Analysis of Islam and Gender: The Religious Debate in Contemporary Iran written by Ziba Mir-Hosseini Aleksandra Klimowicz 1
Introduction Ziba Mir-Hosseini s book, Islam and Gender: The Religious Debate in Contemporary Iran is a detailed account of the perspectives on women in Islam. Research for this particular book was conducted in post-revolutionary Iran, however, most issues that Mir-Hoisseini deals with can be universally applicable to Muslim communities. Nonetheless, an important feature of this study is that it is post revolutionary, treating Iranian religious thought in the aftermath of 1979. Historical background of the country is therefore a key component to understanding certain points of view, sporadic inconsistencies, and generally the book as a whole. Before the Iranian revolution, the country was ruled by a monarchy. In late March 1979, a referendum to replace the monarchy with an Islamic Republic passed with 98% votes in favor of the replacement. Although Ayatollah Khomeini and his revolutionaries were now in power, many secular and religious groups were unaware of his plan for creating an Islamic government by wilayat al-faqih 1, with a marja 2 in charge. Before the revolution, despite most of the population being Muslim, religion was a private matter. It was not forced upon anyone and decisions regarding fasting, prayers, and pilgrimages were made individually. Mir- Hosseini writes, After the revolution, all this changed and we came to know a different face of Islam, derived from the legal mandates of the shari a 3. It was no longer enough to believe; one had to wear one s belief in the form of a hejab: Islamic covering for women (and beards for men). The state took it upon itself to enforce the religious mandates that had previously been the concern of the famliy; the shari a law was declared the law of land. 4 Many women who supported the revolution suddenly found themselves rejected as the new government began to restructure Iran, resulting in a feminist movement to emerge throughout the 1980 s and 1990 s. 1 Supreme Jurist Leadership. 2 Islamic cleric. 3 Form of Islamic law deriving from four key sources; the Koran, hadiths, ijma, and qiyas. 4 Mir-Hosseini., p. xiii 2
It is also important to keep in mind that this study is based on a world of texts, journals, and discussions rather than on observations of practice. Much of the book consists of interviews conducted in Iran between 1993 and 1996, and on already existing works on women in Islam. Summary The book's introduction is followed by eight chapters arranged under three sections that cluster views on gender issues held by Iranian religious thinkers, mainly from Qom, which is thought to be the center of religious knowledge and power for Shi i Muslims. Most chapters feature two transcripts; Mir-Hosseini s translation of each thinker's original writings on women followed by her interview with the respective author. Several chapters also deal more directly with the recently emergent public discourse reflected in journals, the popular press and other forms of media. The framework of these contemporary thinkers, which derives from Shi'i religious institutions of Qom, forms a substantial portion of the study's background. Ziba Mir-Hosseini discuses several key issues that depict the inequality between men and women in Islam. One of the book s main themes is the varying notions of gender that inform feqh 5 and the ways in which Shi i 6 clerics in Iran today attempt variously to perpetuate, modify, deconstruct, and reconstruct these notions. 7 This theme is supported through a series of texts and oral discussions that represent the three dominant gender perspectives in Islam; traditional, neo-traditional, and modern. Another underlying theme of the book is taqiyeh 8, which affects the interactions of all engaged speakers when discussing the pragmatics of gender issues. Mir-Hosseini points out 5 Islamic Jurisprudence 6 One school of Islam. Majority of Iranians follow this school. 7 Mir-Hosseini., p. xix 8 Form of religious dissimulation. A Shi i practice which emerged in response to Sunni discrimination of Shi i. 3
that this dissimulation from one's true opinion can, in certain cases, be empowering to those who want to express certain views, without perturbing the Houzeh 9 or countering popularly accepted beliefs. However sometimes, such dissimulation can also result in undermining genuine commitment to a certain position. In chapter 6, Mir-Hosseini concludes that taqiyeh made the whole debate possible in the first place; its legitimacy enabled each of us to retain out integrity, to hold on to our convictions without having to express them fully by allowing more to be implied than could be stated. Ironically, the new function of taqiyeh in the Islamic Republic, where the Shi i establishment wields power, seems to be to conceal progressive ideas that might weaken its hold. 10 There are several fundamental subjects mentioned in each chapter. Through emphasizing the differentiating laws for men and women regarding the same issues, Mir- Hosseini attempts to