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LETTER TO THE GENTLEMEN O F T H E Common Council^ By CITIZEN and a Watchmaker. Sold LONDON, by M. Cooper, in Pater-noJler-Row. 1756.

Aciu.ffSh-Cff

A LETTER TO THE Gentlemen of the Council. Common By a Citizen and Watchmaker. GENTLEMEN, TH E Moment our good Lord Mayor had determined to call us together, at this unufual Seafon, I refolved to lay before You my Thoughts, however indigefted through Want of Time, upon the fuppofed Occafion of our Meeting. I confidered only, that he, who writes from the Dictates of his Heart, B hath

[ 2 ] hath little need of Preparation, and that Truth neither requires the Colouring of Langu ge, nor the Artifices of reafoning. But if I were inclined to praftife them, yet I underfland no Artifice. I am a plain Man, who have gained a moderate Fortune, and maintained a decent Reputation by Honefty and Induftry. But I would not wander from my Subjed. I F the Intention of our Meeting, as is generally believed, is to addrefs His Majesty upon the prefent Situation of public Affairs, let us refled with Pleafure, that this great City is going to refume her ancient Dignity, and affert her due Influence in whatever regards the Welfare of the Nation. That fhe may preferve this Influence, let us endeavour in our Addrefs to fpeak the univerfal Senfe of the Kingdom, and give

[3 3 give to other Cities an Example, at once, of Spirit and Moderation. Let us remember, that our Unanimity will be a powerful Argument in Favour of our Determinations, and a Proof of our own Convidlion of the Rectitude of whatever we propofe : that we fhall appear a Kind of Reprefentatives of all the commercial Interefts of Great Britain, and that, altho' an honeft Warmth of Temper, a certain Degree of Indignation will be allowed to the prefent Diftrefles of our Country, yet all Appearance of Paffion will leflen the Dignity of our Charadler. Let us with all Humility lay before His Majesty our Sentiments of thofe Meafures, by which his Crown hath been diflionoured, and fo fair a Part of his Domiminions ignominioully abandoned to the Enemy. But let not our Enemies behold any Abatement of our Affe(5lion and Duty to his facred Perfon and Family. Let B 2 them

; [ + ] them rather fee our Reliance upon his Wifdom and Magnanimity ; our Ardour and Refolution to fupport him with our Lives and Fortunes. Neither in Fad is France become more formidable by her Conqueft, than fhe was, when we beheld her, fome few Months ago, with almofl an Air of Triumph. Whatever Advantage fhe hath gained, hath not been gained over this Nation, but over the phlegmatic Indolence of the Perfon, who fuperintends our naval Affairs, and the natural Timidity, improved and ftill improving by Age, of one noble Lord, in whom is placed the whole Direction and Power of the Adminiflration. The naval Glory of the Nation, one fingle Man excepted, is ftill acknowledged the Spirit of our People is yet unbroken, and our Refources numerous and powerful. It

[ s ] I T hath been the profeffed Defign of Ibme, who would affume the Charadler of Patriots, to reprefent the Nation as abfolutely, and beyond all Hope undone. For what valuable Purpofe thus reprefented, I really cannot conjedure. Our political Writers have taken the fame Tone, and in daily Declamation piteoufly lament over the unavoidable Ruin of their Country. But thefe Gentlemen are Patriots through their Indigence, and their Declamations are their Subfiftance. Yet one Writer of a very different Character, with Regard to his Fortune, lately made his Appearance. The Teft, or conflitutional Journal was duly prepared. All Arts were ufed, Advertifements, Promifes, Expe(ftations and Difappointments to raife the Attention of the Public. The Paper made its one Appearance, when the Author, finding the Spirit of two Hours haranguing unable to animate one Quarter

' [6 ] Quarter of an Hour's reading, modeftly turned his Genius to the merry-making of Ballads. Is then the national Indignation to be trifled away in finging and rhiming? Are we really, and already, become fo much Frenchmen, as to fing when we are angry? Is this the Refentment befitting a great People, and recommended to us by one of our Reprefentatives? Will ever this Gentleman hereafter blame the general Inattention and Infeafibility of the Age, when he himfelf, with all his Patriot Feelings, is amufed with the low Pleafantries, that divert our Streets? The Houfe is on Fire, and we are finging in the midft of the Flames. From the very favourable Opinion wc had entertained of this Gentleman's Abilities, we were encouraged to exped: the clear and ample Proofs of Mifcondu(5l in the

[7] the Minifter. It was a Tafk apparently of no great Difficulty. Nor this our greateft Expedtation, when informed, I mean only by common Report, by whom he was affifted. Was it unieafonable to exped: fome wifer Plan of Operations, to animate the Nation under its Diflrefles, and preferve it from approaching Ruin? Why might not fuch Plan be laid before the Public? Why delayed, perhaps for ever, for the Judgment of the Parliament? The Approbation of the Public might have had its due Weight in carrying it into Execution. But it hath been the eafy Tafk of this Gentleman, among others, merely to convince us of our Misfortunes. Can they imagine we do not feel them? Inftead of applying Remedies, the Phylician tells his Patient, his Diforder is incurable, his Conftitution irrecoverably broken.

