu-i. -i.c. 11 :7.209-15. Hohulin, Lou 1971 "Complex predicaes in Keley-i Kallahan". Pa.c.-i.6-i.c. L-i.Ygu-i. -i.c., Series A32, 19-30. Langendoen, D. Terrence 1969 Th udy 06 YYa.x. New York : Hol, Rinehar and Winson. 1970 E Y-i.a.. 06 EYg.-i. h gla.mma.l. Winson. New York : Hol, Rinehar and Miller, Jeanne 1964 "The ro le of verb sems in he Mamanwa kernel verbal clauses". Oc. a.y-i.c. L-i.Ygu-i. -i.c. 3:1.87-100. Reid, Lawrence A. 1964 "A marix analysis of Bonoc case marking paricles". Oc. a.y-i.c. L-i.Ygu-i. -i.c. 3:1.116-37. 1966 "An Ivaan synax". No.2. Oc. a.y-i.c. L-i.Ygu-i. -i.c. Sp c.-i.a.. Pub.-i.c.a.-i.oY Sco, William H. 1957 A vo c.a.bu.a.ly 06 h Sa.ga.da. Igolo d-i.a.. c. (Ph-i..-i.pp-i.Y Sud-i. Plogla.m TIa.Y c.i-i.p No.6). Universiy of Chicago. Wo lff, John U. 1970 "The classificaion of Cebuano verbs". Ph-i.l-i.pp-i.Y ]ouiya.l 06 L-i.Ygu-i. -i.c. 1:1.12-24.

Chandler, D.H. "Verb Sem Classes in Norhern Kankanay". In Chandler, D., Ruch, E. and Wiucki, J. ediors, Papers in Philippine Linguisics No. 5. A-41:1-22. Pacific Linguisics, The Ausralian Naional Universiy, 1974. DOI:10.15144/PL-A41.1 1974 Pacific Linguisics and/or he auhor(s). Online ediion licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, wih permission of PL. A sealang.ne/crcl iniiaive.

ROLE COMBINATIONS AND VERB STEM CLASSES IN KALAMIAN TAGBANWA 1 EDWARD RUCH O. Inroducion 1. Sem classes based on affixaion poenial 2. Sem classes based on paricipan roles 3. Sem classes in deail 4. Meanings of affixes 5. Mehodology 6. Muliple role combinaions 7. Conclusion O. INTRODUCTION In Philippine languages he diversiy of behaviour among verb sems calls for classificaion. Aemps have been made o classify verb sems by affixaion poenial (Wolff 1970 ), affix meaning (Ballard 1973), clause srucure (Reid 1966 ), and par icipan roles encoded by nonpredicae agmemes (Forser and Barnard 1968; Chandler 1974). I seems ha none of hese crieria alone yields a saisfacory genera ive classificaion. Ye, o combine all of hem in a sysemaic way would be a massive research proj ec. Neverheless, a firs sep has been made oward such a classificaion for he Kalamian Tagbanwa language, and wha follows is a descripion of ha sep. Firs, he mehod of classifying according o affixaion poenial is discussed briefly. Then, he mehod of arriving a classes based on 23 Ruch, E. "Role Combinaions and Verb Sem Classes in Kalamian Tagbanwa". In Chandler, D., Ruch, E. and Wiucki, J. ediors, Papers in Philippine Linguisics No. 5. A-41:23-60. Pacific Linguisics, The Ausralian Naional Universiy, 1974. DOI:10.15144/PL-A41.23 1974 Pacific Linguisics and/or he auhor(s). Online ediion licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, wih permission of PL. A sealang.ne/crcl iniiaive.

24 correlaion of affixaion wih role combinaions, or argumens, o use Langendoen's (1970 ) erm, is explained, and he classes discovered are presened. Finally, some of he mehods and problems of he second classificaion are discussed. 1. STEM CLASSES BASED ON AFFIXATION POTENTIAL Sixy acion 2 verbs are classified according o heir co-occurrence possibiliies wih he following six affixes : ag-, an-, 3 -um-, -en, -an, and i-. The firs hree signal subj ec focus ; -en signals obj ec focus; -a n, referen focus ; and i-, accessory focus. This operaion yields eleven classes, as lised below. CLASS AI sems ake : ag-, an-, -um-, -e n, -an, and i-. laksu? u 1 i k deep sa ep bibi al i? 1 i wa y u pa k kan i ke e i 1 amun a kwa 1 di u? gere 1 ag 1 ag seyak sarab pelad pukis ba r i k ka law 'run ' 'reurn, repair ' 'aaah, apprehend ' 'aaah wih he hands ' 'aarry by he fingers ' 'dig up ' 'a ear off ' 'remove bark ' 'remove hide ' 'bie ' 'weed ' 'a imb up ' 'bahe ' 'au up ransverse y' 'buaher ' 'sp i up wood ', singe ' 'au down ' 'au in wo ' 'break ', snaah away ' CLASS A2 sems ake : ag-, an-, -um-, -a n, and i-. ukuk 'duak, bow head down ' a luk luak lampasu? buna k 'hide ' 'p an ' 'sarub wih waer ' 'wash a ohes '

25 u!las damus bukbuk 'wash dishes, hands ' 'wash face ' 'dump ou, pour ou ' CLASS 81 sems wa sa k pangan ganu pesek ake : a 9 -, an-, -en, -an, and 'spread ou ' 'ea ' 'dig up camo e by ro ZZing up 'smash ' i -. Zeaves ' CLASS 82 sems ake : ag-, an-, -an, and i -. pelek 'hrow, hrow away ' pakdul 'give ' wi 51 i k ' shake off ' ag ag 'disribue ' CLASS CI sems ake : ag-, layug 'fzy ' -um-, -en, -a n, and i -. angay 'go ' CLASS C2 sems ake : ag-, ka rung 'si ' kereng 'sand ' -um-, lubug 'Zie down ' bayuku 'cur Z up ' layas 'run far away ' ulud 'push ' -an, and i -. CLASS VI sems ake : an-, -um-, -en, -an, and ungul 'asaend a mounain ' danek 'descend ' pis i k 'piak up ' dawa 'reques, exend o ' pa na k 'spear ' karus 'scrach ' alang 'buy ' gawad 'redeem ' i -. CLASS V2 sems ake : an-, -um-, -an, and i-. bula? 'spi ou ' CLASS E sems ake : ag-, -en, -an, and i-. papaan 'feed a person '

26 CLASS F 1 sems ake : an-, -e n, -a n, and i -. ayeg 'harves rice' inem 'drink' dul ung, fe ch' CLASS F2 aed buug sems ake : ag-, -a n, and i -. 'ake, de liver' 'fe ed anima ls' 2. STEM CLASSES BASED ON PART ICIPANT ROLES The verbs are also classified according o paricipan roles. For reasons discussed in secion 5, only affixes -e n, -a n, and i- are considered in his classificaion. Also, for he mos par, only hose roles ha can be mapped ono a surface opic agmeme are aken ino accoun. The se roles, 4 along wih heir abbreviaions and definiions, ar e he following : A P G-P L G S G-S B I Q Agen, he animae paricipan who performs he acion denoed by he verb. Paien, he paricipan, animae or inanimae, ha is affeced or changed by he acion. Goal-Paien, a Paien ha is simu laneously he paricipan oward which he Agen moves. Locaion, he place where he acion akes place. Goal, he paricipan or place ha is he arge, or desinaion, owards which he acion is direced. Source, he paricipan or place away from which he acion moves. Ofen i is he original locaion of he Paien. Goal-Source, a Source ha is simulaneously he paricipan oward which he Agen moves in carrying ou he acion. Beneficiary, he paricipan for whose benefi he acion is performed. Insrumen, he inanimae eniy uilised in some way by he Agen o accomp lish he acion. Quaniy, he inanimae eniy ha is gahered ino a measurab le sae. Lexically, i is normally he same eniy as he Paien, bu i is encoded by a differen

27 surface agmeme. c A-S X-POSR Concomian, he eniy, animae or inanimae, ha he Agen involves, or implicaes, in performing he acion ; i accompanies he Agen during he acion, bu in a passive or iner manner. Agen-Source, he paricipan who no only performs he acion, bu also is he original locaion of he Paien. Possessor, he ro le, mo s ofen encoded on he phrase level, ha specifies ha role X has an obligaory possessor. Oher convenions employed in his paper are : v An acion encoded by a verb sem plus affixaion. indicaes ha role X is encoded by a opicalised agmeme. indicaes a muually exclusive relaionship. When, for example, i is used beween wo affix-role correlaions, i means ha cerain verbs in he class involved ake one correlaion, while oher verbs ake he oher ; bu no verbs ake boh. If here is no noaion wih a verb, i is o be undersood ha i akes he firs of he wo correlaions. Two oher roles were invesigaed : Simulus-Reason (S-R ) and Time (T). As far as can be deermined, hese roles can occur wih any verb. For his reason, hey are used in his paper neiher in seing up role combinaions nor in classificaion. Boh are opicalised wih he verbal prefix i- and encoded by he Accessory agmeme. Simulus-Reason is he eniy o which he Agen responds by performing he acion denoed by he verb. Speaking in anoher way, one may say ha his role expresses he moivaion or reason for he acion. I appears o be similar o Beneficiary. The laer, however, is usually animae, while Simulus-Reason has o do wih emoions or percepions. 2. 1 yang 1 i nawa na (yay idinawa na ung yeen a a nen). 5 S-R : breah his ha requesed he from me rice 'His hunger, ha is wha made him reques fo od from me.,

