Communism to Communism

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Educational Packet for Communism to Communism League of Revolutionaries for a New America

Table of Contents Communism to Communism 1 Main Points 6 Discussion Points and Questions 9

Communism to Communism 1 Communism to Communism The following essay is based on a presentation to the LRNA Standing Committee Presentation, December 2012 From time to time it is important that we pause for a discussion on orientation just to be sure we have not been pulled into side issues and we are on track to accomplish the mission of our organization. That mission is to create an organization that can participate in the transfer of state power from the capitalist class to the working class. To accomplish this mission we have to extract all the lessons of history and understand the process we are going through. Setting up a problem requires a dialectical approach. An understanding that all history is a process of negation and sublation. The process we are dealing with is the motion from primitive communism based on scarcity to communism based on abundance. Like any other motion, progress comes in stages. If this is not understood, then all the strategy and tactics of the movement will fail. This process from communism to communism is of course dialectical. Each stage has its subjective and objective characteristics. The manual labor connected to agriculture was negated by industry, that is manual labor assisted by machinery. The mode of sublation was from slavery or serfdom to wage labor, which maintained unpaid labor time. Today we are seeing the negation of industry by automation. There will be no sublation since robotics puts an end to unpaid labor time. On the other hand, if we see the negation of communism by communism, then we see all in between as stages of development, as sublation. The world is seeing the beginnings of the second objective communist movement. We are going to have to look again at what do we mean by communist movement, how does it arise, and what is the difference between an objective communist movement and a subjective communist movement. Obviously, the first communist movement was brought about by a lack of a division of labor. In other words, if everybody is doing the same thing you can t exchange. If everybody is doing parts or aspects of the same thing, you simply exchange. If there is a wide division of labor then there has to be a medium of exchange, i.e., money. Money comes about only to compensate for the divisions of labor; to find some way to equate the labor of the bricklayer to the labor of the shoemaker. Money comes into existence, and with money comes the possibility of accumulating, because money is just dead labor; that s all money is. The accumulation of dead labor then slowly but surely dominates living labor. You begin to see the end of a communist period of time with the extension and deepening of divisions of labor. Of course when there was hunting and gathering society, there wasn t enough of a division of labor in order to have any medium of exchange. If you don t have any medium of exchange, the only way that you can exchange is by need. The point is that you can only begin talking in terms of doing away with the communist system when you begin to develop a division of labor and the process where dead labor dominates living labor. The other point is that the first objective communist movement was brought about by a lack of a broad division of labor. And of course it was scarcity that prevented that division of labor and there was no way for them to live except in a communist manner. We see this in all of the hunting and

Communism to Communism 2 gathering (primitive) societies. The second objective communist movement is developing because of a shrinking of the division of social labor, which make the distribution of abundance impossible. First you have communism because scarcity compelled it, and now we are seeing it from the standpoint of abundance, but for the same reason. We are seeing the division of labor being done away with. Let s say that I was a drill press operator. I m no longer a drill press operator. They don t make drill presses anymore. They have robots do that work. Joe, down the street was a tool and die maker. It s not a craft any more. Robots do that work. Joe and I I m the drill press operator and he s the tool and die maker there is no way for us to exchange. We don t have a division of labor. Categories of labor are disappearing at the same time that abundance is developing. How are you going to exchange if there isn t a division of labor? Consequently, money, the medium of exchange, becomes worthless. Most of the money that is being made today is being made by speculation (money creating money); which means to say it is not money anymore because money is dead labor. What they are creating is not dead labor. What they are creating is simply a casino. It is obvious that money is becoming more, and more, and more worthless. How do you make money worthless? They go about it several different ways, but one way they are going about it is that the more money that comes into circulation, the higher the price, the more worthless is the money, the more labor is replaced by robotics, the more the division of labor decreases, the more the abundance heaps up on one side and the more starvation heaps up on the other. They have to have more robotics in order to compensate for it to make things cheaper and faster in the effort to capture the declining market. This thing, once it gets started, goes faster and faster and faster; and broader and broader and broader. What we are seeing then is the very thing that brought about primitive communism (the nonexistence of a division of labor); is happening again with the decline of division of labor within the process of production. The third thing that we want to talk about is that the first movement for communism developed spontaneously along with the elementary means of production and was a subjective expression of an objective process. The tribal grouping or structure that you might have their human relations were a subjective expression of this objective process of communist exchange. There was a certain unity within these groups that modern society simply doesn t have and can t have. The objective aspects and the subjective aspects were united. Over the millenniums, with the development of a very, very complex division of labor -- in Western Europe, that period from about 1000 to 1718, was just a tremendous increase in the division of labor. The development of iron and steel; not just in agriculture, but in all the sense of manufacturing. That meant that the objective development of the means of production and consequently, the objective social movement of the masses, disunited from the subjective movement for re-establishing communism. You have always had people talking about communism. But there was an objective process towards communism united with the subjective will. As the division of labor became more intense, it tended to more and more move away from exchange according to need, and became exchange according to, money, which reflected this division of labor. Consequently then, we saw a disconnect develop between what people wanted

