November Guidelines for the demilitarization of Gaza and a long-term arrangement in the South. MK Omer Barlev

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Transcription:

November 2014 Guidelines for the demilitarization of Gaza and a long-term arrangement in the South MK Omer Barlev

Following Operation Protective Edge Last summer was difficult, very difficult. For the third time in the last six years, we were engaged in military action against Hamas in Gaza. The price was heavy in human life, on the morale of our citizens and on the economy, particularly for Israelis who live in the South; and the next round of fighting is considered unavoidable. Looking afar, we see a world which regards Israel as responsible for the residents of the Gaza Strip (henceforth referred to as Gaza) and as the force which continues to deny free movement of people and goods in and out of Gaza. Moreover, that same world was slow to condemn Hamas for firing on Israel. Diplomatic progress with the Palestinians seems very distant in light of the last round of talks and the growing fear that a diplomatic solution can turn the West Bank into another Gaza. How can we break this vicious cycle of war? This document presents a practical approach that can lead to a change in the South: a long - term cessation of hostilities; elimination of Raindrops firing on Israel and prevention of another round of military confrontation. Unlike the disagreement in the Israeli public regarding the future territorial arrangements in the West Bank, in the case of Gaza there are neither religious nor settlement disputes regarding the future borders, creating consensus that can contribute to the success of this proposed plan. Contrary to the belief shared by Israelis, a Gaza - first solution prior to negotiations on the West Bank can restore trust to both Israel and the PA that the end of the conflict is possible. In turn, a door for a peace which assures the future of Israel as a democratic state with a Jewish majority living within safe borders will open. Ultimately, this is our goal! MK Omer Barlev Labor Party *This paper is the translation of a Hebrew document distributed to the Israeli public in a national campaign initiated by MK Barlev in October 2014

Gaza: a map of interests The current intersection of international interests and forces pushing in one direction - weakening Hamas and increasing involvement of Abu Mazen in Gaza - provide a unique opportunity for progress. Removal of the aggressive threat from Gaza (rockets, mortars, tunnels) Release from the burden and responsibility of providing Gaza with energy, water, food and infrastructure services; all of which is perceived by the world as a continuation of Israel s control of Gaza. Assuring strict enforcement of the principle of demilitarization of Gaza in return for opening its doors to the world through economic development including sea and air ports and independent water and energy capabilities. Increased stability in the Middle East. Shared concerns with moderate Sunni states in light of their military alliance against ISIS. Provide international approval of the agreement. (the EU countries have already declared the need for demilitarization and supervision in return for reopening Gaza to the world). Dismantle the offensive armaments in Gaza and provide oversight on the disarmament, led by the United States. Manage and provide oversight of future economic projects in Gaza. Restore a PA presence in Gaza which has been absent since Hamas pushed them out in 2007. Prevent Hamas from directly receiving monies for rehabilitation and development. To bring the majority of the active Palestinian organizations in Gaza to the negotiating table, reducing the impact of their internal disagreements, while improving the chances of successful implementation of a future agreement. To connect international organizations with planners and operators of programs for the reconstruction and development projects in Gaza. (the PA has already begun to serve as a channel for funds to Gaza). To serve as a barrier at border crossings in Gaza (this has already begun). ISRAEL THE QUARTET PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY Reduce the struggle with the Muslim Brothers, Hamas parent organization, and mitigate their destabilizing influence in Sinai. Strengthen the legitimacy of Egypt s president A-Sisi s regime in the eyes of the United States and Europe. Strengthen Egypt s position and claim for Arab hegemony in the Middle East, in relation to Turkey and Iran, Hamas patrons. Continue blockage of tunnels between Rafiah and Gaza (only in this way will Hamas understand that it will face bankruptcy by not disarming in return for development assistance). EGYPT Reduce the existential struggle between moderate Sunni countries and fundamental, radical Muslim Sunni forces like Hamas. Reduce the struggle of oil suppliers between Saudi Arabia and the Gulf Emirates and Qatar, Hamas patrons. In cooperation with the World Bank, provide the financial support for a future arrangement, via the PA and not directly to Hamas. THE ARAB LEAGUE It is reasonable to assume that, given current confrontation over the Ukraine, Russia will avoid further escalation with the West. RUSSIA

