An appeal for the sake of the republic November 11, 2007

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Transcription:

An appeal for the sake of the republic November 11, 2007 Today, our republic is in danger, and the fate of the presidential election is of great importance. The elections could be the end of the Beirut Spring and the return of Lebanon to what it was during the past three decades - a region of violence that succumbs to the illusions of some Lebanese and the interests of some foreign countries. This situation can be found now in the Gaza Strip, which is, according to the resistance, subject to an Inquisition. Abiding by the principles of the Beirut Spring, the presidential election could also contribute to the transformation of Lebanon into a country in which its people enjoy living and whose government is capable of handling its responsibilities. Moreover, this presidential election is taking place in the presence of strong divisions in the country that go beyond mere democratic competition over power and the running of the government, toward a controversy over the nature, balance and values-system of the government. It is, first of all, a disagreement over the government, its constitution and its national pact - the Taif Accord. This is shown through the following: A call to look again into the Taif Accord and the constitution in order to let the president regain the power and rights he had before the Taif Accord, and to allow him to replace the Shia-Sunni-Christian triangle in the government with the equal sharing among Muslims and Christians that formed the essence of a historical settlement between the Lebanese at the end of a prolonged war. The allegation that participation in a sectarian pact will give a predominantly sectarian political party the chance and right to use and maintain its sect as a veto against the government, to remove legitimacy from all constitutional institutions, to close the parliament down, to hinder presidential elections and to resort to the streets. Second of all, the disagreement lies in sovereignty and independence: Between those who want to reach sovereignty and independence through democratic means and constitutional operations and by relying on the right of the Lebanese to determine their political destiny themselves and to resort to the power of the national law and their Arab legitimacy. Between those who want presidential elections as a gateway to the days of the Syrian tutelage, a termination of the UN Special Tribunal for Lebanon, and keeping Lebanon an open battlefield for other countries, which hide behind pretentious goals and threats of chaos and discord, and stand in line with the bloody wars that the Syrian regime is waging on Lebanon. The third disagreement is on the meaning of what a president is and of his role: Between a president, who is capable of spreading reconciliation among the Lebanese and uniting them while preserving their diversity and uniqueness at the same time. He will be capable of

convincing the Lebanese first, and then the Arab region and other international countries of the importance of the experiences of the Lebanese in the world. He will have a strong grip on the pacts and constitution of his people and their government, in addition to national and international treaties and decisions. He will know how to recruit and put Lebanon's resources to good, balanced and peaceful use. He will also know how to avoid wars with other countries on his own territories. He will be a president who will not only represent Lebanese Christians in the government, but also the role of Arab Christians in laying out a future of unity and togetherness. Between a "consensus" president who will give the Syrian regime a chance to become a partner in Lebanon's decision-making or who will take Lebanon to a stage of uncertainty because there will be no agreement between the government and other countries; between the right of the Lebanese to settle down and their actual lack of a home; between the constant presence of war and standing in the face of Arab countries instead of belonging to the Arab world; between the freedom of our land and the return of Israel to our country day-by-day; between the sovereignty of Lebanon and the return of the Syrian regime to rule the country; between the victory of the Palestinian cause and the refusal of permanent settlement and partition; between promoting the Palestinian people's legal right to establish an independent state on their own territory. Last but not least, the disagreement lies in the concepts related to the Lebanese values-system: Between a way of living that is based on pluralism and openness to education and interaction and a call to divide the world into two hemispheres: good and evil, belief and heretics, governed by conflicts and civilizations, religions and cultures! Between the nature of the Lebanese to continuously rise and seek prosperity and satisfaction by avoiding filth! Between respect for national law by considering it a huge value of humanity and a stronghold of their well-being and the call to despise this law and its institutions! Between raising children on the basis of peace and unity and the idea of worshipping violence and refusing those who are different! Between their faith that religion is God and the country is for everyone and the allegiance of some to abuse religion in order to put their opponents in a bad light! Between the Lebanese's respect for victims and their accusation of the culprit, and their call to categorize victims and culprits based on political views, where we have reached the conclusion that there are good and bad victims and culprits! Between political speech that aims at convincing the enemy and at "symbolically killing him" by intimidating him which eventually leads to literally killing him! Between a real effort put in by the Lebanese during the past 15 years to overcome war and purify the mind of bad memories, and to promote a "selective memory," which only remembers the atrocities of the war! This disagreement among the Lebanese is based on issues that are not free of an international struggle that is occurring on the precipice of a huge conflagration. Therefore, the solution to this is for the Lebanese to perform their duties and follow their faith by not participating in this explosion or its aftermath. They should also help make the presidential election a gateway to protect the republic and spread peace among its people. This should be done by placing a priority on Lebanese interests such as independence and sovereignty, democracy and a values-system. This is the essential meaning of the "Lebanonization" of the presidential election.