28 2. 2 (ilimbu u) yang sii yang kulu u. lie down I S-R : pain of head my 'My headaahe is wha made me lie down. ' Simulus-Reason may also occur unfocused in a subj ec focus clause. In his case, however, phonologically here is a sligh pause (symbolised by a comma) preceding he agmeme, which is always encoded by a yang phrase. 2.3 (nagukaw ra ung yamen ang m i nu Ii k.) yang kapupung awen na. preaeded now o us-ex. reurned S-R: homesiakness his 'He reurned home ahead of us due o his homesiakness. ' Time is he period, or he momen, when he acion of he verb is carried ou. The affix combinaions i-pag- and i-p an- are ypically used o signal ha he role of Time is in focus. 2.4 (a ) i pam (ana k na a ian) yang alas sa is ang impranu. spear he six morning 'He spears fish a six 0 'aloak in he morning. ' 2. 5 (ag) ipag (panaw a I a i n ang au) yang panaai u. wa lk baa person T : pain signa l my 'When I ge a pain signa l is he ime when a bad person is aoming. (A cerain pain in he body is said o predic a fuure even. ) Time may also be encoded by an unfocused agmeme in a clause oher han accessory focus. I can be encoded by eiher a a phrase (indefinie) or a ung phrase (definie ). 2.6 (purki a aakaw) a laai i (yang ukban). beaause ge solen T: nigh oranges 'Beaause he oranges ge solen a nigh. ' 2. 7 (yay pagpa i waniwan) ung laai ig ka ldaw. ha is who aares for T: nigh and day 'She is he one who aares fo r (me) nigh and day. ' The encoding of each role cied above, as one or more surface srucure agmemes, is shown in able 1, on nex page. Roles are shown on he lef and opicalised agmemes on he righ ; and he re levan verbal affix in each case is indicaed on he line joining role and agmeme.

29 ROLES TAGMEMES AGENT a g -, a N -, ag-, a N -, -um- AGENT SOURCE-- CONCOMITANT - u m - :=:===:===:===::::==:= SUBJECT INSTRUMENT ======== _ ACCESSORY BENEFICIARY PATIE N T :::: :: 1- :::= -en OBJECT GOAL LOCATI:N :-:a:n :=:===== li-referent SOURCE QUANTITY :: ======::===="" Table 1. Par icipan roles and he ir clause level agmeme encod ings. A oal of 32 role comb inaions are posied for hese verbs. When hese role combinaions are couned in heir occurrences wih he hree affixes saed above, 37 affix-role correlaions are found o be useful. Each of hese correlaions is weighed equally in he classificaion. The 37 correlaions of affix wih role combinaion are displayed in able 2 overleaf. The order of he symbols in he represenaion of any given combinaion of roles is arbirary and does no represen he linear ordering of he agmemes ha encode he roles. An examp le of how he symbolisaions are o be read is as follows : /APS/-an represens a clause whose predicae is affixed by -an and which may express

30 he roles of Agen, Paien, and Source, he laer being opicalised. -en AP AP-POSR AG APL APS APG API -a n AL AL-POSR AG APL APS API APB ABC AS ASB ASI A Q AP APL A-SGL A-SPG A-SPB A-SPS i- APl AG-PB ABC ASC AG-SB ASl Tab le 2. Role combinaions wih co - occurring affix. 3. STEM CLASSES IN DETAIL Each sem class is defined by which of hese 37 affix-role correlaions he members of he class share. Because verb sems may occur wih more han one role comb inaion, ofen sems ha are placed in he same. class differ from one anoher by role combinaions hey do no share. As a consequence of muliple role combinaions, 17 of he 60 verb sems were found o belong simulaneously o wo or more sem classes each.

31 Such muliple class memb ership is indicaed by cross-reference a he end of he enry following he verb sem. Also, immediaely following each sem is classificaion by affix poenial is indicaed (see secion 1). An example of how enries are made and how hey are o be undersood follows. CR.a. 1. 1 : a 1 uk (A2) 'hide ' (cf. c.r.a. 15) Th is is o be read hus : In he role combinaion classificaion, aluk 'hide ' belongs no only o c.r.a. 1. 1 bu also o c.r.a. 15; in he affixaion poenial classificaion aluk belongs o c.r.a. A2. 3.1 CLASS 1 STEM CLASSES CR.a. 1. 1 : /A-SPG/-an /A-SPG/-en, /A-SPG/i-, /A-SPB/-an, and /A-SG-PB/i-. agag (82) 'disribue ' a 1 uk bukbuk (A2) (A2) 'hide ' 'dump ou ' (cf. c.r.a. 15) CR.a. 1.2: All he above excep /A-SPB/-an. luak (A 2) 'plan ' ulud (C 2 ) 'push ' CR.a. 1.3: All excep /A-SPB/-an and /A-SG-PB/i-. pe lek (82 ) 'hrow, hrow away ' u 1 i k (A 1) 'reurn (somehing), pakdul (82 ) 'give ' aed (F2 ) 'de liver ' buug (F2 ), feed animals ' bu la? (V2 ) 'spi ou' wi 5 1 i k (82 ) 'shake off ' papaan (E) 'feed a person ' /A-SPG/-en ( c f. c.r.a. 1 5 ) (cf. C.R.a. H. 6, 11) ( c f. C.R.a. 1 6 ) ( c f. C.R.a. 1 6 ) CR.a. 1. 4: /A-SPG/i - only. dawa (VI) 'exend o ' (cf. C.R.a.u 2) wasak (81 ) 'spread ou' (c f. C.R.a. 3) ILLUSTRATIONS, CLASS 1: 3.1.1 /A-SPG/-an akd (an) mu i pau lu a anen na. V:deliver A-S:you G: Pau lo P: riae his 'Deliver o Pau lo his riae. '

32 3.1.2 (i)aed mu ung ni paulu yang anen na. V:deliver A- S:you G:o Pau lo P: rice his 'De liver his rice o Pau lo. ' 3.1.3 /A-SPG/-en papaan(en) mu (kanay) i amey mu a beeng. V:feed A- S:you please G :uncle your P: young coconu 'P lease feed your uncle some young coconu. ' 3.1.4 /A-SPB/-an (in)aluk(an) aw V: hid B :for me 'He hid my bolo for me.' 3.1.5 /A-SG-PB/i (i)(in)agag aw a nya yang geer u. A- S:he P: bolo my (Cf. 3.15.2.) (ra) ni wan a sa bu r u. V:disribued B :for me now A- S:John G- P: seedling my 'John wen over o he seedlings and disribu ed hem for me. ' 3.2 CLASS 2 STEM CLASSES Cla 2. 1: /APS/-en, /APS/-an, /AQ/-an, /APB/-an, /AG-PB/i-, and /API/i-. pis i k (Vl ) 'p ick up' ali? (A 1) 'dig up' ganu (81 ) 'dig up camo e by ro H ing up leaves' upak (Al ) 'r emove bark' (cf. c.la seyak (Al ) 'sp li up wood' (cf. c.la pelad (Al ) 'cu down' (cf. c.la pukis (Al ) 'cu in wo' panak (Vl ), spear' Cla 2. 2: All excep /AQ/-an. 9 ) 3 ) 3 ) kani (Al ) 'r emove hide' (cf. c.la 9) /AP-POSR/-en or /AP/-en insead of /APS/-en; /ASI/-an insead of /APS/-an; all he res are he same. sa ra b (A 1), singe' kalaw (Al ) 'snach away' Cla 2.3 :

33 Cia 2.4: shares only /AP S/-en, /APS /-an, and /AG-PB /i-. dawa (VI J 'reques, exend o ' (cf. c.ia 1) Cia 2.5: shares only /AP S/-en and /APS /-an. dulung (F l J 'feah ' (cf. c.ia 3) ILLUSTRATIONS, CLASS 2: 3.2.1 /AP S/-en (plnag)all nl nulay yang kaparl ung kaluakan ao V:dug up A: Nu Zay P : kaparl roo S:from garden our 'Nu Zay dug up he kaparl roo from our garden. ' (plnang)al I (an) n I nulay yang kaluakan a a kaparl. V:dug up A: Nu Zay S : garden our P: ka pa r I 3.2.2 /APS /-an 'NuZay dug up some kaparl roo from our garden. ' 3.2.3 /AQ /-an (In)ali (an) nl nulay yang kaparing a i a. V:dug up A: Nu Zay Q : kapari roo ha 'Nu Zay dug up ha muah kapari roo; ' roo 3.2.4 /APB /-an (in)ali{an) aw n i nulay a ka pa r I. V:dug up B :for me A: Nu Zay P: kaparl roo 'Nu Zay dug up some ka pa r I roo for me., 3.2.5 /AG-PB /l- ( In) a I I aw n I nulay a kaparl. V:dug up B :for me A: NuZay P: ka pa r I roo 'Nu Zay wen ou and dug up some ka pa r I roo for 3.2.6 /API /l- (Iplnang)a"l l nl nulay a kaparl yang sukan u. me., V:dug up A: Nu Zay P: kaparl roo I : digging oo Z my 'Nu Zay dug up some kaparl roo wih my digging oo l. ' 3.2.7 /AP -POSR/-en s(ln)arab na yang bulbul na. V:singed A:he P : feahers-posr:is, He singed is feahers. '

