Historical Security Council (HSC) Study Guide

Historical Security Council (HSC) Study Guide

Table of Contents Table of Contents... 1 Welcome Letter... 2 Introduction to HSC... 3 Topic A Deteriorating Political Situation in Somalia... 4 1

Welcome Letter Honourable delegates, This year's edition of the Historical Security Council (HSC) at LIMUN features a most fascinating topic: the deteriorating security situation in Somalia in the year 1991. While our Security Council meeting isn't fixed at a particular date, it can be assumed that the disintegration of the Soviet Union is continuing, and that a new global balance of power is slowly emerging. This geopolitical backdrop makes for a nice and evolving game of shifting alliances and power bases that grow stronger or weaker by the minute. However, the situation that we're about to discuss is of a most severe nature indeed: a dictator has been toppled, and a country is in internal turmoil awaiting a brighter but increasingly unstable looking future. Will the international community be able to master the shaky situation on the ground? And if so, using which devices? Only time will tell. Since there is always so much more to a HSC than to a "regular" Security Council session, we invite you in particular to do research on your country's stance on the issue back in 1991. You should also familiarize yourself with the historical context of the particular topic, by doing this study guide as well as by doing additional research. Finally, do enjoy our Historical Security Council, and make sure that your delegation's impact on the final decision is heard. Best wishes, Stavroula Oustoglou and David-Jan Bosschaert Chairs of the Historical Security Council at LIMUN 2015 2

Introduction to HSC This Historical Security Council will take place in 1991, when the security situation in Somalia is quickly deteriorating due to the fall-out after the deposal of dictator Siad Barre. As such, it will have the same mandate as any contemporary Security Council. The only exception to this rule will be the "Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine, which was only shaped in the aftermath of events occuring after 1991. As such the Historical Security Council hardly needs any no further explanations, since the Security Council mandate has been clearly defined as having the "primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security" 1. Both Chapter VI and Chapter VII measures are at its disposal. The Security Council can also call upon all other United Nations bodies and specialized agencies in order to achieve this goal. The option of using regional organizations and non-un bodies - e.g. the Organization for African Unity - is also an option. 3

Topic A: The deteriorating security situation in Somalia (1991) 1. AN INTRODUCTION TO SOMALIA Engraved in the eastern part of the African continent, fittingly named the Horn of Africa, lies the country of Somalia. Comprising an area of 637,540 square meters and bordering the Gulf of Aden to the north and the Indian Ocean to the east and south, Somalia neighbours Ethiopia to the west, Kenya to the south-west and Djibouti to the north-west. Its capital Mogadishu, is located on the south-east coastal region of Banaadir, in the mild climate conditions that are provided in the south part of the country. 4

The population according to the United Nations, is estimated between 7 and 8 million people. The Somalis are a culturally, linguistically, and religiously homogeneous people (99% of the overall population are Sunni Muslims, while the remainder one percent are Christians). 1 Somalia has a long history of migration, conquest and assimilation 2,which has naturally formed and re-formed the Somali society organization system and customs and has gradually shaped the people s point of view on the issues of national identity and national unity. Today, the crisis that has derailed the country is,for many scholars, the inevitable eruption of the volcano of problems within the political and social structures of Somalia that have been pilling up for decades, only to be exposed in the worst possible way. It stands to reason, therefore, that a necessary requirement towards the deeper understanding of Somalia s current situation, is an examination of its wounded and multifacet history. The Somali history can be divided into three distinctive periods: a) Pre-colonial, b) Colonial and c) Post-colonial. a) Pre-colonial The origins of the Somali people date back to the 10th century A.D, according to the most accurate sources of that time. The country has a privileged geo-political position as a main maritime and trade route that connects Europe and the Middle East with the Far East, which was quickly discovered and exploited by regional and international powers from the ancient times to the present day. Aside from brief moments in history where the area was administered in the form of Sultanates or quasi-state polities, Somalia was by and at large a stateless society _. 3 Two where the main frameworks of political, social and economic structure of that time; the clan system and nomadic pastoralism. The former encircles the latter and together, those two systems have survived through time and continue to be a vital part of the Somali society today. 5

