History of India 1 HISTORY Subject : History (For under graduate student) Paper No. : Paper - 1 History of India Unit No. & Title : Unit- 5 Background to the Emergence of Early Historic India Topic No. & Title : Topic - 1 Vedic Period up to c. A.D. 650 Lecture No. & Title : Lecture - 3 Vedic Polity Script The Rig Veda and other Samhitās, along with their Brāhmanas and Āranyakas, reveal the gradual emergence of a complex society in the stretch of valleys from the Panjshir to Ghorband rivers, south of Hindukush, and across the Sutlej-Ganga divide to the upper Ganga valley, a vast region described in this body of literature. There are significant indications of the rise of political organizations
History of India 2 and institutions in this complex matrix, which would provide the foundations of the subsequent forms of socio-political life in the major part of what has been termed as the Āryāvarta. It is interesting to note that the descriptions in the Vedic literature partly match with the spatial and temporal zone where the archaeological discoveries revealed presence of the chalcolithic complex marked by the Ochre Coloured Pottery and later the emergence of the Iron Age culture associated with the Painted Grey Ware. The identification of the Vedic society with these cultures with any certainty has proved to be difficult however, as there is little to derive from archaeology alone regarding the political structure of the context. Therefore our main source for the reconstruction of the picture of the political life of the Vedic complex continues to be literary. Objective of Study The Vedic literature contains significant allusions to political structures and institutions, which throw light on the early political life of the society described as the Vedic. These aspects of the Vedic references clarify our understanding about the early political formations in the Indian
History of India 3 subcontinent, which would otherwise have remained shrouded in the past. The early phases of institutionalization of the political framework later evolved into the shape of state formation in early historic northern India. Discussion The geographical locale in the early phase, which is generally described in the Rig Veda Mandalas 2-8, comprised of references to the stretch of riverine tract from the valleys of Ghorband and Panjshir, south of the Hindukush in the west to the Upper Ganga valley in the western Punjab as the easternmost part. In the Later Vedic Age the people moved further east towards the middle Ganga valley. The Rig Vedic people were a semi nomadic people more in the pastoral stage, and apparently in the early days they did not know the use of iron. Farming was initiated only towards the middle of this phase. The descriptions reveal that the early Vedic people moved with their cattle in tribal bands, the bands denoted as gosthi. This naturally prevented them from forming sedentary societies. Cattle, their main wealth, formed the bone of
History of India 4 contention in tribal wars. Cattle raids were commonly referred to and these might have been a normal way of acquiring fresh stock. Gāvishti is a term that has been found to indicate either some rite associated with accumulation of cattle or the very act of the accumulation itself. Leadership emerged within this set up in the nature of the hero who successfully led these raids hailed as the gojit. Gopa or the gopati and gomat are the other terms that indicate possession of cattle and would gradually lead to individualization of possession. Horses, crucial to swift and successful raids were quickly absorbed into the paradigm of power and would later lead to conceptualization of regal rituals. The social organization of the Rig Vedic people had not transcended beyond the tribal stage, although a nascent kingship was emerging at the top of the political structure, which was predominantly arising out of these social units. Pre-eminence of tribal life is indicated by the frequent use of the two terms in the Rig Veda, Jana and Viśah - or the tribe and the clan. The Vedic jana was the most popular socio-political unit, later indicating whole tribes settled in a