Communism to Communism 3 and what people were actually doing on this question of how do they relate one to another. The one thing was objective, and the other was subjective and becoming more apart from one another. Then came the long process of development of a subjective movement for communism. Not just Marx, but any number of thinkers; decent people who were trying to find some way to re-establish a just society. This subjective longing for equality in the economy, grew alongside of a growing division of labor which made that equality more and more impossible. While the subjective movement developed, private property was developing quite independently of that and in contradiction to it. Today, we see that the leap to labor-less production and the consequent shrinking of the division of labor is creating a growing inability to distribute the needs of life with money, which equalizes all labor. We seen then, whether we like it or not, we are moving into crisis a world-sweeping crisis based on the reality that the division of labor is disappearing because robots are taking over all of the trades. The social division that we are seeing today is this mass that consumes and doesn t produce on the one hand, and the owners of equipment that produces and doesn t consume. It is impossible to continue this. We have so much of everything in this world that it is almost impossible to define it. The Iraqi war costs about 1 trillion dollars. Where did that money come from? When I was a young person, a trillion dollars was unheard of. I remember a time when there were about a thousand millionaires in America. Now there are several thousand billionaires. Something is happening with money as an expression of domination over society. I think we are going to see it resolved in the very near future. People are going to begin taking what they need. They are not just going to stand back and allow themselves to starve. Anybody who raised a kid; you don t say it but I don t mind starving to death but you don t starve my kid. We are seeing a motion toward real crisis. Let me say again that the new means of production creates a division of labor that demands communism, but this time based on abundance. First it was based on scarcity, and now it is based on abundance, or even on superabundance. The problem of it is that human cognition, that is to say the understanding of the world, lags far behind the real changes in the real world. Because human cognition lags so far behind the real world and the changes that are constantly taking place in the real world, the subjective struggle for communism remained disconnected from the real world. In the 1800s, when this tremendous industrialization was taking place, people really thought that they would be able to get a communist society if enough people believed in communism. They didn t at all see that the reason communism disappeared was the development of objective forces in the productive process. Today, we see this absurdity of a mass in social motion towards communism, based on the new social division of labor. That is to say, you ve got all of it and can t use it; I ve got none of it and need all of it. This new social division of labor objectively calls for the distribution of the necessaries of life without money. The lag between illusion and reality compels these objective communists to be the most bitter, subjective anti-communists. They are thinking in terms of 1800. In 1800 they were thinking 900. It is obvious that this contradiction between illusion and reality makes clear what the tasks of real revolutionaries are. I can remember a time when you asked a communist, Why are you a communist? You got labor has to organize. That was on the agenda. Labor did have to