demonstrate the presence of inequality between genders in Islam. The hejab, blood money and rules concerning marriage and divorce are most frequently mentioned. Mir-Hosseini points out the unfairness of polygamy, differing punishments for crimes, and women s inability to request divorce. Each part of the book explains how these differences are justified in religious works, why they are accepted by society and to what extent they can be changed. Naturally ideas on these concepts vary between the traditional, neo-traditional and modernist thinkers. Most clerics will mention the importance of distinction between equality and sameness, the distinction between religion and its interpretation, and the applications of Islam, feqh laws and the Shari a to social realities. For instance one of the neo-traditional figures introduced, Martyr Motahhari, rejects the Western concept of gender equality as mere propaganda, and says that what they mean by equality in rights for the sexes in fact similarity. 11 On the other hand, a modernist named Abdolkarim Sorush dismisses this idea stating that it cannot be argued that Islam upholds sexual equality 9 House of Jurists Group of Ulama who are responsible for interpreting religious, juristic law. 10 Mir-Hosseini., p. 201 11 Mir-Hosseini., p.116 4
but rejects similarity in rights. 12 At the same time, clerics from all three groups also manage to find a consensus on other, more specific matters such as the necessity of the hejab, which despite being physically limiting to women, allows them to freely participate in social and political spheres without distracting or tempting men. Chapters dealing with traditionalists are significantly more detailed and lengthier than those concerning modernists. Though this creates a certain disproportion, it also reflects the societies current standing as a whole. It is also necessary to present to a non-muslim reader, because these radical views rarely make it to the West. In fact only one cleric mentioned in the book is known outside of Shi i circles. Throughout the book, the reader is also introduced to classics of contemporary Iranian reflection on women and religion, including Ali Shariati's Fatima is Fatima 13 and Murtaza Mutahhari's The Rights of Women in Islam. 14 In some ways the content of the interviews with more conservative, representatives of the Shi'i tradition, confirms preexisting notions of gender inequality embedded in the Islamic tradition, but Mir- Hosseini is careful, to complicate this perspective through provoking clerics to admit to the small, incremental liberalizing steps which are occurring in response to the current presence of women in post revolutionary Iran. One of the thesis s she argues is that the fact that gender issues are being addressed with increasing seriousness and regularity in both, religious and social spheres, is an acknowledgement of changes taking place in the traditional segment s opinions of women's roles. On the other hand chapters featuring modernistic views emphasize the evident gap between the West s and East s perceptions of gender. Additionally, many discussions are held at a hypothetical level. Mir-Hosseini tries to steer the discussion away from the abstract level of human nature toward actual practices in the Islamic Republic 15 multiple times, but most often with little effect. For instance, 12 Mir-Hosseini., p. 227 13 Tehran, 1981. 14 Tehran, 1991. 15 Mir-Hosseini., p. 93 5
Ayatollah Madani s notions of family and gender roles are at best abstract and idealistic, and at worst impracticable and oppressive. His knowledge of women and their nature comes from texts and manuals, all written by men, all constructed with juristic logic, reflecting the realities of another age, a different set of interests. 16 In conclusion, Mir-Hosseini argues that feminism and Islam are not incompatible ideologies by presenting a microanalysis of particular conversations and texts, and applying it to broader theoretical concerns involved in understanding and cooperating with the emergence of indigenous feminisms, not solely in Iran. Analysis of Author s Methods In an extensive preface, Mir-Hosseini explains how a much of her fieldwork was confiscated as she departed Iran in 1996. She was able to recover a number of tape recordings, but the loss of significant materials prompted the author to use a different tactic when writing. As mentioned before, most of her research is therefore based on the evaluation of specific works in Islamic literature regarding women and gender roles. The author takes it upon herself to personally translate each text and analyze it. Her analysis can often be very critical, however, since she claims not to be looking for the correct form of gender roles or convince anyone of a right approach to the matter, this is permissible. Many chapters also feature translated discussions that Mir-Hosseini has with clerics who wrote the texts that she chose for analysis. Some, more conservative scholars do not initially want to debate certain topics with a woman, which forced some conversations to be led by their Iranian acquaintances. It is clearly evident, that the questions Mir-Hosseini asks herself, are a lot more provocative and direct than those asked in chapters where she acts merely as an auditor. Due to tense relations between the Houzeh and liberal opinion, the 16 Mir-Hosseini., p. 48 6