Push Hamas to the corner, NOW! On the eve of Operation Protective Edge Hamas was already choked! Egypt had destroyed 1,200 tunnels used for smuggling into Gaza. Dollars from Qatar stopped coming in. Movement of goods through the tunnels came to a halt as did the taxes taken by Hamas from the merchants. Hamas was unable to pay salaries to 45,000 civil servants in Gaza. Hamas opened fire on Israel with a demand to open Gaza to the world. When the campaign ended, Hamas claimed victory but, in the long run, their condition did not improve, undoubtedly due to war damage and restoration costs. It is clear to Hamas that it must offer Gaza residents economic hope and well-being, not just wars, killing and destruction. Hamas has two options at this point: return to bankruptcy and isolation from the world or give the PA a standing in Gaza, enabling economic development and the opening of Gaza to the world through a seaport and airport. Firm international cooperation and pressure will likely lead Hamas to give up its offensive capabilities, which were already seriously diminished in Protective Edge, and agree to United States demilitarization forces in Gaza. Today more than ever, the potential for an agreement is real!

Agreement Implementation Schedule Planning and execution of infrastructure projects takes years and requires certainty that they can be completed. Disarmament and the dismantling of weapons can happen in a few months, providing confidence that the longer range objectives are achievable. This plan is predicated on completion of the disarmament simultaneously with the execution of the international planning phase and monitoring of the disarmament throughout the projects phase. These checks and balances will provide assurance that the conditions of the agreement will be honored. Only if the disarmament is deemed effective by the monitors will the economic projects proceed to execution phases. Israel s leverage is guaranteed through her ability to withdraw from the process at any given time if it is proven that Hamas has violated the agreement by bringing or building weapons in Gaza. Months What we receive 0-6 7-18 19-36 Total cessation of firing into Israel Dismantling the rocket infrastructure Signed agreement on the security arrangements for the airport Dismantling of mortars and anti-tank missiles Signed agreement on the security arrangements for the seaport 37-48 Strict monitoring and enforcement of the demilitarizing of Gaza process End Israel s responsibility for Gaza residents What we give International fundraising Preparation of international tenders Completion of the planning phase of various projects Build and open the airport Open the Gaza seaport

Questions & Answers 1 Negotiations are carried out with enemies. It is obvious that an agreement with the Hamas is a terrorist organization. Palestinian Authority, without Hamas, would be meaningless. However, it would not be wise to negotiate directly with Hamas as that would weaken the PA and the Are we willing to engage in coalition of moderate Sunni countries. It would be right to negotiate directly with negotiations with it? the Palestinian Authority, with Hamas and Jihad alongside as partners to the PA, 2 similar to the way in which the negotiations on the ceasefire in Cairo took place Hamas will first have to give in order to receive! Sea and airports will begin If we agree that Hamas will have operating years after disarmament of Gaza. This will allow us to evaluate the United States monitoring of the disarmament before opening the ports. a harbor and an airport, will tunnels The bottom line: There is nothing for Israel to lose. If no disarmament agreement and rockets return? is achieved, Hamas will rearm and, eventually, resume its attacks on Israel who 3 will then respond. The proposed plan is trying to save us from that grim scenario. It depends on who the third party is. The United States ability to disarm a Can we rely on a third party country and to monitor Middle Eastern countries was proven this year with the demobilization of chemical weapons held by the Assad regime. Gaza is a relatively to supervise the agreement? small, flat area where demilitarization should be even easier than in Syria. In 4 addition, American oversight will be reinforced by IDF s intelligence capabilities. Gaza is devastated. The residents, as well as Hamas and Islamic Jihad, are in Is it not better to first reach dire condition. Israel s leverage to bring about demilitarization in exchange for rehabilitation and economic development is considerable. If an agreement includes an agreement to rehabilitate Gaza only a rehabilitation package there will be less to offer when we come to discuss and only then discuss disarmament the development agreement. Furthermore, Hamas and other terrorist groups will and development? likely rebuild over time, having more to lose from disarmament than they do today. In short: Now is the time - disarmament in return for rehabilitation and development.

Omer Barlev, MK Email: obarlev@knesset.gov.il Office: Tel +972 54 455 7244 Fax +972 2 640 8023 @omerbarlev Omer Barlev