34 3.2.8 /AP/-en s(in)arab na yang paray. V: sing ed A:he P: unhusked rice 'He singed he rice. ' 3.2.9 /ASI/-an s(in)araa(an) na yang baauy a lukay. V:singed A:he S: pig I: orch 'He singed he pig wih a orch. ' 3.3 CLASS 3 STEM CLASSES Cla 3.1: /APL/-en, /APL/-an, /AQ/-an, /APB/-an, /AG-PB/i-, and /API/i-. ayeg (F 1 ) 'harves rice ' gere (AI ) 'cu up ransversely ' laglag (A 1) 'bucher ' pelad (A 1) 'cu down ' ( c f. c.a 2) pesek (81 ) 'smash ' Cla 3.2: lacks /AQ/-an. wasak (81 ) 'spread ou ' (cf. c.al>" 1) Cal> 3.3: lacks /APL/-an. seyak ba"r i k (A 1) (A 1) 'spli up wood ' 'break ' (cf. c.la 2) Ca 3.4: lacks /APL/-en and /AQ/-an. bibi (A I) 'carry by he fingers ' ClaM 3.5: shares only /APL/-an. dulung (F 1 ) 'fech ' (cf. c.lal> 2) ILLUSTRATIONS, CLASS 3: 3.3.1 /APL/-en (in)ayeg na yang wagwag ung araneman ang ai i. V:harvesed A: h e P: variey of rice L:in paddy 'He harvesed he wagwag rice in ha paddy over here. ' ha

35 3.3.2 /APL/-an (pinang)ayelj(an) na a wagwag yang araneman ang aii. V: harvesed A:he P: varie y of rice L: paddy ha 'He harves ed he wagwag rice in ha paddy over here. ' 3.3.3 /AQ/-an (in)ayelj(an) na yang duruang sakung paray. V:harvesed A:he Q : wo sack rice 'He harvesed he amoun of wo sacks of rice. ' 3.3.4 /APB/-an (in)ayelj(an) na i nanay na a ebas. V:harvesed A:he B :moher his P: immaure rice 'He harvesed some immaure rice for his moher. ' 3.3.5 /AG-PB/i- (in)ayelj aw anya a ebas. V: harves ed B: for me A: he P: immaure rice 'He wen ou and harvesed some immaure rice for me. ' 3.3.6 /API/i- (ipinang)ayelj na a paray yang kaayelj V:harvesed A:he P: rice I : harvesing insrumen my 'He harvesed some rice wih my harvesing insrumen. ' u. 3.4 CLASS 4 STEMS ClaM 4: /AL/-an and ka run 9 (C2 ) kereng (C2 ) lubug (C2 ) bayuku (C2) a kwa 1 (AI ) di9u? (AI ) 1L LUSTRA T1 ONS, CLASS 3. 4. 1 /AL/ -a n (in)akwal(an) na V: climbed up /ALC/i-., si ', s and ', lie down ', cur l up ' 'climb up ' 'bahe ' 4: yang balaljen. 'He climbed up on he vine. ' (cr. (cr. c.la 5) c.la 10)

36 3. 4. 2 /ALC / i - (i)(in)akwal aw ni paulu ung ayu? V:a2imbed up C :wih me A: Pau 20 L: ree 'Pau2o alimbed up ino he ree wih me (on his baak). ' 3.5 CLASS 5 STEM CLASSES Cia!>!> /APG/-en, /AG/-en, /AL/-an, /APB/-an, /ABC/-an, /ABC/i-, and /AG-PB/i-. ungul (VI ) 'asaend a mounain ' danek (VI) 'desaend ' Cia!>!> 5.2: shares all of he above excep /AG/-en and /APB/-an. a kwa 1 (AI) 'a2imb up ' (cf. cia!>!> 4) Cia!>!> 5. 3: shares only /ABC/-an, /ABC/i-, and /AG/-en. laksu? (AI ) 'run ' (cf. cia!>!> 6) 5. 1 : ILLUSTRATIONS, CLASS 5: 3.5.1 /APG/-en ungu 1 (un) mu (kanay) yang saleng ung ni aay mu. A:you p2ease P: piah G: fa her your V:asaend mounain 'P2ease asaend he 3.5.2 /AG/-en ungul (un) V:asaend mounain mounain (o ge) he piah a your fa her 's. ' mu 'C2imb up Dibu 2a2u Mounain. ' yang bukid yang di&ulalu? A:you G: mounain of Dibu2a2u (Punciliar acion, i.e. he agen climb s jus for he sake of climbing and hen comes down again.) 3.5.3 /AL/-an {in)ungul (an) V :as aended mounain ni inuy yang A: Tinuy L: 'Tinuy alimbed Dibu2a2u Mounain. ' sayed on he mounain a while.) bukid yang di&ulalu? mounain of Dibu2a2u 3.5.4 /APB/-an (in)ungul (an) aw ni inuy a saleng. V:asaended mounain B :for me A: Tinuy P: piah (Duraive acion, i.e. he agen 'Tinuy asaended he mounain (o ge) he piah for me. '

37 3.5.5 /ABC/ - an ungu I (an) mu i aay mung gesye a ka l aeasa? V:asaend mounain A:you 'Take some squash up he unal e). ' 3.5.6 /ABC/ i (i)(in)ungul V:asaended mounain B: fa her your sma ll C: squash mounain for your lile fa her (a pariaular na yang ka laeasa ung ni aay nang gesye? A: he C: squash B: fa her his small 'He ook some squash up he mounain for his lile fa her (a pariau lar unale). ' 3.5.7 /AG-PB/i (i)(in)ungu l aw ni inuy a kasuy. V:asaended mounain B :for me A: Tinuy G-P: aashew nus 'Tinuy asaended he mounain (o ge) some aashew nus for me. ' 3.6 CLASS 6 STEM CLASSES ClaM 6. 1 : /AG/-en, /AG/- an, /AS laksu? (AI) 'run' layug (C 1) 'fly' layas ( C2) 'run away' /- an, /AGC/i-, and /ASC/i-..IAG/ - an /AG/- an (cf. ela.6.6 5 ) u I i k. (AI) 'r eurn o (someone) ' (cf. ela.6.6e.6 1, 11) ILLUSTRATIONS, CLASS 6: 3.6.1 /AG/- en I (in)aksu na yang kas awa na. V:ran A:she G: spouse her 'She ran owards her husband. ' 3.6.2 /AG/-an (pinan) layas(an) ni ampu lanu yang mindanaw. V:ran far away A: Tampu lanu G: Mindanao 'Tampu lanu ran far away o Mindanao. ' 3.6.3 /AS/- an I (i n) ayas (an) n i ampulanu yang mga pu ul V:ran far away A: Tampu lanu S: plura l sibling 'Tampu lanu ran far away from his siblings., na. his

38 3.6.4 /AS/-an (pinan)laksu(an) na V:ran 'She ran from her husband. ' yang kasawa na. A:she S: spouse her 3.6.5 /AGC/i (i)l(in)aksu na yang kasawa na ung balay. A:he C: spouse his G: house V:ran 'He ran wih his wife over o he house (o ge her ou of danger). ' 3.6.6 /ASC/i- (i)l(in)ayug yang ka nug yang ana na ung bayay. V:f ew A: eag e C: ahizd is S:from nes 'The eag e f ew wih is ahi d from he nes., 3.7 CLASS 7 STEMS C.a 7 : /APL/-an, /AP/-an, /AG-PB/i-, and /API/i-. lampasu? (A:? 'sarub wih waer ' /AP/-an bunak (A:?) 'wash a ohes ' u!jas (A:?) 'wash dishes ' 1L LUSTRA T1 ONS, CLASS 7 : 3.7.1 /APL/-an (in)u!jas(an) n i angi yang mga pinggan ung palanggana? V:washed A: Angi P: p ura dish L:in basin 'Angi washed he dishes in he basin. ' 3.7.2 /AG-PB/i- (in)u!jas aw anya yang pinggan a ng aia. V:washed B :for me A:she G-P: dish ha 'She wen and washed ha dish for me., 3.7.3 /APl/i- (ipinang)u!jas ni angi yang waing malaeab ung mga pinggan. V:washed A: Angi I: waer ukewarm P: p ura dish 'Angi washed he dishes wih ukewarm wa er. ' 3.7.4 /AP/-an (pinag)lampasu(an) na yang balay. V: sarubbed wih waer A:he P: house