The clan system was and still remains the dominant social structure in Somalia. Every clan is a hierarchical system of patrilineal descent groups, each said to originate from a single male ancestor. 4 _ It represents a separate lineage, which can be further segmented to sub-clans with many other sub-divisions. Depending on the purity of the clan lineage, a characteristic that goes back to the mythical founding father of all Somalis - named Samaal - there is a classification of the clans in noble and minority clans. There are four noble clans in the country: Darod, Dir, Hawiye, and Isaaq and two main minority clans: Rahanweyn and Digil. The map below shows their respective areas of influence. As it can be seen in the map, some clans influence outstretches the borders of Somalia, a fact that is valuable to remember, since it has been the reason for many disputes between Somalia and its neighbors. Each clan, as the primary social organisation, bares the responsibility to maintain social stability and political order both in its interior and in its relations with other clans. These goals were achieved by the use of certain administrative tools. First one is the xeer, a collection of social conventions and contracts used to manage relations within and among Somali communities 5 such as but not limited to; resources, war, marriages. Another is the diya, a system that combines Sharia law and customary xeer, and defines rules regarding the punishment of misconduct, such as murder or theft. 6 _ 6

Finally, deegaan, is not a tool for managerial purposes, but a central element to the clan disputes from the ancient times to this day. For the Somalis, deegaan refers to the exclusive control by a group sharing similar language, identity or clan affiliation of a land area and the natural resources found there. The definition can expand to include the area where one lives, operates a business, and feels secure enough because of the presence of a large number of one s clansmen in the wider physical area. 7_ The process of acquiring a deegaan could happen through diplomatic means or through armed conflict between opposing clans, depending on the importance of the area and its resources. This is essential in understanding the Somali society, since there were numerous armed conflicts between the clans over the centuries for the dominance on the most valuable and strategic deegaan in the country. The second pillar of the Somali society is the nomadic pastoralism, a traditional way of life that has been practiced by the overwhelming majority of the Somalis. The nomadic life is the only alternative way of living, primarily due to the unique climate and geography of the country. The northern part of Somalia is hot and dry while the southern part is fertile, with the presence of the only two rivers in the country (Jubba and Shabeelle). The clan organizational system, combined with the necessary nomadic existence of its people and the distinct weather conditions in different areas of the country, confirm what has been historically proven, the fact that disputes between clans and sub-clans over furtive lands are a frequent phenomenon in Somalia. The land is, ultimately, used as a measure of the political power that a clan could gain over the rest. b) Colonial The period of western colonialism first started in Somalia in the late 19th century. The country was divided into five different polities; southern Somalia, administered by Italy; northern Somalia or Somaliland Protectorate administered by Britain; Ogaden region administered by Ethiopia; Djibouti, administered by France and the Northern Frontier District(NFD) of Kenya, administered by Britain; Colonial life introduced to Somalis different systems of political, social and economic administration unlike anything they had been accustomed to. The most important change was the implementation of a more or less-depending on the administrationcentralized state system. Through the state,colonial powers moved to the upgrade and 7

integration of the Somali economy to the regional and international framework, utilizing the countries fertile lands and resources, by jumpstarting exports. Socially, state framework introduced the society to urban and western lifestyle, a complete contradiction to Somali nomadic life. The new lifestyle contributed to the expansion and improvement of the country s cities, namely Mogadishu in the south and Hargeisa in the north. All these factors resulted in the promotion and development of Somali nationalism, the vision of a greater Somalia that would expand to include all people of Somali origin, wherever they were on the horn of Africa. This idea, also known as Pan-Somalism, fueled the population with resentment against the colonial powers as well as their neighboring countries.the most notable uprising against colonial occupation was the Somali dervish resistance movement headed by Sayyid Muhammad 'Abdallah Hasan,who for twenty years(1899-1920) led the resistance against the British occupation and the Ethiopians in the Ogaden region. Consequentially, in 1943,the country s first political party, the Somali Youth Club, later known as the Somali Youth League (SYL-1947) was established. The main aim of the party was to carry out the vision of Pan-Somalism, by uniting all Somali inhabited territories, including the French, British and Italian Somalilands, the Ethiopian regions of Ogaden, Haud and Reserved Areas, and the Northern Frontier District of Kenya. _8 Despite the frequent confrontations of colonial powers over their territories, colonialism remained in the country until the end of Word War II. In 1949, after another round of conflict between Italian and British colonies, the United Nations General Assembly decided to make southern Somalia a trust territory, under Italian control for the duration of 10 years, after which it would became independent, while British Somaliland remained under colonial occupation until 1960. c) Post-colonial In 1960, the era of colonialism in Somalia would end. The British Somaliland and the Trust territory of Somalia united and formed the Somali Republic, albeit within boundaries drawn up by Italy and Britain. 9 The new government was formed by members of the former trusteeship and protectorate establishments. The first elected Somali president was Aden Abdulle Osman (Aden Adde) and the first elected National Assembly 8