Communism to Communism 4 organize. You look at today what labor is going to organize? What are you going to do with them? Negotiate how much you give away? It is no longer the same ballgame. We are seeing that the communists today have to organize themselves to overcome this gap between illusion and reality amongst the masses of people. You may not be able to approach this directly, but in some way or another this has to be done, because all of the economic struggle in the world isn t going to change the social relationship. Only a political act will change the social relationship. That political act can only come about if there is a real understanding of this economic and social reality that we call the world. To sum up -- What kind of organization do the revolutionaries need? First of all, I think that a revolutionary organization today requires a very, very high level of intellectual development and unity. I don t know how to say this so it doesn t sound stupid. I have a high school education and I had a year of college. I ve written a couple of books and read like crazy because I wanted to accomplish something and that was the only way I could accomplish doing these things. Nobody can tell me that a worker, a person of normal intelligence can t become a proletarian intellectual. They can and they must. As long as they are convinced that somehow or another (I went through this and I think all of us go through it), he s president because he knows something I don t know. You know all he knows and then some more. My dad was telling me one time about Louis the 14th or one of these tyrants and says, do you know why he is the emperor? No why is he the emperor? He said, because those damn fools think he is the emperor. Part of our struggle to close this gap between illusion and reality is to make the working masses of this country understand that the only thing this ruling class has is an army. It doesn t have any actual dominance over you. They only have an army. I think that for the first time in human history, ever since the decline of the hunting and gathering societies, objective conditions are on our side and people are going to have to start thinking in order to eat. It is one thing when (speaking about Pavlov s dog) you get hit and then get fed. It is quite another thing if you get hit and don t get fed. We are heading a direction where the people will be getting hit over and over and over again and not getting fed and they are beginning to open their minds up for other solutions. If we are going to achieve this kind of an organization, it demands a very, very high level of social and political activity because there is no way for us to contact and bring these people together unless we ourselves are very, very active along the lines that they are spontaneously moving toward. But we move objectively and intellectually in this direction. Above all, it demands an organization that is a set of independent gears, meshed in order to achieve a common goal. We ve already discussed that. I don t want to go into that. I am saying that the communist movement, like any other serious movement, isn t just a spontaneous movement such as the struggle for unions just a movement of some mass. It is a movement of individuals who are intellectually motivated toward accomplishing something. We must create an organization where every one of these individual comrades feel the responsibility to contribute. Up until now, the thing of the 60s and 70s, has infiltrated and hurt our organization. What the Chinese Party did terrible damage talking about sailing the seas depended upon the helmsman. You have to have more than a helmsman if you are going to sail

Communism to Communism 5 a ship. As long as people think, Okay you give the orders and I ll follow you. that worked fine when the petty bourgeoisie was leading the revolution for national liberation. They did not want the mass of the people to think independently. So they had all this stuff. I love Fidel Castro. Fidel Castro said that the leader marches at the head of the column. Being a leader is a division of labor. It is not any special thing. I know sometimes when I say that in some of the meetings we have and the chair seems to think they are responsible for what happens. No. They are responsible for setting the agenda, calling the meeting to order and keeping order, but the wherewithal of the meeting is dependent upon each and every individual equally. Anytime that you have a movement that has to accomplish what we are talking about, we cannot have bourgeois leaders. Leadership is a division of labor. It is not a privilege. These are things that we are going to have to grapple with in order to achieve what we are trying to achieve under these conditions. But, first of all, the thing that we have to grasp above everything else is what we are dealing with is no longer somebody s idea. When I joined the communist movement, communism was a good idea. After awhile I began to understand that, no, the real communist movement is a movement of absolute desperation a movement of necessity. It is within this necessity that we find our freedom to be real leaders, real communists, real people. If we grasp that, I think we will grasp the significance of this second round of the objective communist movement.