39 'He scrubbed he whole house wih waer. ' 3.8 CLASS 8 STEMS pa n g a n inem (BI ) (F I) 'ea ' 'drink ' ILLUSTRATIONS, CLASS 8: 3.8.1 /AP L/ - en (in) inem na yang eea ung ba lay ang ai i. V:drank A:he P : kind of fermened drink L:in house ha, He drank he uba in ha hou8e over here. ' 3.8.2 /APS /-an (pinang) i nem(an) na yang ungu ang dakulu a eea? V:drank A:he S : coconu 8hell big P: kind of fermened drink 'He drank uba from he large coconu 8hell. ' 3.8.3 /AG-PB /i- (in) inem na yang ian na a eea? V:drank A:he B : 8omach hi8 G-P : kind of fermened drink 'He drank 80me uba fo r hi8 8omach '8 8ake. ' 3.9 CLASS 9 STEMS Cla66 9: /AP -POSR/-en, /ASB /-an, /AG-SB /i -, and /ASl /i-. upak (AI) 'remove bark ' (cf. cla6 6 2) kan i (AI) 'remove hide ' ( c f. cla66 2) ILLUSTRATIONS, CLASS 9: 3.9.1 /AP -POSR/-en (in)upak na yang ul i yang ayu? V:removed A:he P : bark-posr : ree, He removed he bark of he ree. ' 3.9.2 /ASB /-an (in)upak(an) aw anya yang mga ayung aia. V:removed B :for me A:he S: plura l ree ha, He removed he bark from h08e rees for me. '

40 3.9.3 /AG-SB/i- (in)upak aw anya yang rnga ayung aia. V:removed B :for me A:he G-S: pzura Z ree ha 'He wen and removed he bark from hose rees for me. ' 3.9.4 /ASI/i (ipina!j)upak na yang geer u ung rnga ayung aia. V:removed A:he I: bozo my S: pzura Z ree ha 'He removed he bark from hose rees wih my bozo. ' 3.1 0 CLASS 10 STEMS Clahh 10: /AP/-an, /APL/-en, /APL/-an, /API/i-, and /AL/-an. di!ju? (AI) 'bahe ' /APL/-en (cf. c.l ah h 4) darnu 5 (A2) 'wash face ' ILLUSTRATIONS, CLASS 10: 3.10.1 /AP/-an d(in)arnus(an) aw n i rna r k i. v:wash face P:I A: Mark 'Mark washed my fa ce. ' 3.10.2 /AL/-an (pinan)darnus(an) na yang ungu ang dakulu? V:washed face A:he L: coconu shezz large 'He washed his face in he large coconu shell. ' 3. 10.3 d(in) i!ju na yang ana na ung bawang. V:bahed A:h e P: child her L:in river 'She ba hed her child in he river. ' 3.1 0.4 /APL/-an (pinag)di!ju(an) na yang bawang ang aia ung ana na. V:bahed A:she L: river ha P: child her 'She bahed her chi ld in ha river over here. ' 3.10.5 /API/i- (ipinan)di!ju na yang waing rnalaaab ung ana na. V:bahed A:she I: waer Zukewarm P: chizd her 'She used he lukewarm waer o bahe her chizd. '

41 3.11 CLASS 11 STEM CLASSES Ciahh 11.1: /AP/-en /APL/-en, /AP/-an /API/i-, and /AG-PB/i-. deep (Al ) 'oaoh, apprehend ' sa ep (Al ) 'oaoh wih hands ' Ciahh 11.2: /AP/-en only. u 1 i k (A 1 ) 'repair ' /APL/-an, ILLUSTRATIONS, CLASS 11: 3.11.1 /AP/-en s(in}a ep na yang bula? V: oaugh A:he P: ba 'He oaugh he ba. ' 3.11. 2 /APL/-en (pinan}deep na yang mga bakes ang aia ung bukaud ang aii. V: oaugh A: he P: pura monkey ha L: hiook ha 'He oaugh hose monkeys on ha hi ook over here. ' 3.11.3 /AP/-an s (i n) a ep (an) na yang bula? V:oaugh A:he P: ba 'He oaugh he ba. ' 3.11.4 /APL/-an (pinag}deep(an) na a ba kes yang bukaud V: oaugh A:he P: monkey L: hiook 'He oaugh he monkey on ha hiook. ' 3.11.5 /API/i- (i}s(in}a ep na yang kalima nang wala ung bula? V: oaugh A:he I: hand his ef P: ba ang a i i. ha, He oaugh he ba wih his ef hand. ' 3.11.6 /AG-PB/i- (ipinan}deep na yang mga puul na a ba ke s. V: oaugh A:he B: pura sibling his G-P: monkey 'He wen ou and oaugh monkeys for his siblings. '

42 3. 12 CLASS 12 STEMS Cla 12: /AP-POSR/-en, /AL-POSR/-an, /APl/i-, /ALl/i-, and /APL/-en. karus (VI ) 'sara ah ' (AI) 'bie ' ILLUSTRA TIONS, CLASS 12: 3.12.1 /APL/-en k(in)e e ni dulu yang mula u ung kakay na. V:bi A: Du Zu P: ahizd my L: fo o his 'Du Zu (a dog) bi my ahizd on his fo o. ' 3.12.2 /AP-POSR/-en k(in)e e n i dulu ya ng kakay yang mula u. V:bi A: Du Zu P: foo-posr: ahizd my 'Du Zu bi he foo of my ahizd. ' 3.12.3 /AL-POSR/-an k(in)e e(an) ni dulu yang kakay yang mula u. V:bi A: Du Zu L: fo o-posr: ahizd my 'Du Zu bi my ahizd 's foo. ' 3.12.4 /API/i- (ipinang)e e na yang bel kang na ung ubu? V:bi A:he I: mo Zar his P: sugarcane, He used his mo Zars o bie he sugarcane. ' 3.12.5 /ALl/i (ipinang)arus na yang ukub nang abwa ung kaeala u. V:scrached A:he I: fingernaiz his Zong L: arm 'He scrached my arm wih his Zong fingernail ' my 3.13 CLASS 13 STEMS I i way i I amun (AI) (AI ) 'azear off ' 'weed ' ILLUSTRATIONS, CLASS 13: 3. 1 3. 1

4 3 l ( in) iway na yang 1 i nge ung dalan. V:aZeared A:he P : weeds S:from pah 'He azeared he weeds from he pah. ' 3.13.2 /AS /-an 1(in) iway(an) na yang dalan. V:a Zeared A:he S: pah 'He a Zeared he pah. ' 3.13.3 /ASB /-an (in) ilamun(an) ami (ka ) nira yang ba lay yamen. V:weeded B :for us oo A: hey S: house our 'They a Zao weeded around our house for us. ' 3.13.4 /AG-SB /i- (i)1(in) iway aw ni ampul anu yang da lan. V:a Zeared B :for me A: Tampu Zanu G-S : pah 'TampuZanu wen off and azeared he pah for me. ' 3.13.5 /AS I /i (ipinag) l iway na yang geer u ung da lan. V:aZeared A:he I : bozo my S: pah 'He azeared he pah wih my bo Zo. ' 3.14 CLASS 14 STEMS alang gawad (VI ) (VI ) 'buy ' 'redeem ' ILLUSTRATIONS, CLASS 14: 3. 14.1 /AP S/-en alang (en) na yang b i 1 a na ung indaan. V:purahase A:he P : fi shhooks his S:from sore 'He wi ZZ purahase his fi shhooks from he sore., 3.14.2 /APS /-an (pinang)gawar(an) V: redeemed na yang sasri yang a rua l A:he S : aizor P: pans 'He redeemed his pans from he ai Zor. ' na. his

44 3.14.3 /AP I/-en alang (en) u (ilem) a ba ini yang aeel ang aia. V:will buy A:I only I: weny P : clohing ha 'I 'll jus purchase ha piece of clohing for weny pesos. ' 3.14.4 /AP I/-an gawar(an) na yang arua l na a kuaru. V:redeem A:he P : pans his I: four, He ' H redeem his pans for four pesos. ' (Cf. 3. 14.5. ) 3.14.5 /AP S/-en gawar(en) na yang arua l na ung sasri. V:redeem A: he P : pans his S:from ailor, He wi H redeem his pans from he ai lor. ' (Cf. 3.14.4.) 3.14.6 /AP I /i (ipinang)gawad na yang kua ru pisus ung arual na. v:redeemed A: he I : four pesos P: pans his, He redeemed his pans wih he four pesos. ' 3.15 CLASS 15 STEMS a 1 uk pe lek (A2 1 'hide ' ( B2 1 'hrow, hrow away ' ( c f. c.la..6.6 1) ( c f. c.la..6.6 1) ILLUSTRATIONS, CLASS 1 5 : 3.15.1 /A-SPS /-an p(in) lek(an) i ampulanu ni ka s awa na V:hrew away S : Tampu lanu A-S : spouse his 'Tampu lanu 's wife hrew away his fishhooks. ' a P: b i 1 a? fishhooks 3.15.2 /A- SPS /-an (in)aluk(an) aw anya yang geed na. V:hid bo lo his 'He hid his bolo from me. ' (Cf. 3.1.4. ) 3.16 CLASS 16 STEMS buug (F 2 I 'feed animals ' (cf. c.la..6.6 1)