History of India 5 certain area. A number of early tribes are referred in the Rig Veda like the Purus, Turvasas Bharatas. The Pakhtas, Bhalanasas, Alinas and Visanins lived west of the Indus. We also hear of eastern tribes like Ajas, Sirgus and Yaksus. The Rig Veda alludes to the famous Daśarājña battle fought by ten important tribes led by Viśvāmitra against the tribal confederacy of the Bharatas. The latter led by Sudās won the battle. Thus tribal clans and leadership were reigning during the Rig Vedic times and intertribal confrontations and battles were quite common. On the other hand we hear of dynasties and kings too, for example, the Dāsa kings like Bheda and the Vedic kings of the Ikshvāku dynasty like Purukutsa and his famous son Trāsadasyu. Divodāsa, the powerful king of the Bharatas, had won over the other tribes of Purus, Yadus and Turvasas. Sudās, who led the Bharata Confederacy, was the grandson of this Divodāsa. The Rig Veda uses the terms like dāsa and dasyu to denote probably some distinct groups, who were powerful enough to lead battles and rule kingdoms. We have reference to the Bharatas leading campaign against the
History of India 6 well-established and powerful dāsa chief Śambara. The descriptions of these dāsa and dasyu as the others indicate that they were of a different origin, probably non- Vedic. Thus references to confrontations between tribes of the inner community of the Vedic people as well as between the others and the Vedic people were prevalent and there were both clan organizations as well as some kind of dynastic chiefdom in existence. Jana was the earliest term for a large community, indicating a tribe and Viśah possibly denoted the clans within the Jana. They gradually adopted farming economy and settled down in grāmas. The egalitarian Jana shortly transformed into a hierarchical unit stratified into two tiers. This division may have been on the basis of the status of the lineages within the clan. The rājanyas or the leaders in the community, - especially the warriors, emerged and created a hierarchy from among the viśah. The latter term would generally come to denote the common people as against the rājanyas. The familial linkages of these social units were denoted by their gotras. Thus often settlements were populated by the members of the same large kin tribe.
History of India 7 Kinship was a deciding factor in socio-political units in early days. Clan lands were held jointly by the Jana, while the Viśah produced food and labour, the rājanyas took over the tasks of protecting the land, cattle and the people and also leading in wars of aggression. The kula or the clan-family was the basic social unit. It comprised of the parents and filial generations in large family tree orders. The term kulapā, although rare in early days, is significant. It denotes the head of the family and contains the germs of socio-political authority. The Rig Vedic families were large patriarchal units, with members representing them in the larger social units like the Vidatha. The political structure emerged from these units, - the jana, viśah and kula. It is quite clear from the references in later Vedic literature that clan organization would give way to patriarchal families and the nature of political leadership would also change accordingly. The most significant theoretical questions regarding political formation revolve around two issues: a) the rise of polities and whether there was a popular polity or a monarchy in the Vedic society? b)
History of India 8 The power-play between the priestly and the warrior communities. As to emergence of a notion of polity and its physical rendition, it was probably rooted in the phenomenon of people coming together described in the Rig Veda in the seventh mandala (RV, vii.76.5), which stated being united with common people, they become of one mind; they strive together as it were; nor do they injure the rituals of the Gods; non injuring each other they move together with wealth. This was the archetypal Gana. From this the idea of the chief emerged, which is well clarified in the tenth mandala of the Rig Veda (RV, X. 24. 127.), which contained the submission of a man to the king or the chief, declaring,- To him who is the leader of the army of a large gana, the rāja of a vrāta, I show my ten extended fingers, I speak the truth, no wealth am I withholding. Thus by the time of the composition of the tenth mandala (approximately 1200 B.C.E), the gradual emergence of the political leader is certain.