[ 8] broken, the Jtamina 'vitce worn out, and the Symptoms of Death are in his Face. Were it not more compaffionate to encourage the poor Wretch to fupport his Mifery with Fortitude, and to exert his little Remainder of Strength with the Hopes of his Recovery? To apply thefe Images. We feel the Diftreffes, to which a long Train of Errors hath reduced us. We have lately fuftered a Lofs, not eafily recoverable. Minorca is loft. But not the Spirit of the Nation, its natural Strength, and the Powers of its Conftitution, are loft. Our Enemies cannot furely have gained fo great an Advantage over us by this one Misfortune, that we ftiould totally defpair. Our Fleets are equally fupcrior to thofe of the French, as before St. Philip's was taken. Our national Forces are now fufficient to repel an Invalion ; and thefc Auxi-

[ 9] Auxiliaries, fo difhonourable, though neceflary, by our Indolence in railing our national Troops, may be difmift with Safety. Even in the gloomieft Apprehenfions, let us be aflured of thefe Maxims, that no Man ever knew his own Strength, whether ading or fuffering ; that no Nation ever exerted its utmoft Efforts, certainly never unfuccefsfully j that the Public never can be poor, while the private is rich -, that Religion hath inexh audible Refources, and Liberty employs them all. If there be Truth in Reafon, the pure Religion of the Gofpel can never be totally depreffed by Popifh Supcrftition, or Britirh Liberty enflaved by French Tyranny. I CONFESS, GENTLEMEN, I defigned to have fupported this Aflertion, which I have ventured to call a Maxim, that no Nation ever exerted its httncjl C Efforts

[ 10 ] Efforts tmfucccfsfully, by Examples from our ownhiflory, of which I imagine myfelf a tolerable Mafler. I thought, the Example of our Anceftors might animate their Defcendants. But there is no fuch Inftance, in the Britidi Hiftory, of national Dirtionour, as we, the Defcendants of thofe glorious Anceflors, this Moment fuffer, and are bequeathing to our Pofterity. They were generally Conquerors, or when they loft a Batde, they loft not their Reputation widi it, for their Enemies did Honour to their Courage. I PRETEND not to mucli Knowledge in ancient Hiftory. My younger Days were applied to the Bufinefs of my Profeftion. But I dare believe there are numerous Examples of Greek and Roman Virtue happily exerted for the Prefervation of thofe great Republics, even in their extremeft Danger. I am able at prefent to

[ " ] to recoiled only two Inflances, but ihofc, I fancy, I can give with a tolerable Degree of Exacilnefs. Wh e n Xerxes invaded Greece, and in a particular Manner denounced Vengeance on the Athenians (they were probably called Robbers and Pyrates in his Declaration of War) that glorious People abandoned their City, the Temples of their Gods, and the Sepulchres of their Anceftors (according to the Language of their Hiftorians) to the Spoil and Ravage of the Perfians. They tranfported their Wives and Children to Saiamis. Then, animated with the facred Ardors of Liberty and Love of Country, they engaged, defeated, routed the Barbarians. From this Period their Hiftorians date their future Glory. C 2 When

[ 12 3 When the Conful, by whofe Impetuofity the Romans were impelled to venture the Battle of Cannae, in which they w^re defeated with the Slaughter of almoft fifty thoufand Citizens ^ when he was entering Rome, the Senate and all other Orders of the State went out to receive him, as if had returned with Vidlory. They gave him their folemn Thanks, for not defpairing of the Safety of the Commonwealth, even after fuch a Misfortune, and for returning to place himfelf at the Head of the Laws and Armies of the Republic. This Ad: of Wifdom, for I do not mention it with Regard to its Magnanimity alone, reftored the Spirit of the People, and made them believe the Senate had powerful and effedlual Refources ftill remaining to vindicate the Honour and retrieve the Misfortunes of their Country.

