CHAPTER: 2. The relations between the Nagas and the Kukis,

Transcription

1 CHAPTER: 2 The relations between the Nagas and the Kukis, The relationship between the two ethnic communities, viz., the Nagas and the Kukis began since the time they came into contact with each other in their present habitation in Northeast India. The written records on them, particularly on this subject, came to be available only with the advent of British rulers and Christianity. The sources on the Naga-Kuki relations are limited. Prior to British colonialism in northeast India, traces of references made to them could be found in the Royal Chronicle of Manipur, Burangji of A hom and Royal Chronicle of Tepperah (Tripura) etc., but it is not adequate to construct their past. The two ethnic groups were known for their headhunting habits and war like activities: they not only practices wars and raids on the outsiders but also inter-regions, inter- tribes, intra-tribes and inter-villages. However, this does not mean that there was no peace. Most of the references made on the relations of these two ethnic groups are on their violent activities and do not give due importance to the peaceful relationship they also shared. With the advent of British ruled and Christianity such violence gradually faded away as they strictly banned the violent practices and the felons were severely punished by the rulers. In this background, how these two ethnic entities shared their political, religious and economic relationship will be discussed in this chapter. A Brief review on their historical background of the ethnies Before we discuss their relationship, it will b~ more apt to have an insight into their origin, migration and settlements in the states ofnagaland, Manipur and its adjacent hills of Assam. The Nagas, according to Horam, at first lived in stone caves or in the 68

2 womb of the earth. 159 Vaiphei says, "They (Chin-Kuki-Mizo) came out from a cave or Khul or Khur or Sinlung." 160 This implied that the two ethnies traced their origin to the cave. This is one reason why many ethnographers and administrators concluded that they have a common ancestor. The narratives on the migration of the Nagas and the Kukis have semblances as well as variations. They have the same names of rivers and places, which they crossed in the process of their migrations. Further, the routes they traversed to reach the present settlements are somewhat similar, particularly with the Naga tribes who came from southward. Moreover, both point the place of the cave from where they originated to southwestern China. The following quotes will substantiate further. On the Kukis, Hemkhochon Chongloi says, "the settlement in the confluence of Irrawady and Chindwin rivers from where expansion in different directions to subsequent settlements took place. Prior to this era, researchers usually traced them back as part of the southward movement of Tibeto-Burman group from Tibet during the first millennium BCE (BC), and eventually to the Chiang tribes, the ancestor of the Tibeto-Burman race, who lived in western China roundabout 2500 BCE (the province of present day Szechuan and in the mountain region of Kamsu and Shensi)" 161 Soppit writes on the Kuki tribes namely, Rangkhol, Bete, Jansen and Tadoi. According to him, "about the middle of l6 1 h century, Rangkhols inhabited the country now occupied by the Lushais, bordering Cachar, and their neighbours were the Betes with whom they were on friendly terms. Jansen lived at the back of the Rangkhols and driving them nearer and nearer the plains, and ultimately out of the country across Cachar into the North Cachar Hills and Manipur, a small body taking refuge in Tipperah territory. Bete found themselves in much the same position and following in the footsteps of their friends (Rangkhols) crossed into Cachar. The Jansen Kuki now found themselves occupying the Cachar frontier with their neighbours, the Tadoi (Kuki), with whom they were on friendly terms, and who bore the same relation to I 59 M. Horam, The Naga Polity, B.R Publishing House Corporation, Delhi, 1975, p Vaiphei, S.P, In Search of Identity, Kuki-Chin Baptist in 1986, p See Hemkhochon Chongloi, A Historical-Phenomenological Study of Primal Kuki Religious Symbolism With Special Reference to /ndoi in the Framework of Mercia Eliade "silnterpretation of Religious Symbolism, A Thesis submitted to South Asia Theological Research Institute (Sathri), Calcutta, April, 2004, pp.ll