History of India 9 The primary form of popular political institution may be identified with the Vedic unit of Gana, which is mentioned often in the Rig Veda and much less in the Atharva Veda. This might indicate its gradual dissipation. A study of the reference to the gana in early and later Vedic texts has led many historians to conclude that it denoted a republican polity. This idea was also enforced by the observation of the emergence of gana republics in post-vedic northern India. However, the Vedic gana was quite different from these post-vedic formations. Literally speaking, it appears that in most cases the term was used in the sense of a tribal organization in the early Vedic context. The term did not refer to specific tribes but an assembly of people led by the Ganasya Pati or Jyeśtha Rājam. References also indicate that the gana served as a sort of religious assembly. One distinguishing feature of the Vedic gana is the absence of class distinctions. Finally it is seen that the Vedic gana was probably in the nature of a primitive tribal democracy centering in itself the military, distributive, religious and social activities of early man. Although there is no direct reference of the election of the ganapati, the leader of the gana, was described as ganasya rājā in one instance and is
History of India 10 generally called ganapati. Mythical godheads like Indra, Maruts, Brhaspati and Brāhmaspati, particularly the last three, are repeatedly described as ganapati. The appellation of rājan to ganapati may suggest that gradually the position got transformed into something akin to that of a chief-hood or kingship. Whether the ganapati was selected by members of the gana is nowhere indicated in the references. There is no mention of any form of compulsory taxes paid by the members of the gana to its leader. But voluntary religious offerings and the collected war booty, all were made to the gana and its leader and were distributed centrally. The process of concentration of political authority was implicit in the formation of leaderships within the gosthi, kula, jana and gana. Even the viśah and the grāma had their leaders viśpati, who was mythically conceived of as Indra, and the grāmani. The later Vedic texts provide more information on the growth of the leadership. However, the descriptions indicate that the popular force was substantially operative in the early days. A discussion of these features would throw light on a typicality of the early
History of India 11 Vedic political life which gave it a distinctive character. Gradual changes in these features marked the transition in the later Vedic times. The Sabhā, the Samiti and the Vidatha as well as the Parishad were the terms referred in the Rig Veda which, by description indicated popular bodies linked to ideas of popular forms of polity. It has rightly been suggested by N.C. Bandopadhyay that probably the early Sabhās in India were associations of the kin, tribe, family or the clan-tribal assemblies. The Vedic term Sabhā denoted both the people in conclave and the hall which was the venue of their meeting. A reference in the Rig Veda apparently indicates that the Sabhā in early days was a social gathering serving also as a gambling hall. There was a Sabhāpāla, the guardian of the assembly hall. One late Rig Vedic reference speaks of woman as Sabhavati, worthy of going to the Sabhā, which shows that woman members had attended this body. The presence of the King at Sabhā is referred in early portions of the Rig Veda. However, the king then was only a member
History of India 12 among many. Within a polity where kingship had emerged, the Sabhā performed a restraining role. The king considered the advice of the Sabhā to be of supreme importance and could not possibly do without the support of its members. The original tribal character of the Sabhā was undermined during the long time marked by the composition of the Rig Veda with the development of economic inequalities and social classes and finally the varna system towards the end of the early phase. The king emerged as the principal factor in the political system of the day. His person came to be associated with the Maghavan or the rich men of position and the elders, whose counsel commanded weight and authority with the community. There was a consequential shift in the position of the members of the Sabhā. Several passages even in the Rig Veda prove the high status of members of the Sabhā. Men of learning, bearing, and character made their mark here, and were therefore called Sabheya and Sabhāsaha or worthy of sitting on the Sabhā. The Rig Veda and later the Atharva Veda and the Vājasaneyī Samhitā speak of Sabheyavipra, which shows that the Sabhā was attended by the priests. Thus gradually
History of India 13 the Sabhā assumed the status of a high assembly with aristocratic members and priests, who probably acted as an advisory body to the king. The Śatapatha Brāhmana speaks of Soma as an overlord holding a court to which subsidiarykings are flocking together. This shows that the royal court was attended by chiefs in later Vedic times. The Sabhā performed political and administrative functions. Several references show that the Sabhā also exercised legal and judicial functions. A late passage from the Rig Veda has been taken to represent Sabhā as a body which removes the moral stain or blame attaching to a person. Ludwig, N.C. Bandopadhyaya and MacDonnell all point out the judicial functions of the Sabhā. The term Sabhāchāra was in fact taken to mean a law member in the Sabhā. Towards the end of the later Vedic phase the institution may have taken the shape of a village court as is indicated by a reference in the Maitrāyanī Samhitā, which associates the Sabhā with the grāmyavādin the village judge. Zimmer, on the other hand had found in the Vājasaneyī reference an association between the Sabhā and the village. By the post-vedic days
History of India 14 this institution definitely came to be an integral part of rural settlements. According to Ludwig, the Samiti was a more comprehensive body, including not only all the common people but also Brahmanas and rich patrons. A reference in the Atharva Veda shows that women also attended it. Atharva Veda also indicated that the Samiti was the assembly which was connected with the election of the King. The Rig Veda announced that the king had to attend the Samiti in order to remain true to his position. It may have been a social assembly in early days and assumed political status in the Later Vedic period. Compared to the Sabhā, the Samiti was probably more popular. Both the bodies had evidently exercised a political role and acted as a constraint on the power of the nascent kingship. Both the Rig and Atharva Veda stress the need for concord in the Samiti. The Samiti was a great deliberative body. The descriptions indicate that members carried on active discussions with a view to achieving concord. Apparently the king or the president was expected to conduct the deliberations in such a manner so as to bring about a consensus of opinion.