freedom of speech is not advocated the same way it is, in the West. A number of questions were left unanswered or got ambiguously dismissed. One limitation to Mir-Hosseini s tactic was using a tape recorder, since many people do not admit to certain opinions that can later be used against them. Naturally interviewing without a tape recorder boarders on impossible and this limitation is hard to eliminate. To make up for it, Mir-Hosseini translates excerpts from several radical articles which are printed anonymously and introduces the reader to modern, active journalists like Hojjat Ol-Eslam Sa Idzadeh. Mir-Hosseini also translates fragments from conservative readings regarding other contemporary issues, such as reproduction, homosexuals, or contraception. These problems are discussed in both the West and East; in Christianity and Islam. Although they somewhat stray from the original topic of gender roles, this way the author lays grounds for people s general political and social beliefs. This way the reader can be better acquainted with the scholars, and understand their perception of women in light of other social aspects better. The book can get somewhat repetitive, since the author has to raise similar questions with all the clerics and they often get similar responses. While Mir-Hosseini s unconventional approach is what distinguishes this book from many other anthropological reflections, there is one prominent matter that she did not address. She complains multiple times that the roots of juristic knowledge are based on works and information acquired by men. Yet, she herself fails to seek female opinion throughout all 8 chapters. During her visit in Iran she was accompanied by Sa Idzadeh s daughter, Zahra, but she never even attempts to converse with her regarding gender issues. She also met women working at Payam-e Zan 17 as transcribers and interviewers and again neglected to ask their 17 Iranian journal themed around women s rights. Mostly comprised of men. Not as radical and liberal as Zanan (another journal). 7
opinion. The only females she tried talking to attended al-zahra College 18 and ultimately refused to meet with her, since her views were too liberal for them. An important feature of this study is that it treats Iran in the post-revolutionary, religious aftermath of 1979. Mir-Hosseini's handling of her own voice, her fluctuating tone, and her ideal balance of a double identity; that of a Cambridge trained scholar and that of an Iranian Muslim woman, enrich her reflections. Critical Discussion of the Validity Regarding the Author s Observations/Conclusions Mir-Hosseini is a practicing, but not conservative Shi i Muslim, living in London. She was born in Iran but moved to Cambridge for university. In my opinion, she can come off as intimidating, even to highly respected Muslim clerics, because she is both, a well educated woman, and an outsider; which Qom jurists have a hard time relating to. She characterizes her work on women's issues, as reflecting a native anthropologist's 19 reading of gender discourses in contemporary Iran. She states early on in the book that she doesn t advocate an alternative model of gender relations as defended by clerics in Iran nor condemn their vision of gender, as their feminist critics have done. Rather, she seeks to understand the key assumptions and premises in Islamic law that have so far delayed a serious engagement between two positions. 20 The author deliberately distances herself from the extremes of certain Western feminist understandings which advocate "sexual liberation and individualism" 21 and from religious traditionalism, which she characterizes as "imposing one s essentialist model on the body of practice" 22. She argues that feminism in Islam must lead to gradualist, indigenous reform, as opposed to an imposition of a Western, secular paradigm. As a native, she 18 An all women s college in Tehran. 19 Mir-Hosseini., p. 10 20 Mir-Hosseini., p.10 21 Mir-Hosseini., p.278 22 Mir-Hosseini., p.278 8
understands the realities of Islam as a religion as well as a government and knows that rapid, radical changes would not be accepted by either gender in Muslim republics. Mir-Hosseini is an incredibly open minded person. Some of the people she speaks with completely disagree with her ideas, but she manages to talks to them without insulting them or undermining their authority, even though she admits to the reader how angry she is with them on several occasions. Furthermore, she takes new opinions into consideration and builds future chapters after reevaluating newly acquired information. For instance some neotraditionalists informed her of a few forms of divorce she was not aware of before. She is excellent at using the vast amount of knowledge that she has, but realizes well