3 them as the Betes did to the Rangkhols. The Lushais, who were at the back of Jansen and co-tribe, Tadoi, soon began to make their power felt and after struggling for many years in vain, the Jansen and Tadois were driven out, and found themselves following in the footsteps of their conquered foes, the Rangkhols." 162 James Johnstone writes: "The Kukis are a wandering race consisting of several tribes who have long been working up from the south. They were first heard of as Kukis, in Manipur, between 1830 and 1840; though tribes of the same race had long been subject to the Rajah of Manipur. The new immigrants began to cause anxiety about the year 1845 and soon poured into the hill tracts of Manipur in such numbers, as to drive away many of the older inhabitants.'' 163 S.Changsan says: "In one of the stages of their movement they gathered themselves at a place called 'Khol kip-khol-jang', the name of gathering place. It was around 1410 AD. From here they gradually came over to Manipur, some groups moved further to Mizoram, Chittagong hill-tracts and some groups to Assam and Nagaland.'' 164 On the Nagas, in An Introduction to the Ethnic Problem in Manipur & A Reportage on the Naga-Clash: A prose in counter-insurgency notes: "it has been postulated that either in Paleolithic or in the Neolithic age, the Nagas passed through the mainland of China and the Irrawady Chindwin valley and gradually moved on through Thangdut in Burma to Makhel in Senapati district of present Manipur. From there they seem to have dispersed again to the areas presently inhabited by them." 165 According to G. Kabui, "it has been conjectured that the Naga had traversed from South West China to Burma and Western Thailand and to island South East Asia and moved north again and entered into the present habitat in North East India and some area of upper Burma." C. A. Soppit, A short History of the Kuki-Lushais tribes on the N.E.F Districts, Cachar, Sylhet, Naga Hills and the North Cachar Hills, Shillong, 1887,pp James Johnstone, My Experiences in Manipur and the Naga hills, Vivek publishing house, Delhi, 1971, p S.Changsan, A brief account of the Kuki (unpublished Article), Kohima, Nagai and, p Gam A Shimray, Shimreichon Luithui, Tapan Bose & Sanjay Kumar Singh, An introduction to the Ethnic Problem in Manipur &A Reportage on the Naga-Clash: A prose in counter-insurgency, Naga Students' Federation, Kohima, Nagaland, 1994, p G.Kabui, 'Genesis of the Ethnoses of Manipur', in Naorem Sanajaoba, ed., Manipur Past and Present, Vol.3, Mittal publications, 1995, p

4 Thus, on their migration, there is broad similarity but the differences between the Nagas and the Kukis could not be denied as well. The Nagas reached their present settlement in more than one waves from different directions: northwest wave, northwards wave, eastwards wave and southwards wave etc. Unlike the Nagas, the Kukis are generally attributed to have come to their present settlements from the southward. ') Consequently, some of the similar names of the routes, places and rivers are found in the Kukis as well as in the Naga tribes. This is more with the Naga tribes who came from southward direction. There is also the time scale difference between the Nagas and the Kukis to occupy their present habitations in northeast India. Most of the records of pre British to post Indian concluded that the Nagas are the oldest inhabitants of the hill areas in Manipur, Nagaland and its adjacent hills and the Kuki tribes as later arrivals. Prior to the arrival of the Kuki tribes, wars and raids marked the condition of the areas: it was not only between the Nagas and outsiders but also amongst the Nagas such as inter-tribe, intra-tribe and inter village. The influx of the Kuki tribes made the situation worse and the Rajah of Manipur could not handle the problem. Johnstone writes, "Manipur in those days, owing to intestine quarrels, could have done nothing and the Raja Nur Singh gladly handed over the management of the new arrivals to him (Me Culloch)." 167 Me Culloch succeeded George Gordon and he became a political agent of Manipur from 1837 till Me Culloch adopted a policy of settling down these new immigrants. James Johnstone further writes, "seeing that the Kukis had been driven north by more powerful tribes, and that their first object was to secure land for cultivation; Me Culloch, as they arrived, settled them down, allotting to them lands in different places according to their numbers, and where there presence would be useful on exposed frontiers. He advanced them large sums from his own pocket, assigning different duties to each chief's followers. Some were made into irregular troops, others were-told off to carry loads according to the customs of the state. Thus, in time, many thousands of fierce 167 Gam A Shimray, Shimreichon Luithui, Tapan Bose & Sanjay Kumar Singh, An introduction to the Ethnic Problem in Manipur &A Reportage on the Naga-Clash: A prose in counter-insurgency, Naga Students' Federation, Kohima, Nagaland, 1994, p.9. 71

5 Kukis were settled down as peaceful subjects of Manipur, and colonial Me Culloch retained supreme control over them to the last" 168 Me Culloch's policy of settled down the Kukis resulted into the following. Firstly, it served colonial rulers' interest in the areas. Lal Dena says "in 1840, Me Culloch the then political agent purposely adopted the policy of allowing the settlement of Kukis on the frontier lines and even among the Nagas. The double purpose of the Kukis settlement in and on the frontiers of Manipur was that the warlike Kukis had to act as a buffer, first, against, the Burmese and second against the recalcitrant Nagas and Lushais tribes." 169. Secondly, it served the interest of Manipur state ruled by Raja. In the words of N. Joykumar Singh, "the policy of Me. Culloch in the settlement of the Kukis was highly appreciated by both the state government and British authorities. Indeed, it was a great contribution of Me Culloch to the security of Manipur". 170 Thirdly, it helped the Kukis who were in a helpless condition. According to A.K.Ray, it had an ulterior motive. 'But the immediate reason as noted by Macculloch, seems to be to save the tribes from the helpless condition prompted by the Lushai incursion into the British territory.' 171 The Kuki immigrants not only got land but they were also recruited in irregular troops and received ration and firearms. However, there was a negative result too particularly on the Nagas and other older inhabitants. The Nagas tribes were discontented with this policy since it was adopted and enacted: since the settlements were made within their settlements an'd the rulers used the Kukis to suppress the Nagas in colonizing them. The seed of enmity between them and the land issue, which still exist between the Nagas and the Kukis, are often traced to this policy. In An introduction to Naga-Kuki clash in Manipur & A Reportage on the Naga Clash: A prose in counter-irtsurgency says: "in 1840, a British political Agent Me 168 James Johnstone, My Experience in Manipur and the Naga Hills, Vivek Publishing House, 1971,p Lal Dena, 'The Kuki-Naga Conflict: Juxtaposed in the Colonial Context', in Kailash S.Aggarwal, ed., Dynamics of Identity and Intergroup Relations in North-East India, Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla, P.l N. Joy Kumar Singh, 'Political Agency, ', in La! Dena, ed., HistoryofModern Manipur (I ), Orbit Publishing, New Delhi, 1991,p A. K. Ray, Authority and Legitimacy: A study of the Thadou-Kuki in Manipur, Renaissance Publishing House, Delhi, 1990, p