History of India 15 Several passages speak of kings having been present at meetings of the Samiti and guiding its deliberations; the kings of the Pāñcalas or Videhas are prominent examples. The Samiti was considered to be a great asset to the king. It was such an integral part of the early Vedic polity that a king without a Samiti was not even to be thought of. In fact the tenth mandala of the Rig Veda and the sixth section of the Atharva Veda contained references to the King s election by the whole Samiti. (RV, X. 173. 1; AV, vi. 87. 1). After the coronation of a king the priest offered a prayer in order that the king may be established on his throne and the Samiti be loyal to him. The Atharva Veda points out the pitiable position of a king who lost his hold over the Samiti. However, by the end of the Later Vedic age the Samiti had lost its popular function and political power. Vidatha was a popular assembly mentioned very frequently in the Rig Veda. However, its presence got diminished by the days of the Atharva Veda. There are about half a dozen views regarding the meaning and interpretation of the word Vidatha. The word can be derived from the root Vid, which means respectively to know, to possess, to consider and to
History of India 16 exist. It has been possible to ascribe the meaning of knowledge, possession and assembly to it. Oldenberg derived the term Vidatha from the root Vi-dha and proposed that its original meaning indicated the functions of distribution, disposition and ordinance, and its derivative meaning sacrifice. K.P. Jayaswal had suggested that the Vidatha was probably the parent folk-assembly from which the Sabha, Samiti and Sena differentiated. R.S. Sharma was also of the opinion that it was the earliest assembly of the kin-based community of the Indo-Aryans which was attended by both men and women. The key stone of the functional aspect and conception of the importance of the Vidatha contained the idea of collective co-operation. The association between the Vidatha and the tribal gana has been spelt out in one passage of Rig Veda. There are references to its deliberative functions and people s aspiration to voice their opinions in the assembly. For example, we may refer to the householder who prayed for warding off death so that he could live to be able to speak to the Vidatha. In other passages the role of the Vidatha as an ordaining body comes out. These allusions, although somewhat mythical in nature indicate a regulatory nature of
History of India 17 the Vidatha. It probably made laws and ordinances for the regulation of the civil, military and religious affairs of the tribe. Indra and war lords or heroes were associated with the institution, indicating the Vidatha s military character. On the other hand, its religious aspect appeared so predominant and all-pervading to Sāyana, the commentator of the Rig Veda, that he explained the term Vidatha as Yajña or sacrifice. The Vidatha undoubtedly provided common ground to the whole folk for the collective worship of their gods. Another meaning of the term Vidatha is related to distribution. Agni is described as the liberal distributor of produces in the Vidatha. It is worthy of remark that the distribution of produces was an important function of the primitive assemblies. Interestingly enough the Vidatha is found to be frequently associated with women in the hymns of Rig and Atharva Samhitās. They were sent as representatives of their houses and spoke for the family at this assembly. However, the Vidatha itself is rarely heard of in Later Vedic literature and it seems that with the development of times patriarchy took over the reins of