consisted of 123 members with a five-year term,representing both territories. A new constitution was ratified by referendum. This period, from 1960 to 1969, was the only time in Somali history where democratic procedures took place and government succession occurred peacefully. Practically, the governments of that period had a difficult task, since the two united territories of the north and south had two separate organizational systems, left by Britain and Italy,respectively, which made the unity process considerably slower. Furthermore, the country was in a dire economic state and clan rivalry had magnified significantly. A counterweight of this situation was the goal of national integration, through the government promotion of the Greater Somalia, the main context of Pan-Somalism. This idea resonated with the people and even became the symbol of the national flag. The fivepoint star indicates five Somalias, two independent and united in 1960 and three that were separate; French Somaliland, Ethiopian Somaliland and Kenyan Somaliland 10. On the other hand, this vision was the reason for a new round of disputes between Somalia, Kenya and Ethiopia over the Somali-inhabited areas of the last two countries. The failure of two consecutive governments to fulfill this vision of Pan-Somalism dissatisfied both intellectuals and armed forces alike. In 1969 the newly elected president of Somalia, Abdirashid Ali Shermarke was assassinated. The parliament was unable to agree upon a successor, which provided the perfect opportunity for the frustrated armed forces. The Somali army overthrew the government and seized power without encountering any opposition, which is why those events are now known as a bloodless coup d état. Immediately after its rise to power, the army installed a new governing body, the Supreme Revolutionary Council(SRC) and Major General Muhammad Siad Barre became its president. The SRC started by suspending the constitution, abolishing the National Assembly and banning political parties. President Barre remained president of Somalia for 22 years, until January 1991. Under his instructions, the SRC proclaimed scientific socialism as the official ideology of the renamed Somali Democratic Republic 11 in parallel with the expansionist Somali nationalism, which continued to be promoted. The concept of scientific socialism, as Barre explained at the time, consisted of three elements: his own conception of community development based on the principle of self-reliance, a form of 9

socialism based on Marxist principles, and Islam. 12. The regime introduced a 13-point program, known as the First Charter of the Revolution, that promised to end tribalism, nepotism, corruption and misrule 13 and provide a highly interventionist government internally with a more progressive stance internationally. During this first period of his rule (1969-1976) Barre focused on completing the framework of changes within the state, in accordance with the First Charter. In internal matters, the regime introduced large nationalization programs of land and the industry, militerised public administration, including the justice system, by appointing officers with no relevant training, engaged in a widespread illiteracy campaign and abolished the diya, as part of the efforts to reduce the power of the clan system and clan-based politics in the Somali society. Although most of the changes had a positive effect in the country, the Siad Barre regime was always in control. In international affairs, Barre emphasized Somalia s traditional ties with the Arab World, a policy that proved successful by the entrance of Somalia in the Arab League in 1974 and the presidency of Barre in the Organisation of African Unity the same year. At the same time, the regime aligned itself with the Soviet Union during the Cold War, mainly due to the vast military and economic aid which the country received. In 1976 the Supreme Revolutionary Council was disbanded by Barre and was replaced by the Somali Revolutionary Socialist Party (SRSP), which marked the change from a military regime to a one-party government in Somalia, based on scientific socialism. Barre was immediately appointed president of the SRSP. The second period of the regime begun after the invasion of the Ogaden region of Ethiopia by the Somali National Army (SNA) in 1977. The Ogaden war was the realization of Pan-Somalism, a vision which Barre promoted during his rule but waited to accomplish until the SNA was properly staffed and trained, courtesy of the Soviet funds. The war ended in 1978 in favor of the Ethiopians who were funded by the Soviets against Somalia. Consequently, Barre immediately cut ties with the Soviet Union. The outcome of the war crushed people s dreams of creating the Greater Somalia and marked the slow downfall of the Barre regime. After the war the regime sought to form ties with a rather reluctant West, which is largely the reason why Barre introduced a new 1979 constitution granting many basic rights to the people, including the freedom of speech, religion and assembly, although these remained subject to many qualifications 14. 10