45 pa paa n ( E J 'feed a person ' ( c f. c..a.u 1) ILLUSTRATIONS, CLASS 16: 3.16.1 /A-SGL /-an (pinag)buu9 (an) na yang pasungan ung mga ma nu u. V:fed A-S :he L : rough G: pzura Z chicken my 'The rough was where he fed my chickens. ' 3.16.2 /A-SGL /-an (pinag)papaan(an) na yang linu ung aka u. V:fed A-S :he L : winnowing ray G: ezder sibzing my 'The winnowing ray was he pzace where he fed my ezder sibzing. ' Two verbs were difficul o classify. These are ukuk 'duck, bow head down ' and angay 'go '. Their affix-role correlaions are given below wih illusraions. ukuk (A2 J 'duck, bow head down ': /APG /pan--an, /AP G/ i-pan-, /APS /-an, and /AP S/ i-. l. /APG /pan--an (pina)nukuk(an) na yang ayu yang kulu na. V:bowed down A: he G : ree P: head his 'He Zaid his head down upon he ree branch. ' 2. /AP G/ i-pan- (ipina)nukuk na yang ku lu na ung ayu? V:bowed down A:he P : head his G: ree, He Zaid his head down upon he ree branch. ' 3. /APS /-an (in)ukuk(an) na V:duck A:he 'He ducked his head yang ayu yang ku lu na. S : ree P: head his away from he ree branch., 4. /AP S/ i (i)(in)ukuk na yang ku lu na ung ayu? V:ducked A:he P : head his S: ree, He ducked his head away from he ree branch. ' angay (Cl ) 'go ': /AG-P /-en, /APG /-an, /AG /-an, and /AGC /i-.

4 6 angay (en) mu (unu) yang ad i? V:go A:you he says G-P :king 'The king says you are o go o him. ' (Imp lies ha he Agen will do somehing when he ges here, name ly, obey he king's command.) 2. /AG / - an angay (an) mu (ra) yang ad i? V:go A:you now G : king 'You are o go o he king now. ' (Nohing is implied abou any oher acion. ) 3. /APG / - an angay (an) u i rikardu yang geer u. V:go A:I G : Riaardo P: bozo my 'I'll go o Riaardo (and ge) my bolo. ' (Imp lies ha he bolo may or may no be ready.) 4. /AGC /i- (i)angay u aang aea ku ung ni ungkuy. V:go A:I C :here obaaao G: fr iend 'I ' l l go o (my ) fr iend wih his obaaao here. ' 4. MEANINGS OF AFFIXES In his sudy, deailed invesigaion of hundreds of clauses brough o ligh many new faces of he meanings of various affixes. 4.1 i - This affix signals ha he Agen moves away from his original posiion in order o carry ou he acion of he verb. In a real-life siuaion he exising re laionship beween he Agen and he Paien is he deermining facor, as can be seen in he examp les cied below. 4. 1. 1 i (gere) ay (kanay a ka l amund ing.) au up (you for me) please ka lama nsi fru i 'Please go and au up some ka lama nsi for me. ' The siuaion refleced in his uerance is ha he Paien (he kal amans i frui ) is some disance away from he Agen (he hearer, undersood ). So, in order o carry ou he acion of he verb (cuing up ), he Agen mus leave his original posiion and go o where he ka l amans i are. 4. 1.2 (gere)ay (kanay a ka l amund ing.) au up (you for me) please ka lama nsi frui 'Please au up some ka l amans i for me. '

47 The siuaion refleced in his uerance is ha he Paien is wihin easy reach of he Agen, and i will no be necessary for him o move from his original posiion in order o carry ou he acion of he verb. Noe also ha he -ay suffix in boh insances signals obliga ive mode, which is used when making a polie reques. In 4.1.2, -ay may be said o have replaced he -an suffix, wh ich would be used in a saemen describing he same siuaion. 6 4.2 The comb inaion of he subjec focus affixes ag- + pan- signals inense disribuion of he acion of he verb eiher wih respec o muliple Paiens or someimes direced o mu liple Goals. 4.2.1 4.2.2 (yay n)ag (agag yang sabud ung ka un.) ha is who disribued seedlings riae paddy 'Tha is who disribued he seedlings in he riae paddy. ' (yay n)agpan (agay yang sa bud ung ka un.) ha is who disribued seedlings riae paddy 'Tha is who disribued he seedlings in all he riae paddies. ' 4.2.3 (n)ang (a l ang aw ra a abel.) bough I now alohing 'I bough some alo hing. ' 4.2.4 (n)agpang (al ang da a abel.) bough now alo hing 'He wen around buying alo hing. ' 4.3 The subjec focus affixes ag- and an- conras in he following ways : ag- horoughgoing, inense, long-erm, duraive acion ; also in cerain conexs i implies ha all possible Paien s acually receive he acion. an- diffuse, raher shor-erm punciliar acion; in cerain conexs i implies he selecion of one or a few Paiens from a group of many. 4.3.1 (n)ag (akwa l i duduy a niuy.) alimbed up laddie aoaonu 'Laddie alimbed up and go aoaonus (imp lies several). ' 4.3.2 (n)an(akwa l i duduy a niuy.) alimbed up laddie aoaonu 'Laddie alimbed up and go some (a few) aoaonus. '

48 4.3.3 (i ampu lanu yay n)ag (lampasu yang pasungan.) TampuZanu ha scrubbed feed rough 'I was Tampu Zanu who horoughzy scrubbed he feed rough. ' 4.3.4 (i ampu lanu yay n)an(lampasu yang pasungan.) TampuZanu ha scrubbed feed rough 'I was TampuZanu who scrubbed he feed rough a bi. ' Also, here is some evidence ha p-ag- conrass wih p-an- in he same way in nonsubj ec focus clauses. 4.3.5 p(in)ag (barik na yang kakay yang ka ra baw.) broke he fo o of carabao 'He broke ah he fee of he carabao. ' 4.3.6 p(in)am(arik na yang ka kay yang ka rabaw.) broke he fo o of carabao 'He broke he carabao 's foo. ' 4.3.7 p(in)ag (pelaran na yang ba kayan.) fe ZZed he he beach 'The beach was where he fe Hed he rees (a -horough job). ' 4.3.8 p(in)am(elaran na yang bakayan.) fe Hed he he beach, The beach was where he fe ned (a few) rees. ' Clearly, more analysis of he meanings of ag- and an- is necessary. For his, verbs should be ried in clau ses of he following kinds, wih careful aenion being given o meaning differences. Subjec focus : ag- versus an- versus ag-p-an- Ob jec focus : p-ag--en versus p-an--en versus -en Referen focus : p-ag--an versus p-an--a n versus -a n Associae focus : i-p-ag- versus i-p-an- versus - i 4.4 Wih cerain verbs he presence or absence of an- signals he occurrence of cerain paricipan roles. 4.4.1 Wih some verbs his affix signals he occurrence of Goal. 4.4.1.1 (n)an(ukuk i ampulanu yang ku lu na) ung ayu? bowed Tampu Zanu head his G: ree 'Tampu Zanu bowed his head down upon he ree branch. '

49 4.4.1.2 (pin)an(ukukan na) yang ayu (yang ku lu na.) bowed he G: ree head his 'He bowed his head down upon he ree branch. ' (Cf. 4.4.3.) 4.4.2 Wih oher verbs his same affix signals he occurrence of Source. 4.4.2.1 (n)an(laksu yang baeay) ung n i ka s awa na. ran woman s: spouse her 'The woman ran away from her husband. ' 4.4.2.2 (pin)an(layuljan yang kanug) yang bayay na. flew eag le s: nes is 'The eag le flew away from is nes., (Cf. 4.4.4. ) 4.4.2.3 (pin)ang (eljean na) yang aeaku u. bi he S: obacco my 'He bi some off from my plug of obacco. ' (Cf. 4.4.5.) 4.4.3 By conras, wih some verbs he absence of an- signals he occurrence of Source. (inukukan na) yang ayu (yang ku lu na.) ducked he S: ree head his 'He ducked his head away from he ree branch. ' (Cf. 4.4.1.2.) 4.4.4 Wih oher verbs he absence of his affix signals he occurrence of Goal. (l inayugan) aw (yang kuung.) flew G:me rice bird 'The rice bird flew over o me. ' (Cf. 4.4.2.2. ) 4.4.5 Wih sill oher verbs he absence of his affix signals he occurrence of Locaion. (kinegean na) yang kakay (yang mu la u.) bi he L: foo of child my 'He bi he foo of my chud. ' (Cf. 4.4.2.3.) 4.5 The infix -um-, in addiion o signalling subj ec focus, also has he following meanings : unplanned, uninenional, unexpeced, casual acion. I can be a spur-of-he-momen acion, a mere happensance, somehing shor-lived, lackadaisical, or a mere oken ype of acion.