History of India 18 popular assemblies, which were operating in an environment of growing concentration of political authority. Most allusions to the Vidatha from the Atharva Veda show that this institution continued to function primarily as a religious body in subsequent times. The last distinctive popular public institution was the parishad. In a passage occurring in the Rig Veda, Indra is celebrated for destroying with his thunderbolt the parishad of the Asuras who obstruct rain. The parishad here would indicate a band of close followers. References also indicate that such associations were often linked with the collective possession of cattle. From other references it is apparent that wealth, even in the sense of war booty, was also collectively owned by the Parishad. Moreover, from all references it is apparent that there was a military connotation attached to the Parishad. Another interesting fact that has emerged from studies is the possibility of long pre-vedic roots of this institution. The Taittirīya Brāhmana referred to the god Rudra as Ahirbudhnya (TB, III.1.2.9). In Sayana s commentary the meaning of the term parisadya has been explained as sabhāyogya - or worthy of
History of India 19 attending the Sabhā. It is interesting to note that the concept of the Rudra is thought to be pre-vedic in origin. This link, along with the reference of the Parishad of Asuras, generally also identified as non-aryan people, probably of pre-vedic roots, raises the question of the connections between the institution and a pre-vedic past. Thus the wide body of collective associates or bands in the form of a Parishad gradually came to devolve as an assembly presided over by the King towards the end of the Vedic period., There is a famous reference in the Șatapatha Brāhmana which relates to the parishad of the Pāñcālas which was clearly indicated as primarily a clan assembly presided over by the king. An important point to note both in connection with the Vidatha and also with the other popular socio-political public bodies of the early Vedic times is the possibility or even the very probability that they existed side by side with forces leading to concentration of political power. As a detailed and balanced observation of the Vedic texts would indicate, there was evidence of both tribal and communal life as well as the patriarchal and leadership authority operating in the
History of India 20 context of socio-political life. It was only the balance that was achieved in each phase of time that decided the major forces in the society. Hence while the references in the Rig and Atharva Veda Samhitās and the Aitareya Brāhmana generally indicate the preeminence of the popular force and other later Vedic texts reveal a gradual shift to patriarchal and exclusive sovereign forces. Now we shall address this later phenomenon along with a glimpse of the nexus between the priestly and the ruling classes. The descriptions of the rājanya even in the later Vedic literature depicts them as sporting bows and arrows, drinking wine, playing the dice, running chariot races, and generally being the epitome of a hero. It was from among the warrior families that the rāja evolved. In the early days the winner of the chariot race and dice was given precedence as the leader but the nature of the institution of leadership changed with time as is evident from later references. Rituals were designed to designate and confer kingship. For example the later Vedic texts put down that whoever successfully completed the aśvamedha sacrifice will share in rāshtra and become rāja, worthy of
History of India 21 consecration, whereas those who fail will remain members of the rājanya and the viśah. The notion of rāja was subtly transforming from epithet of the tribal chief janasya rāja or janarājan to the divinely attributed and sanctioned, ceremonially consecrated monarch. This process was initiated with a transformation of the nature of the rājanya itself. The rājanya of the Rig Veda was gradually replaced by the Kshatriya of the later Vedic period, the term deriving from the Kshatra meaning power especially over the Jana. The rise of the Kshatriya again has to be understood with reference to the rise of the varnas, with each of the upper three varnas claiming monopoly over different spheres and resources of life. The brahmana arose claiming exclusive authority over religious life, the vaiśya claimed rights over the production system and the kshatriya over the political realm, steering the society. The power of Kshatra was based on a greater control over the jana and its territory which is partly expressed by the territory being named after the Kshatriya lineages. The notion of well-defined territoriality was still uncertain at this time, although the concept of rāshtra as