; I T is [ 13 ] not without Shame and Confufion of Face, that in their prefent Degeneracy, I think myfi^lf obliged to mention the Dutch, as Examples of this Patriot Magnanimity. But we are permitted to learn Virtue from every Nation upon Earth, who have ever reverenced the Name of Liberty, or knew to value its Bleffings. They formed their poor, diftreffed States beneath the immediate Oppreilions of the Spanifh Monarchy. They have fince maintained the Dignity of their Republic againfl: the united Powers of France and England. When France was infinitely more formidable, than flie is at prefent, they fmgly oppofed the rapid Conquefts of her Monarch, and appeared nobly determined, in the ExprefTion of our glorious Deliverer, to die in their laft Dyke. While thefe Examples, and Sentiments like thefe, infpire and animate the Hearts of Britons, they never can be conquered

[ 14] conquered 3 they never can fubrnit to Slavery. But to whofe Integrity, to whofe A- bilities fhall we intruft the Prefervation of their Country? Let the Deftination of our Fleets ; their Weaknefs j the Delays in fending them, and, in one important Inftance, the Choice of an Admiral, untried and unknown in the moft neceltary Part of his military Capacity j let thefe Proofs evince fhe Knowledge of that Perfon, who haih had the fole Diredlion of our naval Affairs J let them prove his Difcernment in the Choice of Officers, whom he employs, and his attention to the Prefervation of His Majesty's Dominions. Or if an acknowledged Skill in Election-Intrigues at home can fuppofe another great Man capable of fuftaining the Characfter and Interefls of the Nation in Foreign Courts ; if Expedients are Meafures,

[ ^5 ] fures, and Artifices are the Arts of Politics, then let a noble D continue to prefide at the Head of our Adminiftration. ConfefTedly, no Man fo fit for that high Office. But what an unaccountable Creature is Man! By Nature irrefolute, and obflinate by Habitude. Bold and venturous in holding an unmanageable, felf-dcflrudive Power, yet fearful and timid in the Meafures, which can alone maintain him in that Power. If fuch a Man were a Pilot, though frighted by every idle Storm, and rendered by his Fears lefs capable of acting ; though confcious how juft the Clamours of the Ship's Company, Merchants, Owners, Pafi^engers and Sailors j though not unapprehenfive of Danger from their Menaces, yet he would probably hold fail the Helm, in Hopes the Tempeft would blow over. Even when

[ i6 ] when the Storm overpowers him, he feems to think the Steerage, where he flands, will fink laft in the general Shipwreck. But not to wander too long in Similitudes, which have confeitcdly very little Proof, though much llluflration, let me be permitted to afk this one limple, unprejudiced Queflion. Can we reafonably fuppofe, that the fame Perfons, who have unhappily reduced the Nation to its prefent inglorious Diftrefles, fhall ever be able, whether by their Courage or their Wifdom, to relieve the Nation from thefe inglorious DiftrefTcs? ImpofTible. Wc may as well fuppofe ihem capable of retaking Minorca, which they hnve loft by their Indolence, Timidity and Inadtivity, We may with jufter Reafon imagine them more perplexed in their own Errors, and more incapable of adling, to any J

; 1 17 ] any valuable Purpofe, by that Lofs of Power, they have fuffered in their Lofs of Reputation. I HAVE now, GENTLEMEN, brought down thefe Reflexions to the Point, at which I aimed -, that if thefe great Perfons are difplaced, to whom fhould we wi{h His Majesty would intruft his own and the Nation's Happinefs, and Honour? But if I fliould appear, like all other Projedlors, too much enamoured of my own Scheme, yet I frankly confefs, it has not any Excufe from the little Time I have for writing it hath been long the Objedt of my beft Attention, and is now the laft reafoning of my Underftanding. Our Patriot Writers unanimoufly declare for turning out all the great Officers of State, at prefent in the Adminiftra- D tion.

[ i8 ] tion. This Propofal hath too much Violence in iti nor is it eafily pradicable. It hath an Air of Party, which would prevent its own good Effedls, if it were carried into Execution. It would probably continue an unfeafonable; and therefore deflrudive Oppofition. Nor, for the Honour of our Country, would I willingly afk, whether, if all thefe Gentlemen were turned out, we have others of more unblemifhed Integrity, and more acknowledged Abilities, to fill all their Places. However, there are tv»^o Gentlemen of apparent Superiority to all others in either Party. They have both continued long in Offices of greatefl Trufl and Power, with unfufpeded Reputation. They differed laft Year in their Judgment of public Meafures. Their Conteft was maintained with a Warmth, which might naturally rife from their mutual Convidion. Their Reconciliation is now become neceflary

[ 19 ] ceitary to the Welfare, perhaps, to the very Being of their Country. If their Conteft was of Virtue, they will eafily be reconciled. Great Spirits cannot long maintain little Refentments, and if the Love of Country be their prevailing Paflion, it will fubdue all others j for in Effect there is but one Paflion in the Heart of Man. Their common Friends may propofe and fettle the Terms of their Union ; but the Nation, in thefe her Diftrefles, calls upon them, implores, conjures, I had almoft faid, commands them to unite. She hath more than enough to gratify their perfonal Ambition j to indulge them in obliging happy their mutual Friends. Permit me, enough and making GENTLEMEN, nor is it wholly foreign to the Purpofe of this Letter, permit me to mention fome of thofe Advantages, which I am per- D 2 fuaded.