50 4. 5. 1 (i ampulanu yay s)um{ina ep yang bu la? ) Tampu lanu ha caugh ba ll 'Tampu lanu was he one who caugh he ba ll. ' (He had no really planned o, bu because he haed o see he ball hi he ground wihou being caugh, he caugh i.) 4. 5.2 m{inisik aang anen u.) picked up his rice my, He picked up some of my rice in his hand. ' (He was walking by, hungry, and, on he spur of he momen, he found himself scooping up a handful of cooked rice from my pile. ) 4. 5.3 m{inibi i ampulanu a sa ng b i 1 ug a ng niuy.) carry by fingers Tampulanu one uni coconu 'Tampu lanu carried one coconu by his fingers. ' (He jus happened o come by and pick one up. ) 4.5.4 (yay ukaw ang) m{inal i i ampulanu.) ha firs dug up Tampu lanu 'Tampu lanu was he firs one o dig up (he ground). ' (He dug he firs few shovelfuls for his child 's grave.) 5. METHODOLOGY When here are a large number of sem feaures o be examined, how can one know ahead of ime which of he feaures will be mo s useful for purposes of classificaion? Some noes, on he mehodology used during he research for his paper follow, and hey may sugges some answers o ha quesion. 5. 1 I has been he experience of sudens of Philippine language s ha infrequen affixes and affixes whose occurrence and meaning are highly predicable have lile value for classificaory purposes. Be cause i falls in he laer caegory, mo s invesigaors have given lile consideraion o he causaive prefix pa- in classifying verb sems. 5. 2 In his clas sificaion sudy he hree subjec focus affixes ag-, an-, and -um- were he firs ones chosen. The wo reasons for his are ha (1) his is where mos sudens have sared, and (2) he differences in he meanings of hese affixes were no clea ly undersood. Nex, he obj ec focus suffix -en, he referen focus suffix -an, and he accessory focus prefix i- were chosen because mo s previous

51 invesigaors have aken hese ino accoun also, and hey have found much complexiy in boh heir surface and deep srucures. 5.3 The firs classificaion was made on he basis of which of hese six affixes could occur wih a given sem. The affixes j- and -an, however, were found o occur wih all he sems examined, which means ha he classificaion was really based on only he oher four. 5.4 The second classificaion was made on he basis of he roles expressible in clau ses whose verb s are affixed by -en, -an, and j- and by affix comb inaions including hese hree affixes. Subj ec focus affixes were disregarded, because in many Philippine languages subjec focus clauses end o have one agmeme fewer han nonsubjec focus clauses, and i was presumed, herefore, ha his would limi wha hese clauses could reveal abou role srucures. The choice of hese hree affixes was a happy one, for when hey were compared, new role srucures ha had never before been noiced were quickly recognised. This, in urn, simulaed furher eliciaion o see if he newly discovered roles and srucures occurred also wih oher verbs. Ofen here was difficuly in idenifying roles. There were several insances of indeerminacy beween pairs of roles, such as beween Goal and Paien, Goal and Beneficiary, Paien and Concomian, and Goal and Locaion. To cope wih his problem, I found i necessary o refine he iniial, enaive definiions wih which I had sared. For insance, i was no unil Goal was defined as he arge oward which he acion is direced ha i could be clearly disinguished from Paien and Locaion. Also as work progressed, by rial and error I learned how o recognise and evaluae clues given by my language helper, which faciliaed differeniaion of roles. One such hin, ha Concomian, even hough animae, is an iner, passive paricipan during he acion, he lped o conras Concomian wih Paien. This does no mean, however, ha all amb iguiies have been resolved. For insance, Goal is sill difficul o disinguish from Beneficiary in some cases. Anoher aid in idenifying roles was o ransform clauses from one focus o anoher. This was valuable, because only cerain roles can be encoded as opic in clauses of a given focus. 5.5 Afer he affixes o be considered were decided, he verbs were sudied o see wha combinaions of roles and affixes hey could ake. Then he sems were grouped ino classes. Each class was posied on he

52 basis of he correlaions of role combinaion wih affix ha are possible wih is member verbs. Where a verb was found o share some, or even one, of he affix-role correlaions ha define a class, i was added o ha class as a subclass. In order for more verbs o be included in a class han would oherwise be possible, a muually exclusive relaionship beween wo affixrole correlaions was someimes posied. In such cases, some verbs in a class ake one correlaion ; oher verbs ake he oher correlaion; bu no verbs ake boh. Ofen he only difference is he affix ha cooccurs wih he role comb inaion. 5.6 Evenually i became eviden ha numerous role comb inaions were involved in he disinguishing of he differen verb sem classes. An effor was made o reduce his complexiy o a small se of diagnosic feaures for disinguishing all sixeen sem classes ; however, no consisen way was found o do so. 6. MULTIPLE ROLE COMBINATIONS Aside from mehodology, his research paid dividends in oher respecs as well. For insance, I became impressed during eliciaion sessions wih my language helper wih wha migh be called he "elasiciy" of verb sems. I is his propery, i seems, ha allows a naive speaker o use verb sems in new siuaions as needed. Such a new siuaion migh elici from a speaker a role ha perhaps had never before occurred wih ha paricular sem in ha speaker 's idiolec. I received he impression ha, if one were o elici more and more siuaions describable by a paricular verb sem, he would find ha more roles could occur wih ha verb sem han he a firs had hough possible. A case in poin may be helpful. There is a verb upak 'remove bark ' and also a verb kani 'remove hide '. Tha he role of Quaniy may occur wih upak reflecs a culural realiy : he bark of cerain rees has commercial value and, herefore, has o be measured. This same role, however, may no occur wih ka ni, because he hides of animals have lile or no commercial value for he Tagbanwa. Therefore, o measure, or coun, hem is meaningless. Consequenly, by he end of his sudy i had become clear ha more verb s han generally realised have several expressible role comb inaions, raher han jus one. This appears o be more frequen han has been implied in general case grammar wriings or repored hereofore for Philippine languages. For he Kalamian Tagbanwa verb s sudied,

53 disregarding affixes ha correlae wih role comb inaions, one can obain he following saisics showing he correlaion of numb er of role combinaions wih verb sems. For example, i is found ha he number of verb sems ha may occur wih hree role combinaions is hireen. No. of role combinaions : 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 No. of verb sems: 3 10 13 8 11 9 2 3 1 One sem was found o occur wih as many as en role comb inaions. Tha sem is akwa l 'czimb up,, 7 and hese en role combinaions are he following : 6.1 /AG-P / akwa l (en) mu (ra kanay) yang niuy. V:cZimb up A:you now pzease G-P : coconu 'PZease czimb up (and ge) he coconu. ' 6.2 /AP G/ (in) akwa l ni paulu yang bau l yamen ung bud iga. V:cZimbed up A: Pau Zo P : runk our-ex. G: sorage 'Pau Zo czimbed up o he sorage pzace (and go ) our runk. ' 6.3 /AG-PB / (i)(in)akwa l aw anya a niuy. V:cZimbed up B :for me A:he G-P : coconu 'He czimbed up (and go) a coconu for me. ' 6.4 /AQ / (in)akwa l (an) na yang mga niuy ang a i a. V:cZimbed up A:he Q : pzura Z coconu ha, 'He czimbed up (and go) ha many coconu s. 6.5 /AB C/ (in)akwa l (an) aw (ra) anya a pin 1 i? V: climbed up B :for me now A:he C: rope 'He czimbed up wih a rope for me., 6.6 /ALC / (i)(in)akwa l aw ni paulu ung ayu? V:cZimbed up C :wih me A: PauZo L: ree 'Pau Zo czimbed up ino he ree wih me (on his back). '

54 6.7 IAL l (in)akwa l (an) ni runs ilyu yang ba la en. V:climbed up A: Ronsillo L : vine 'Ronsillo climbed up on he vine. ' 6.8 IAL GI (in)akwa l (an) ni paulu yang aldan V: c limbed up A: Pau lo L : ladder 'Paulo climbed up on ha ladder o ang aia ung bud iga. ha G: sorage place he sorage place. ' 6.9 IAGB l (i)(in)akwa l aw anya ung umbung ya ng ayung a i a. V:climbed up B :for me A:he G: ip of ree ha 'He climbed up o he ip of ha ree for me (so he could look ou over he ocean for my launch). ' 6.10 IALB l (i)(in)akwa l aw anya ung ba la en. V:climbed up B :for me A: he L: vine, He c limbed up on he vine for me. ' I may be noed ha only five affix-role correlaions were used in classifying akwa l as simulaneously a member of boh classes 4 and 5. On he basis of he foregoing illusra ions, i may be insrucive o posi for akwa l wha Langendoen (1970 : 79-80 ) calls "role srucure ". Tha is he se of roles inheren in his sem, which reflecs a disinc real-life siuaion. 8 From his se of roles a speaker may selec wha he wans o encode in speech. I is seen ha akwa l requires more han one role srucure o accoun for all he role combinaions ha may be used wih i in alking. [ALGP G-P (B) ] can be posied as one of he role srucures inheren in he verb akwa l, and his role srucure is acualised in Kalamian Tagbanwa clauses as he following role comb inaions : lag-pi (6.1), IAPGI (6.2), and IAG-PBI (6.3). IAQI (6.4) could also be generaed from his case frame, since Q is a kind of Paien. The reallife siuaion refleced in his case frame is ha of an Agen climbing up a cerain Locaion (ree ) oward a Goal where here is a Paien ha he wishes o acquire, opionally for a Beneficiary. [ALGC (B) ] can be posied as anoher role srucure inheren in he verb akwa l. I is acualised as hese role combinaions : IABCI (6.5) and IALCI (6.6). The real-life siuaion refleced is ha of an