History of India 22 the King s orbit is mentioned in the Rig Veda. The idea that the king ruled over a rāshtra is clearly implied in a Rig Veda (seventh mandala), although the term cannot be taken in the modern sense of its use. Rāshtra was most probably understood as an orbit of authority, which received its territoriality through the formation of settlement units like grama. But it was still nascent. Although the term rājan appears several times in the Rig and other Vedic Samhitās, it did not signify a king originally but referred to a chief. There is some controversy as to whether the rāja was elected by the clan or was the choice of a more select group. In one hymn of Rig Veda it is clear that those who chose the rāja are distinct from the viśah. In another hymn in the Atharva Veda there is a faint allusion to the King s election, indicating that a king was once deposed and then restored by the Rājakritas or kingmakers, an exclusive group of courtiers comprising of the chariotmaker, skillful smiths, village headman, the Queen, the priest, troop leaders and chamberlain, often mentioned in the Later Vedic texts. However, in the early days the support of the entire clan was necessary as the Rig Veda
History of India 23 indicated. The King had to be desired by all. The Atharva Veda too reiterated that Let the people choose unto Kingship (rājya) thee in these five directions: may thee rest (śrī) on the summit (kākud) of royalty (Atharva Veda volume iii, chapter 4 verse 2). The concept and practice of hereditary monarchy is evident from the days of the Rig Veda itself. The trend was found to be reinforced through the rituals according to the Aitareya Brāhmana which mentions a prescription for incantations at the consecration ceremony pointed out. The pronouncement of the first syllable of the Vyahriti was said to ensure for the new King a rule for life time, while that of the first two syllables ensured rule for two generations; that of first three for three generations. (AB, viii. 7).That the aspiration for dynastic rule was getting translated into legitimated right is also clear from the Śatapatha Brāhmana prescription of a certain rite during the Rājasūya, whereby the consecrated King was to hand over a vessel to his son while performing the sacrifice making a wish that his son be the perpetuator of the sovereignty in his family. (ŚB, I, 4, 28.) However, monarchy was never absolute as the restraints in the form of the Sabhā and Samiti were only later replaced by the
History of India 24 control of the Rājakritas. This is clearly borne out by the substantial references in later Vedic texts on the performance of the Ratnahavimśi ceremony by a newly consecrated king. This meant that the new King had to go to the houses of each of the Ratnins, paying homages to their respective house deities. They were usually twelve in number and included the prominent members of the community and the royal officials, who had important role in the consecration and were assigned significant status in rituals by the brāhmanas who were responsible for designing them. The office of rāja in the Vedic sources was primarily that of a leader in battle and the defender of the settlements. Gradually the notion of the rāja changed to designate the protector and emerged as the symbol of prosperity and fertility. The deities associated with the office were suitably enlarged. Indra the warrior God associated with the persona of the King gave precedence to the concepts of Varuna, the Divine Lawgiver, and Prajāpati, the protector.