Communism to Communism 6 Main Points All history is a process of negation and sublation. The process we are dealing with is the motion from primitive communism based on scarcity to communism based on abundance. The manual labor connected to agriculture was negated by industry, that is manual labor assisted by machinery. The mode of sublation was from slavery or serfdom to wage labor, which maintained unpaid labor time. Today we are seeing the negation of industry by automation. There will be no sublation since robotics puts an end to unpaid labor time. One the other hand, if we see the negation of communism by communism, then we see all in between as stages of development, as sublation. Sublation defined: To sublate has a twofold meaning in the language: on the one hand it means to preserve, to maintain, and equally it also means to cause to cease, to put an end to Thus, what is sublated is at the same time preserved; it has only lost its immediacy but is not on that account annihilated. Hegel, Science of Logic Sublation is the negation of the negation, a negation that has a positive consequence. What is sublated is not reduced to nothing, but has a result that originated in what has been negated. 2004, Blackwell online reference. What is sublated is both overcome and preserved overcome in regards to its form and preserved in regards to it s real content. Fredrick Engels Additional examples of the process of negation and sublation: A grain of barley falls on the soil, then with heat (sun) and moisture it undergoes a specific change it germinates. After germination, the grain no longer exists in its original form it is negated it becomes a plant and is sublated. The plant grows, flowers and produces grains of barley and as soon as they ripen, the stalk dies the plant is negated. As a result of this negation, we have again a grain of barley but not just one grain, now there are twenty or more. (adapted from Engels)

Communism to Communism 7 of development of agriculture a fetter on production. It is abolished, negated and after a longer or shorter series of intermediate stages is transformed into private property. But at a higher stage of agricultural development, brought about by private property in land itself, private property conversely becomes a fetter on production The demand that it, too, should be negated, that it should once again be transformed into common property, necessarily arises. But this demand does not mean the restoration of the aboriginal common ownership, but the but the institution of a far higher and more developed form of possession in common which, far from being a hindrance to production, on the contrary, for the first time will free production from all fetters and enable it to make full use of modern chemical discoveries and mechanical inventions. Fredrick Engels 1877 The first communist movement was brought about by a lack of a broad division of labor. If everyone is doing the same thing or parts of the same thing and you have scarcity of the basic necessities of life, you cannot exchange because there is not enough to survive and live. The first movement of communism developed spontaneously along with the elementary means of production and was a subjective expression of an objective process. The tribal structure of human relations were a subjective expression of this objective process the objective and subjective were united. You see the end of a communist period of time with the development of new tools and industry that make possible the extension and deepening of the division of labor. As the division of labor became more intense of over time, exchange moved away from the being done according to need and became exchange based on money. A disconnection developed between what people wanted (subjective communism) and how people were actually relating (and capable of relating) to one another through exchange based on money and private property. The second objective communist movement is developing because of a shrinking of the division of labor brought about by the new means of production - robotics and automation. Categories of labor are disappearing and we have an abundance of goods and the basic necessities of life as a result of the same changes in the means of production robotics and automation.

Communism to Communism 8 The leap to labor-less production and the consequent shrinking of the division of labor is creating a growing inability to distribute the needs of life with money. The social division that we have today is the mass of people that consume but do not produce on one hand and the owners of equipment that produce but do not consume. First you have communism because scarcity compelled it, and now we are seeing it develop from the standpoint of abundance, but for the same reason underlying reason a lack of a division of labor within the process of production. Human thinking lags behind objective conditions creating a contradiction. Today we have a mass of people in social motion demanding objective communism (food, health care, housing) while subjectively remaining anti-communist in their thinking. The role of revolutionaries is to unite the subjective thinking with the objective communist movement.

Communism to Communism 9 Communism to Communism Discussion Points & Questions: 1. Discuss the process of negation and sublation as it relates to communism based on scarcity to communism based on abundance. How can there be both no sublation in this process and sublation of communism to communism? 2. What were the conditions that made the first objective communist movement possible? 3. How are the conditions for objective communism tied to a lack of a division of labor? 4. How are robotics shrinking the division of labor? What examples do you see around you? 5. Please describe the historical process development of the subjective communist movement as the base of communism changed. 6. What is the difference between an objective communist movement and a subjective communist movement? Discuss the gap in human cognition that develops between illusion and reality, it s base and consequences. What is the role of revolutionaries today?