55 Agen, conveying some kind of a Concomian, climbing up a cerain Locaion (ree ) oward a Goal, opionally for a Beneficiary. [ALG (B) ] may be posied as he hird role srucure inheren in he verb akwa l, which is acualised in clauses as he following role comb inaions : /AL/ (6.7), /ALG/ (6.8), /AGB/ (6.9), and /ALB/ (6.10). The real-life siuaion refleced here is ha of an Agen climbing up a Locaion (ree ) o a Goal, opionally for a Beneficiary. The purpose of his acion is neiher conveying a Concomian nor acquiring a Pa ien, bu some oher ype of acion. I may be noed ha he hree role srucures posied above differ from each oher by one role each : P G-P versus C versus neiher. Furher, we find ha hey can be combined ino one overall formula : Finally, in order o be explici abou he mehodology used in deermining hese role srucures, he following seps are given. (1) Gaher in a se all he role combinaions ha seem o describe he same real-life siuaion. (2) Lis all he individual roles ha are found in hese combinaions. (3 ) Take each combinaion in urn and ask which role is, or may opionally be, in he siuaion verbalised by ha paricular comb inaion. (4) Hopefully, sep (3 ) will show wha siuaion(s) lie behind each combinaion and which of he comb inaions really belong ogeher because hey describe he same siuaion. (Conceivably, a given role combinaion can belong simulaneously o wo ses of comb inaions. Tha is, a role combinaion can be used amb iguously o verbalise eiher of wo quie disinc real-life siuaions.) (5 ) If one finds several such ambiguous ses of role comb inaions, each se having a differen underlying real-life siuaion, hen hese underlying siuaions can be compared by he same mehod (seps 1-4 above ) o see if hey are all indeed differen, or wheher some of hem can be combined. (6 ) The goal is o describe as many role combinaions as possible as being verbalisaions of a single siuaion ype. (7) Once role srucures have been posied for a sufficien numb er and variey of verbs, he final sep is o ry o draw up encoding and deleion rules ha will specify which wole combinaions may be used o

acualise a paricular role srucure when a given real-life siuaion is alked abou. 7. CONCLUSION To summarise, i seems o be eviden ha classifying verbs by af.f ix poenial is quicker and easier han classifying hem by role comb inaions. The laer way, however, even hough more difficul, reveals much more abou how verbs are used. For example, an undersanding of role combinaions makes i easy for one o disamb iguae homophonous uerances. Noe he following : 7.1 /APS / - an (in)aluk(an) aw anya yang geed. V:hid S :from me A:he P: bozo 'He hid he bo lo from me (so I wouzd no use i o hur anyone). ' 7.2 /APB / - an (in)aluk(an) aw anya yang geed. V:hid B :for me A:he P: bozo 'He hid he bo lo for me (so ha a hird pary could no borrow i). ' 7.3 /APG / - an p(in) lek(an) i ampu lanu ni ka s awa na a bi la? V: hrew G : Tampu lanu A: spouse his P: fishhook 'Tampulanu 's wife hrew him a fishhook. ' (The one he had been using had broken.) 7.4 /APS / - an p(in) lek(an) i ampu lanu ni ka s awa na a bila? V: hrew S : Tampulanu A: spouse his P: fishhook 'Tampulanu 's wife hrew away his fis hhooks. ' (She waned o pu a sop o his fishing. ) Idenifying, caaloging, and describing role combinaions associaed wih verb sems is admiedly difficul, and a he beginning i seems even o be subjecive. The resuls, however, are well worh he effor for hose who wish o generae semanically accepable uerances in appropriae siuaional conexs.

NOTES 1. Maerial for his paper wa s gahered in Banwang Daan, a barrio of he municipal iy of Coron, Province of Palawan, Republic of he Philippines. The speakers of Kalamian Tagbanwa, esimaed o number approximaely 5000, live scaered along he coass of he many islands comprising he Calamian and Linapacan Groups. This area is locaed beween he islands of Mindoro o he norheas and Palawan o he souhwe s. The people refer o hemselves as he Tagbanwa and o heir dialec as Tinagbanwa. This ehnic group is linguisically, culurally, and geographically disinc from he Tagbanwa who inhabi he cenral region of he island of Palawan. Kalamian Tagbanwa is a dialec of he Kalamian language, which, according o Dyen (1965:30), belongs o he Sulic He sion. There are wo oher dialecs known o belong o his language, Kalamian and Aguaynon. As he name suggess, Kalamian Tagbanwa is more closely relaed o Kalamian" han o Aguaynon. The auhor has engaged in field work under he auspices of he Summer Insiue of Linguisics during various periods since 1957. The research for his paper was done during a hree-monh workshop, held a Nasuli, Malaybalay, Bukidnon, in 1972. The auhor wishes o express appreciaion for he assisance received from Docors Alan and Phyllis Healey, linguisic consulans of he Papua New Guinea Branch of he Summer Insiue of Linguisics, and also for he help given by Mr Alejandro Lunsod, who is a naive speaker of Kalamian Tagbanwa. The work wa s also faciliaed by a concordance of naive ex maerial made on he IBM compuer of he Universiy of Oklahoma by he Linguisic Informaion Rerieval Projec of he Summer Insiue of Linguisics and he Universiy of Oklahoma Research Insiue, and sponsored by Gran GS-270 of he Naional Science Foundaion. The phonemes of Kalamian Tagbanwa consis of seveneen consonans, p,, k, b, d, g, e, r,, m, n, Q, s, 1, w, y, and? (gloal sop ), and four vowels, i, + (high cenral ), u, and a. All examples are wrien as above excep ha Q is symbolised by he digraph 57

58 ng, and + as e, and iniial? is no wrien. 2. Process and sae verbs have no been examined ; herefore, he classes discussed in his paper canno be aken as a complee classificaion of Kalamian Tagbanwa verb sems. 3. N is a morphophoneme, wh ich is acualised as a nasal a he posiion of ariculaion of he following sem-iniial consonan. In he case of an-, he following rules apply : (1) sem-iniial p and b > m; (2) sem-iniial k > Q; (3) wih cerain sems, iniial and 5 > n; and (4) resulan geminae nasal sequences are reduced o a single nasal. Oher relevan morphophonemic informaion is as follows : -umhas an allomorph m- and pas ense forms -umin- min-. Also, -en has he pas ense form -in-; -an has -in--an; i- has i--in- in-; and agand an- occur in he pas ense as n-ag- and n-an- and in he no npas ense as m-ag- and m-an-. Furher deails are given in Ruch 1964. 4. Mos of he name s used for paricipan roles are aken from Chafe 1970. 5. Pars of an example no direcly illusraing he feaure (s) under discussion are enclosed in parenheses. 6. In a seminar, David Zorc suggesed ha wih -an he Agen 's moion is opional ; whereas wih i- his mo ion away from his original posiion is obligaory. 7. Subsequen o he analysis and classificaion discussed in his paper, wo addiional role combinaions were discovered for akwa l 'climb up ': /AGB / and /ALB /. 8. "Real-life siuaion" here means no one specific siuaion, bu a large se of similar siuaions.

REFERENC ES Ballard, D. Lee, Jr. 1973 "The semanics of Inibaloi verbal affixes", o appear in Lingua. Chafe, Wallace L. 1970 Meaning and he ue u e 06 language. Chicago : Universiy of Chicago Press. Chandler, Donna Heick 1974 "Verb sem classes in Norhern Kankanay". Paei6ie Lingui ie, Se ie A, No. 41, Pape in Philippine Lingui ie No. 5. Dyen, Isidore 1965 "A lexicosaisical classificaion of he Au sronesian languages". Indiana Unive i y publiea ion in an h opology and lingui ie. Memoi 19, supplemen of IJAL. Forser, Jannee and Myra L. Barnard 1968 "A classificaion of Dibabawon acive verbs". Lingua 20.265-278. Langendoen, D. Terence 1970 E en ial 06 Engli h g amma. New York : Hol, Rinehar and Winson. Reid, Lawrence A. 1966 An Iva an yn ax. Oeeanie Lingui ie peeial publiea io n, 2. Honolulu : Universiy of Hawaii. Ruch, Edward R. 1964 The phonological and morphophonemic sysems of Kalamian 59

60 Tagbanwa. Maser 's hesis, Cornell Universiy. Wo lff, John U. 1970 "The classificaion of Cebuano verbs". PhiLppiYle Jou/Yla.i 06 LiYlgui ie 1:1.12-24. Ruch, E. "Role Combinaions and Verb Sem Classes in Kalamian Tagbanwa". In Chandler, D., Ruch, E. and Wiucki, J. ediors, Papers in Philippine Linguisics No. 5. A-41:23-60. Pacific Linguisics, The Ausralian Naional Universiy, 1974. DOI:10.15144/PL-A41.23 1974 Pacific Linguisics and/or he auhor(s). Online ediion licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, wih permission of PL. A sealang.ne/crcl iniiaive.