Eventually, the United States, decided to re-establish connections with Somalia. However, the last efforts of the regime to overturn the negative image it created amongst its people where futile, and Barre resulted to excessive violence the three years of its presidency. His eventual overthrow has lead to the current situation of instability and insecurity in the country. 2. CURRENT POLITICAL SITUATION Between 1978 and 1991 different anti-barre militia groups emerged and attempted, unsuccessfully, to overthrow the government. Most of these groups where clan-based, its members were disappointed by the loss of war and most importantly by Barre s policies against tribalism and clans. The most notable groups are: 1. The Somali Salvation Front (SSF-1978), later named the Somali Salvation Democratic Front (SSDF). Created in 1978 and affiliated with the Majeerteen clan. 2. The Somali National Movement (SNM). Created in 1981 and affiliated with the Isaaq clan. 3. The United Somali Congress(USC).Created in 1987 and affiliated with the Hawiye clan. 4. The Somali Patriotic Movement (SPM). Created in 1989 and affiliated with the Ogaden clan. Along with them non-violent political opposition were created, such as: 5. The Somali Democratic Movement (SDM).Created in 1989. 6. The Somali Democratic Alliance (SDA).Created in 1991. 7. The Somali Manifesto Group (SMG). 15 In dealing with these coup attempts, the government became increasingly totalitarian, and responded to its opponents with harsh reprisals against the clans, which involved many human right violations. Using repented and ruthless assaults, Barre started efforts to progressively alienate every clan that opposed him. First the Majeerteen, then the Isaaq, the Hawiye and lastly the Ogaden clan (that once supported him) barely survived the reprisal of the regime, only to retaliate by waging warfare through their opposition organizations against the national army. They also took 11

control over government areas where their clans where historically based. For instance, the SNM controlled northwestern Somalia, while the USC controlled the central regions and the SPM operated in the southern part of Somalia. In 1990, after a brutal massacre of 450 people in Mogadishu by the national army, leaders of all clans united in their efforts against the government by creating the Council for National Reconciliation and Salvation. This council issued a manifesto which demanded Barre s resignation and the emergence of democratic procedures in the country. However, time constraints did not allow for any further coordination between the opposition, as the country was spiraling out of control. By the end of 1990 the Barre regime had control only over the capital and the adjacent regions. On the eve of the civil war, the economy was in dire situation and all state institutions had stopped operating. Since the 27th of January 1991,when Siad Barre was officially ousted from the capital, Somalia has fallen into unmanageable violence and anarchy. In February, the Hawiye-led United Somali Congress had control over Mogadishu and single-handedly declared a provisional government. However, that proposal was almost immediately deducted afterwards due to disagreements within the USC. This is a full scale civil war, where every opposition group fights to secure its own interests in the country, without any considerable effort for a united approach to the problem. It seems that the one goal that all factions agreed upon was the overthrow of the Barre. Apart from that, each had a different agenda. The situation has escalated into a power struggle among numerous clan and sub-clan based groups over the control of valuable areas(deegaan), particularly over the southern Inter-riverine region of the country. In the midst of this storm, in May, the Somali National Movement, created by Isaaqclan members in the northern part of Somalia, has separated itself from any reconciliation effort happening in Mogadishu and has declared the formation of the Republic of Somaliland. On the eye of the storm, of course, is the un-armed population, trapped between clan 12

rivalries yet again in its national history. Without any form of state, with a collapsed economy and a raging civil war that shows no signs of stopping, Somalia is quickly becoming the very definition of a failed-state. The international community has a heavy task in putting an end to the guerilla war and uniting all sides of the conflict peacefully, in one state and one new vision of Somalia. 3. INVOLVEMENT OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY As stated before, the current situation on the ground is one of civil war and of a disorganized new government. Local tribes and chieftains control patches of territory, whereas the internationally-recognized central authority has ceased to exercise full control over a substantive part of Somalia. This doesn't mean that Somalia hasn't taken up a role of some sort in the international community before the conflict. The United Nations for instance has a long-standing history of involvement in Somalia, but has maintained a rather low profile in recent times. Ever since the last years of the dictatorship of Major General Mohamed Siad Barre in the 1980s, the country s political situation has been rather shaky at best, and hasn t known stability for a couple of years. At the current stage of events in 1991, the United Nations has also withdrawn most of its programmes from Somalia for lack of a safe working environment. However, this doesn t mean that the international community didn t play any part in Somalian history. The involvement of the United Nations goes back all the way to the 1949 trusteeship mandate over the territories that make up current-day Somalia. The country was as a matter of fact composed of several countries territories in the Horn of Africa. Both British and former Italian Somaliland annexed by the Brits during the Second World War - were joined together to create the new Republic of Somalia, which became independent in 1960. The United Nations Security Council unanimously recommend Somalia for UN membership in resolution 141, passed on July 5th 1960; Somalia consequently joined the United Nations on September 20th 1960. Besides the United Nations, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) also tried to play a part in recent Somalian history. Somalia was one of its founding members signing the OAU Charter on May 25th 1963 in neighbouring Ethiopia. During the reign of Siad Barre an OAU summit was held in Mogadishu in 1974, leading to a more international profile of the country in the middle of the Cold War. 13