This appeal is signed by the names below and is directed to the following: To the Lebanese opposition, so that it will be Lebanese, democratic and peaceful without expressing any conditions given from outside the Lebanese Republic or which are a threat to the safety of the Lebanese people. To the Lebanese majority, so that it will remain united with its loyalty toward the struggle for independence and the martyrs of independence. To the Lebanese Christians, who should preserve the essence of their message according to the principles put forth in the Christian Synod. To the Lebanese Muslims, so that they will always stick to their message which is to remain close and avoid any clashes. To the Arab countries, because their protection of Lebanon, is a condition for protecting the peace project and the balance of the Arab countries, as it was expressed through the Beirut Summit in 2002 and the Riyadh Appeal in 2007. To the international community in order to say that protecting Lebanese sovereignty represents a great test in international nobility. Those who signed below direct their appeal to all those concerned with defending the republic and its independence, and they call on them to participate in creating a collaborative Forum of Independence and the Republic in order to continue working on: Strengthening the independence of the country and protect it by considering it a continuous governmental plan. Constructing an independent government and a new democratic republic, intertwined with the reality and potential of its people and open to the rest of the world.

Signed by: Ahmad Mattar (social activist), Edward Zoghbi (poet and journalist), Arstid Dragtsy (accountant), Asaad al-raie (NGO activist), Iskandar Beiruti (banker), Asma Andraous (NGO activist), Ashraf Shahrour (activist), Elsa Qordahi (university student), Sheikh Yassin Siblany, Sheikh Rizk Mokdad, Sheikh Mohammad-Ali Hajj, Elias Zoghby (lawyer, journalist), Aline Prince( lawyer), Amal Zein(designer), Emile Saade(engineer) Antoine al- Hashem (NGO activist), Antoine Amin Kiwan (businessman), Antoine Kurban(teacher), Antoine Kiwan(lawyer), Anwar Abu Khalil(mayor), Ignasse Mouawad (university professor), Ayad Nasser al-dine ( engineer), Elie Doueihi (university student), Elie Ayoub (lawyer), Elie Khoury(promoter), Elie Abi Saed (engineer), Ayoub Barek (teacher), Badih Hobeish (banker), Badih Moukarzel (lawyer), Bassam Hajjar (writer), Bassam Khoury( administrator), Bassam Tohme (university professor), Bachir Haidar(university professor), Beshara al-khoury(businessman), Beshara Torbay (lawyer), Bachir Doueihy (university student), Boutros Mouawad (environmental activist), Bilal Khbeiz (writer), Bahjat Salameh (NGO activist), Paul Shaoul (writer), Paul Mourany(economist), Pierre Khadra (lawyer), Pierre Aql (journalist), Tawfic Mhanna (teacher), Jad Akhawi (journalist), Jad Ayoub (university student), Jad Haddad (banker), Jean Beshara(teacher), Jean Harb (lawyer), Jean Franjiyeh (engineer), Jean-Claude Komeid (banker), Jabbour Doueihi (writer and university professor), Gerges Dagher (retired general), Jalil al-hashem (journalist), Jamil Dib (university student), Jihad Taha(journalist), Jihad Arayji (lawyer), Georges Drouby (teacher), Joseph Fadel (professor), Joseph Karam (administrator), Joseph Nemnom (engineer) Gilbert Najjar (businessman), Hareth Suleiman (university professor), Habib Kresht (cultural activist), Hassan Bzeih (engineer), Hassan Mohsen (industrialist), Hussein Jaafar (union member), Hussein Hamiye (social activist), Hussein Khodr Abu Bakr (union member), Hussein Daher (engineer), Hayat Msheik (social activist), Khaled al-taki (computer programmer), Khaled al-araybi (activist), Khaled al-hashem (engineer), Khaled Ghazal(lawyer), Khalil Daoud (company administrator), Khalil Zahr al-dine (engineer), Darine Bayan (social activist), Dyala Yafi (designer), Dib Sherfan (lawyer), Rami Maalouf (engineer), Raed Hani (banker), Rabih al-sheikh (economist), Rustom Souaybi (administrator), Rasha al- Amin(writer), Rafik Doumit (lawyer), Rita Beshara(lawyer), Rima Sabban (university professor), Rima Torbey (environmental activist), Raymond Maalouf (engineer and retired general) Zaher Hrayke (businessman), Ziad Kedo (lawyer), Zein Hajj Hassan (teacher), Zeina Riz (journalist), Zeina Beaini (activist), Sami Chamoun (lawyer), Sami Nader (economist) Srar Hany (university professor), Saed Kiwan (journalist), Selman Makary (activist), Simaan Iskandar (lawyer), Samir Frangiyeh (MP), Souheil Bejjany (engineer), Cezar Nammour (art critic), Shahin Khoury (university professor), Shehadeh Saqr (administrator), Charbel Abu Eid (administrator), Shawky Dagher (lawyer), Shawky Azoury (doctor), Sherine Abdallah (journalist), Sadek Abi Nassif (social activist), Safaa Hmaydan (lawyer), Salah Bakri (lawyer), Tarek Shebly (engineer), Tanios Wehbe (social activist), Tannous Qordahy(engineer), Tannous Nassar (school director), Toubia Attallah(administrator), Tony Saade (economist), Tony al-khawaja (social activist), Tony Salameh (general manager), Tony Salloum (doctor), Tony Tohme (businessman), Tony Fares (administrator), Tony Saadeh (businessman), Adel Sassine (retired general), Adel Aql (doctor), Abad al-sokhn (hospital manager), Abed al-rahman Mouqadem (businessman), Abdallah Husheimi (lawyer), Abdallah Khoury (administrator), Abdallah Zakhya (lawyer), Abdallah Musallem (lawyer), Adnan Basma (doctor), Issam Aqil (social activist), Oula Shahine (social activist), Ali al-diqa (teacher), Ali Attar (teacher), Ali Ballout (professor), Ali Obeid (university student), Ali Murad (social activist), Imad Jamal al-dine (social activist), Omar Khaled (doctor), Ghassan Ayoub (administrator) Ghassan Jawad (poet and writer), Ghassan Dakkashe (teacher), Ghassan Njeim (retired general), Ghaith Shamas (social activist), Fadi al-zein (businessman), Fadi Beshara (lawyer), Fadi Toufayli (poet and writer), Fares Soueid (doctor and former MP) Farouk Jabr (industrialist), Fatmah Mawla (social activist) Francois al-dahdah (engineer) Fadlallah Yazbek (union member), Fadil Adhamy (retired officer), Fouad Karam (contractor), Fawzi Hrayki (former head of Tripoli's Order of Physicians), Philip Saeed (doctor), Qassem Tleiss (human rights activist), Qayssar Bassil (engineer) Carla al-hajez (teacher), Carmen Zougheib (public relations), Kamal a-

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