A LEXICOSTAT IST ICAL EVALUAT ION OF TAGALOG-CHAMORRO RELAT IONS JEANNETTE WITUCK I 1. Inroducion 2. Subsiuions 3. Sound correspondences 4. The liss 5. Compuaion of ime deph 1. INTROD UCT ION The primary purpose of his work is o presen a new lexicosaisical comparison of Tagalog and Chamorro 1. Th e presenaion has a secondary funcion in ha i makes availab le o oher scholars an adequae and exens ive Chamorro word lis which can be used in furher ess. The lis used was recenly compiled and is mu ch more represenaive of he naive language han was he lis used by Dyen in his A Lex co a ca ca 6 ca o n 06 he Au o ne an Languag e (1965). Dyen 's sour ces were von Preissig (1918) and Fr iz (1908); hese dicionaries seem o suffer from biased eliciaion (an excess of European conceps ) and he use of informans who spoke fluen Spanish which hey naurally used when producing words o mach he European conceps suggesed o hem. Dyen 's cied classificaion places Chamorro in he Malayopolynesian Linkage, alhough i has been frequenly noed ha Chamorro appears o be mos closely relaed o Philippine languages (in Dyen 's Hesperonesian Linkage ). On he Philippine relaionship, see, for example, commens by 61 Wiucki, J. "A Lexicosaisical Evaluaion of Tagalog-Chamorro Relaions". In Chandler, D., Ruch, E. and Wiucki, J. ediors, Papers in Philippine Linguisics No. 5. A-41:61-78. Pacific Linguisics, The Ausralian Naional Universiy, 1974. DOI:10.15144/PL-A41.61 1974 Pacific Linguisics and/or he auhor(s). Online ediion licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, wih permission of PL. A sealang.ne/crcl iniiaive.

62 Safford (1903 :292) and Topping (1968:78). Dyen himself does no feel ha his enaive classificaion of Chamorro is correc, and he explains he problem as follows : "The lexicosaisically defined posiion of Chamorro as a member of he Malayopolynesian Linkage is very likely o need revision. Chamorro shares so many feaures wih he He speronesian languages and paricular ly wih hose of he Philippines as o sugges ha Chamorro 's percenages for some reason are disored. I is no unlikely ha he heavy borrowing from Spanish has deflaed is percenages a leas wih Hesperonesian languages and perhaps more paricularly wih Philippine language s" (1965:51). Dyen is undoubedly correc o conclude ha Spanish influence on Chamorro has been so grea as o deflae is percenages wih any language which was a markedly less heavy borrower. Alhough modern, everyday Chamorro does no conain as many Spanish loans as migh be suggesed by dicionaries like hose of Friz and von Preissig, he number of such loan words in Chamorro is many imes he number found in Tagalog. Ye he groups speaking hese wo languages were conaced and placed under Spanish influence a approximaely he same ime in hisory (roughly, he middle decades of he 17h cenury ). The cause of he more pervasive influence of Spanish on Chamorro almos cerainly lies in he naure of he Chamorro homeland. This is a chain (he Marianas ) of quie small islands ; he larges island is Guam which me asures a he mo s only 30 by 10 miles. The Chamorro had no place o go, o escape or o gain a measure of relief and freedom from Spanish conrol over heir lives. Small-island people are singularly helpless when largenaion peoples are on he move. The problem creaed by Spanish loans ino Chamorro is easily demonsraed by research ino older Chamorro forms, now ob solee. One finds ha for a very large percenage of now-dominan Spanish loans, he recenly-rememb ered naive forms are cognaes of Tagalog words elicied for he same meanings. This is rue, for example, of he numerals one hrough five ; Chamorro uses Spanish words for hese numerals while Tagalog reains he naive forms. This siuaion occurs so frequenly ha i is obvious ha he use of Spanish loans would grealy disor he resul of a lexicosaisical es of relaionship beween he wo languages. How grea his disorion would be is suggesed by my finding ha Chamorro con ains a percenage of Spanish loans which is greaer han ha of Tagalog by approximaely six o one. This figure was deermined by sudy of core vocabulary iems ; he percenages migh be even more disparae if aken from analysis of he general vocabulary. For hese reasons, herefore, I decided o eliminae Spanish loan words from my liss.

63 Boh he Tagalog and he Chamorro liss used in he presen es were obained from informans. Forms for he Chamorro liss were aken from my files, which conain lexical daa from four informans 2, all from Guam. The Tagalog lis was obained for me by Rober Michero, from wo Tagalog-speakers 3 now residing in Los Angeles. 2. SUBST ITUTI ONS The lexical base for his comparison is he sandard 200 word lis, as given in Gudschinsky (1956 : 186-200 ). I was necessary o make some subsiuions in order o have an adequae word-coun ; wih he subsiuions I was ab le o compare 194 word pairs. Wihou he subsiuions, he liss would have had only 166 word pairs, since in 34 cases, a meaning in he sandard 200 word lis was absen (his may mean "unco lleced as ye ") or unusable in eiher Tagalog or Chamorro or boh. Seveneen of he "unusables" were Spanish loan words in Chamorro ; he Tagalog daa conained wo Spanish loans (possibly hree, as I suspec No. 46 also). Whaever he jusificaion, meanings dropped from my liss will hereafer be referred o as "omissions". To replace he omissions, anoher meaning, judged o be as universal as mo s in he original lis, was s bsiued. Some replacemens were aken from he sandard 100 word lis, which has a few words no found in he 200 word lis. The generally problemaic words 'snow ', 'freeze ', and 'ice ' were of course wihou represenaion in eiher of hese warmclimae languages. Six omissions were lef unreplaced, due o he usual shorage of saisfacory word pairs wih "core" meanings. A lis of he omissions follows (Figure 1). The columns give word number, word omied, reason for he omission, and word used in is sead (if replaced ). In column hree, he erms "loan", "lack", and "dup." ar e used. The erm "loan" should be undersood o refer o Spanish loans only. "Lack" means of course ha a word for he original meaning is absen in eiher or boh languages. "Oup. " means ha he word elicied for a meaning in eiher or boh languages is a duplicae (a leas in he roo ) of a word elicied for anoher meaning which has been reained in he liss. The symbol 0 is used in column four o mean "no replacemen made ". Readers who are criical of my subsiuion policy will be somewha relieved o learn ha ou of 28 replacemen s used, only eigh urned ou o be cognae pairs. This gives a cognae percenage of 28.6% as compared wih he 37.6% found in he liss as a whole.

64 FIGURE 1 : Lis of omissions No : Om-f> f>-ol1: R e.a.f> 0 11 : Re.pla.ce.me.I1. : 1 an 12 bird 26 day 45 feaher 50 five 52 f ow 53 f ower 56 57 fo o four 58 fr eeze 63 green 64 gus 70 hear 79 ice 82 ku 84 ake 91 iver 96 mea/f esh 109 one llo oher 135 sing 137 skin 144 snake 145 snow 155 sraigh 164 hick 169 hree 171 ie 174 ree 176 wo 190 wife 194 wih 198 you-pzuraz 200 ye now loan Ch. loan Ch. dup. Ch. dup. Ch. loan Ch. dup. Ch. loan Ch. loan Ch. loan Ch. lack Ch., lack Ch. lack Ch. loan Ch. 'sun ' 'hair ' 'run ' Tag. again burn (injury ) 0 cry 0 downwards carry/bring finger oan fu n knee gif cener lack Ch. loan Tag. be in dup. Ch., Tag. 'die ' hunger dup. Tag. loan Ch. 'river ' like/ ove medicine loan Ch. moon loan Ch. loan Ch. loan Ch., dup. Ch., loan Ch. lack Ch., Tag. Tag. Tag. 'bark ' horn (of anima ) p an run sibling speak sof dup. Ch. dup. Ch. loan Ch. dup. Tag. dup. Tag. loan Ch. 'righ/correc' 'heavy ' 'rope ' 'wood ' round (shape) 0 0 rue an house dup. Ch., dup. Ch. Tag. 'and ' 'husband ' ru e 0 dup. Tag. loan Ch. 'hou ' I:') "ashma " 3. SOUND CORRESPONDENCES A number of sound correspondences are easily observed in any comparision of Chamorro and Tagalog (as in Safford 1903 :296,308; Conan 1911,