History of India 25 Kumkum Roy throws light on the transformation of the authority of the King from the concept of Gopa to the Dharmika Rājā, signifying probably both the understanding of the King s role as well as the sphere of Law itself which conceptually changed from the Natural Order sphere to that of the Moral Order. On the other hand the change was implied in the economic relations too and this has been spelt out by R.S. Sharma who saw the institution of Gopati transforming into that of Bhūpati with more and more emphasis on territorial and tribute collecting aspects of Kingship. The association of the divinely ordained king s position with concepts of morality has been pointed out by scholars. What is important is to note the gradual transferences in connotation of the terms and notions and the emergence of new notions associated with power and leadership. Kumkum Roy refers to notion of ādhipatya signifying moral excellence and legitimate authority, leading to a wider abstraction of the rājya in the form of virāj by the later Vedic times. The gradual transition to agriculture made a direct impact, and we have the idea of ādhipatya not only
History of India 26 with cattle wealth or war booty any longer but with the general notions of natural and human resources prajā, paśu, and anna. Thus although the clan lands might have been still held in common by both the sections of the jana, the ādhipatya related to the right of appropriation of its product. However, legitimization of this right had to be enforced through ritual symbolization of authority with reference to divine sanction. Thus the Pañcavimśati Brāhmana (PVB, 6. 7. 3) contained the description of the divine adhipatis Sūrya, Vāyu and Agni, being approached with bhāga signifying prestations or gifts. These adhipatis are again expected to jointly protect the social and material order. The correlations intended for the aspirant human adhipati cannot be doubted. Such legitimations aided in the assertions of the varna hierarchy and the rise of the priestly class. The relationship between the rājanya and viśah in the Rig Veda was not as distant as it was to become in the later Vedic period. But still the latter remained important as the king who evolved as the leader from among the rājanya had to ensure their support and concordance. The viśah
History of India 27 were subordinate and were essentially the providers of tribute. They brought voluntary donations in the form of bali to the rāja or the chief. It was this which sustained the families of the rājanya, together with the booty from raids. The rājanyas redistributed a portion of this wealth among a limited group with dāna and dakshinā given to brāhmanas and bards and oblations offered at the yajña rituals. The nexus between the viśah, the rājanya and the brāhmana was spelt out through the performances of the rituals. The king was proclaimed with reference to his people as viśah on the occasions of the Aśvamedha and the Rājasūya yajñas in the later Vedic days the proclamation being made on behalf of the King by the brāhmana, who at the same time received the dakshina from the King. The emerging concept of the rāshtra being integrally identified with the viśah is apparent from the analogy drawn between the Vedic hymn and the verses with which it is composed. Thus, a close connection was gradually evolving between the social and the political structures like the viśah and the rāshtra.
History of India 28 The title of Rāja was added on with the designations of both the rāshtrapati and rāshtrabhrit - referring to the twin aspects of power and duty of the ruler related to the rāshtra. But essentially speaking, the Rāja increasingly evolved as the oppressor in this context. The Aitareya Brāhmana stressed on this aspect of the emerging kingship while describing the wonderful powers bestowed on the King through the instituting of the ritual of Aindramābhiseka, whereby the King emerged reborn as the Viśmatta or the devourer of the viśah. The symbolic action of consumption attached to the King s persona was probably related to the right the King attempted to exercise over the produce of the land to be provided by the viśah. The earlier voluntary donations of bali on the part of the viśah gradually got transformed into mandatory contributions. The Brāhmanas were the recipients of dāna and dakshina derived from these collections made by the Rājā from the viśah. They quite naturally formulated the rituals that on the one hand provided ritual status to the viśah and on the other legitimized the rājā s right of extraction and exploitation. Thus we find that the
History of India 29 consecration of the Rāja became more elaborate through brāhmanical rituals with claims to Kshatra. The whole process became an avenue to power for the brāhmana too. The negotiations between the emerging King and the priestly classes grew stronger. Rituals of coronation of the king became an important medium for legitimising not only the king s power but also the authority of the priestly classes as the intermediaries between the emerging royalty and the common people. The territorial rāshtra emerged on the ruins of the tribal organisation by the end of the later Vedic times and the basic unit was the grāma. According to archaeological evidence the initiation of major settlements in the upper and middle Ganga valleys, which came to be the cradle of state formation, commenced with the PGW cultural complex and witnessed rich efflorescence in the NBPW phase. What is interesting is that these archaeologically identified cultures had emerged in the zone which has been spatially and temporally inferred to be the context in which the later Vedic society had flourished. The possibility that the Vedic grāma denoted these archaeological settlements cannot be
History of India 30 overlooked. Many of the concepts, nomenclature and practices related above were found to be continued in the political structure of the early historical period, albeit in modified or new forms in some cases which only indicates the flow of historical forces through time. The Vedic literature therefore probably provides some of the preliminary conceptual, theoretical and institutional evidence for this process of state formation with the latterday Mahajanapada polities.