[ 2o3 fuaded, will arife from this Union. If they are each of them fuperior to every other Man, moft capable of ferving the Public ; if they were fingly oppofed to each other lad Winter, who fhall be able to form an Oj^^polition againft them, when united? The Meafures, neceflary to retrieve the Honour of the Nation, will eafiiy then be carried into Execution : not diftrefled by midnight Debates, which not only fruitlel'sly confumed fo many valuable Hours, but muft have rendered the Speakers lifllefs and inattentive to next Day's Bulinefs. If they are not wholly inexcufable in throwing away the Winter in thefe unprofitable Debates, let us remember, that one of thefe Gentlemen was acftuated by the human Refentment of being turned out of his Employment i nor can v/e fuppofe him lefs fenfibly affedled for his Friends. The other probably imagined, if he could excufe the

; [ 21 ] the Mcafares of the Minifter, for Inftance, the HefTian Treaty, he might have Influence enough over him to direct him afterwards to better Counfels. But fuch is the Gratitude of Ambition, that this Gentleman muft have been long fince convinced, he was miftaken in his Hopes and that a Man fo tenacious of governing, as obftinately to hold his Power amidft the Errors, or let us call them the Misfortunes of his Adminiftration j amidfl the dangerous Refentments of the People, will never admit a Partner in his Adminiftration. For if we know any Thing of this Gentleman, Fearfulnefs and Timidity is no Part of his Charadler, from whence we may believe, he had no Share in the late timid Expedients, by which Minorca was loft. But, indeed, what Share

[ 22 ] Share of Power or Confidence could he expeft, who was at once feared and hated. But, I am wandering from the Proof of thofe Advantages, which I flatter myfelf will attend the Completion of my Scheme. Thefe two Gentlemen ading from their own, uninfluenced Judgment, cannot be compelled to any Compliances, ^ther bafe in themfelves, or injurious to their Country. Neither to lavifh away the laft Treafures of the Nation in ignominious and unavailing Subfidies j nor to facriiice one Britifh Intereft to the Prefervation of any foreign Dominions. They cannot be obliged to bend the Dignity of their Adminiftration, to Stock-Jobbers and Money - Changers. Employment?, Places, Penfions, will then be given to Merit

[ 23 ] Merit and Abilities j nor fhall we ever hear a great Officer of State pleading his being only four Months in Office, as an Excufe for not knowing the common, cuftomary Forms of it ; or appealing to his Clerk for the conftant Pradice in fending his Difpatches. Such an amazing, unexampled Inftance of Ignorance could never be believed by any lefs inconteflible Proof, than his own candid Acknowledgement j yet from this Ignorance, and in his own Language, the not adverting to thefe moft neceflary Forms, hath arifen fuch Confufion and Contradiction, that difcretionary Orders are to be pofitivcly obeyed, and unintelligible Letters to be clearly underftood. For fuch Jargon is now become the Language, that demands a pundual and unconditional Obedience. Give

[24] Give me Leave to fuppofe I had his Lordfhip's Orders for making him a Clock. I fend it home. It puts all the Family into Confufion. The Chaplain knows not the canonical Hour for Prayers. The Butler blunders in laying his Sideboard, and the Cook in fending up Dinner. Whence is all this Confufion? The Clock points one Hour and ftrikes another. Would his Lordfhip think it a fufiicient Excufe, if I told him I had been only four Months at the Trade? Or Iliall I be weak enough to call my Apprentice to convidl me upon Oath, that I did not know the firft Principles of my Bufinefs? But I beg Pardon, and acknowledge this Affair is of too ferious a Nature to be treated with the Levity of langhing. It will probably be made, as it furely well deferves, a Matter of national Inquiry, and

[ 25 ] and then, if my poor Abilities can be fcrviceable to Mr. P ke, and, as from my Soul I think, to the Juftice of his Caufc, he may frankly command them. I fhall only remark here, that they, who advife their Sovereign to any A6t of Power contrary to his natural Clemency, will have very litde Right to the public Compaflion, when they {hall themfelves become Objedls of his Juftice. But if the Author of this Letter fhould ever be encouraged by Your Approbation, GENTLEMEN, and that of the Public, to write again, permit him to affure You, that no Sentiments of Slavery and adulation j no Language unbecoming the Charader of a Citizen of this great Metropolis; no Principles diflionourable or injurious to Liberty ; no perfonal In- E vcdliv^.

[ 26 ] vedive, or private Slander, fliall ever flain his Writings. He is determined never to know any other Friends, or other Enemies, but thofe, who are Enemies or Friends to the beft of Princes, the Proteftant Succeflion in his illuftrious Houfej to the Laws and Liberties and Conflitution of Great Britain. I am, GENTLEMEN, Tour viojl obedient Ser'vani,