However, at this time the Organziation of African Unity doesn t look too eager to intervene, nor has it done so in the past when dictators were toppled. Its policy of nonintervention in domestic affairs of its member states didn t help to raise the organization s profile. In this new post-cold War situation the OAU also appears to be struggling in order to give itself a new identity and a redefined mission: the crisis in Somalia might just prove to be the challenge to which the organization can rise in order to put this internal renewal into practice. 4. KEY QUESTIONS A RESOLUTION SHOULD ANSWER 1. What is the best form of engagement from the international community as a whole in order to stabilize the situation? 2. What political framework would best suit the country? 3. What steps can the Security Council take to halt the war between the clans? 4. What is role of the clans in the future stabilization process of the Somali state? 5. What part can the neighboring countries play to facilitate the UN? 6. How will the unarmed population be best protected until the end of the conflict? 7. Which new measures can the United Nations Security Council come up with in order to restore order in Somalia? 8. Should actions under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter be considered? 9. Can new weapons be prevented from entering the war zone? Is an arms embargo needed? 10. How can the Organization of African Unity contribute to this process? 5. BIBLIOGRAPHY The BBC country profile on Somalia: http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-14094503 The CIA World Factbook on Somalia: https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/theworld-factbook/geos/so.html Schraeder, Peter J., "From Irredentism to Secession: The Decline of Pan-Somali Nationalism", in Lowell W. Barrington, ed., After Independence: Making and Protecting the Nation in Postcolonial and Postcommunist States, Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press, 2003, p. 107 137. 14

Laitin, David D., Politics, Language, and Thought: The Somali Experience. Chicago, University Of Chicago Press, 1977. Abdullahi, Mohamed Diriye, Culture and Customs of Somalia, Westport, Greenwood Press, 2001. 1 Moshe Terdman, Somalia at war: Between Radical Islam and tribal Politics, (Center for International and Regional Studies, Tel Aviv University,2008),8. 2 Ibrahim Farah, Abdirashid, Hussein, Jeremy Lind, Deegaan, Politics and Politics in Somalia, (Institute of Security Studies,South Africa,2002),322, access to : http://www.issafrica.org/uploads/scarcitychapter7.pdf 3 Ibid,323. 4 Terdman, 8. 5 Farah, Hussein, Lind, 4. 6 Peter T. Leeson, Better off stateless: Somalia before and after government collapse, Journal of Comparative Economics 35 (2007), 705, access to : http://www.peterleeson.com/better_off_stateless.pdf 7 Farah, Hussein, Lind, 343. 8 Annalisa Urbano, Pan- Somalism: Unity, Irredentism and Secession,1, access to : http://www.nai.uu.se/ecas-4/panels/41-60/panel-56/annalisa%20urbano%20-%20abstract.pdf 9 History of Somalia, 13,, access to : http://fileserver.net- texts.com/asset.aspx?dl=no&id=51034 10 Mohamed Haji Mukhtar, Historical Dictionary of Somalia,(Scarecrow Press,2003), 53. 11 Ibid., 55-56. 12 Helen Chapin Metz, ed. Somalia: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, (1992), 25. 15

13 Terdman, 19. 14 Nina J. Fitzgerald, Somalia: Issues, History and Bibliography,(Nova Publishers,2002), 24, access to :https://books.google.gr/books?id=ixdqksh4s7ec&pg=pa20&lpg=pa20&dq=history+o F+SOMALIA+UNTIL+1991&source=bl&ots=OWVmuStllE&sig=pepv2XGVXY8XYd7iroEY70 g8-9k&hl=el&sa=x&ei=cf6hvmtyds_saj3ugsgm&ved=0cfgq6aewbzgk#v=onepage&q=hist ORY%20OF%20SOMALIA%20UNTIL%201991&f=false. 15 History of Somalia,15. 16