that she knows less than the clerics she is speaking with. However, her lack of awareness on some matters can also be a limitation, since it doesn t allow her to insightfully ask about newly raised topics. The only issue she speaks her mind about completely freely throughout the book is the hejab. It is perfectly clear to the reader that she finds it limiting and unnecessary. The author voices her concerns on how hot and uncomfortable the head covering is throughout the book. Living in London Mir-Hosseini is familiar with the interaction between males and females. In Iran, where men are not meant to look at or touch unrelated women, even today, the same type of interaction is not yet possible. Though this study is applicable to multiple Islamic societies, Mir-Hosseini s Iranian, Shi i background caused her to use some reasoning and support based on Shi i hadiths, 23 which are often unaccepted by Sunni clerics. Though the Koran is also used as evidence, Sunni juristic opinions and hadiths would have to be included in a study aimed at the general Muslim society. 23 Stories for and about the prophet. Mainly firsthand accounts. 9
Conclusion Prior to reading Islam and Gender: The Religious Debate in Contemporary Iran, I was not completely aware of gender roles in Islam. Like most Westerners I was fixated on several specific situations, in specific countries that do not necessarily have any grounds in the Koran or the religion itself. Prominent examples of this is stoning for adultery, or the law forbidding women form driving in Saudi Arabia. Mir-Hosseini s book made ma aware of how many women s rights are actually advocated. Unfortunately many women, especially in rural, less wealthy areas, are simply unaware of their existence. An instance of this would be one of the accepted Principles in feqh is the Ruling on denial of harm. Islam doesn t allow hardship or harm. If a woman s husband doesn t mistreat her, provides for her, and is a very good person, yet she dislikes him and for this reason can t continue to live with him; if the court reaches the conclusion that the continuation of marriage is difficult for such a woman, then it will either order the husband to divorce her or itself effect a divorce. 24 Unfortunately, while this implies that Islam is mindful of women and their protection, this is only hypothetically the case. Its legal system protects women; the general Principle of no-harm, the absence of hardship in Islam, is the protector of women. 25 In truth many women are not aware of their rights, or fear their husband and cannot speak up for themselves. If this was not the case, feminism wouldn t be such a growing movement in Muslim countries. This also reflects the main issue raised during the clerical debates they were led at an abstract level. Many jurists were defensive and felt it was their duty to shield Islam from any of Mir-Hosseini s criticisms. This resulted in many issues being dismissed as irrelevant, since though they occur in society, they do not have grounds in the religion and therefore Islam cannot be blamed for their presence. While this may be true, it should be examined why these social anomalies arise and the government, as an Islamic institution, should fight them. 24 Mir-Hosseini., p.125 25 Mir-Hosseini., p.152 10
On the other hand, I can also understand what the Muslim clerics in Qom are advocating; that women and men are different and therefore require different sets of laws. After all in many countries men are forced to enter the military and women are not. This is also an inequality, but no one is fighting to make the army mandatory for women. There are, however, issues that are limiting to women and although perhaps some girls don t want such conditions, 26 other might and they should have the freedom to perform them without extra stipulations in marriage contracts, or leaving the country. Neo-traditionalists argue that we must demand that Islam and world legislators value each person according to what they deserve and distinguish between them according to their duties, their physical nature, and their human spirit. 27 But laws do not differ amongst all individuals, they only differ across genders. These clerics also attempt to pinpoint the existence of inequality between sexes on Christianity and the Bible s interpretation of the creation of a woman who was made from a man s leftovers. Making another religion a scapegoat doesn t fix current problems in Islam. Additionally, the idea of fixating on laws that were applicable centuries ago but no longer apply today should also be reconsidered. Mir-Hosseini s discussions were eye-opening, though I still feel unaware about the general opinion of normal Muslim citizens on the issues mentioned in the book. After all laws are made for the general population, so their opinion should be at least known, if not taken into consideration. 26 Mir-Hosseini., p.153 27 Mir-Hosseini., p.148 11
Bibliography Mir-Hosseini, Ziba. Islam and Gender: The Religious Debate in Contemporary Iran. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1999. Print. 12