6 Culloch brought them in a large number of Kukis and let them loose in Naga Hills with rations and firearms to fight against the Nagas. Within a short period of time thousands of Kukis were settled as subjects of Manipur. However, the majority came subsequent to the first World War after being turned out by the Chin (Myanmar) in the process of entertribal war." 172 After Me Culloch made the Kukis settlements among the Nagas and on the frontier areas, the war and peace relations between the Nagas and the Kukis could also be deserved. The relations they shared between them are dealt in the following paragraphs. Political relationship of the Nagas and the Kukis Under this heading, the study will examine the political relationship between the Nagas and the Kukis since on the eve of British colonialism to post-british era in the hills country laid between the Ahom kingdom and Manipuri/Meitei kingdom. Relations on the eve of British rule Prior to the British intervention, A.K.Ray says, "on the eve of British intervention m the Kuki affairs, the later was maintaining antagonistic relation with the Angami N~gas, Kabui Nagas as well as with the Lushais. There were mutual raids of many Kuki and Naga villages. As a result many of the villages were burnt or deserted." 173 In Chakpikarong (The Anals Naga habitation) Stone Age culture age has been explored and found the existence ofthis culture. 174 This shows the Anal tribe is one ofthe oldest tribes 172 Gam A Shimray, Shimreichon Luithui, Tapan Bose & Sanjay Kumar Singh, An introduction to the Ethnic Problem in Manipur &A Reportage on the Naga-Clash: A prose in counter-insurgency, Naga Students' Federation, Kohima: Nagaland, 1994, P lbid.,pp See Naorem Sanajaoba, 'The roots', in Naorem Sanajaoba, ed., Manipur past and present, Vo1.3, p.2. 73

7 of Manipur state. The Anals oral history says they were always at wars with the Kukis. 175 According to Yonou Asoso, "when the oppressed Kukis came into the Zeliangrong territory they forcefully occupied the lands and forests where the Zeliangrong people had already firmly extended their authority and jurisdictions settled for centuries. The former faced little danger and opposition except occasional resistance from Nagas since they were continuously and hopelessly carrying on headhunting fighting among themselves for mastery, adventurism and bravery. The Kukis with ferocious greed used to take up harsh measures against the Nagas in the areas." 176 Robert Reid writes: "in 1892, a band of Kukis led by one Toki raided Swemi as the Angami call it or, to give its correct Manipuri name, Chinjaroi, a village in the North east corner of the state and massacred some 286 persons. This was duly punished by the Political Agent." 177 He further writes, "in February 1910 a punitive expedition was sent by the government of eastern Bengal and Assam against two villages of Kukis lying in unadministered territory on the eastern boundary of the state, who had been guilty of raiding both in the Naga Hills District and Manipur". 178 W.C. Krome narrated about Tenyimia"', particularly the Angamis how the war and peace treaty occurred in the olden days: Every village demarcated their boundary before settlement. If any of the villages crossed the demarcated boundary it led to war between them. Every New Year all the male villagers assembled together to appoint the eldest man of the village. The elected or appointed village headman or eldest man made four points: (I) No killings, (2) No poison, (3) No land encroachment of the village by any of the villagers or by any enemy villages and (4) No lies but to speak the truth. Whoever violated these, would be killed before the next New Year by Tiger, Snake, human being or enemies etc. Whoever followed these rules would be blessed with 175 Capt. Rajendra Singh, The Anals of Manipur, The Directorate for the Welfare of Tribal and Backward Classes, Manipur, 1981, pp.l Asoso Yonuo, Nagas Struggle Against the British rule Under Jddonang And Rani Gaidinliu /7, Leno printing press, Kohima, Nagai and, 1982, pp Robert Reid, History of the frontier areas bordering on Assam from , Spectrum Publication, Gauhati, 1942, p Ibid., p See Sourvenir Special Issue, Tenyimia Union, Kohima, Nagai and. A faternal body comprising of seven tribes- Chakhesang, Angami, Poumai, Pochury, Rengma, Zeliangrong, and Memai called "TENYIMI". It was on the 22"d February that Tenyimi was formally declared "TENYIMIA UNION". 74

8 longlife and prosperity etc. Whenever the village had disputes with other villages or communities over land or any other issues, they met on a new year and seriously discussed whether to fight or not. In this discussion, one of the villagers would volunteer on behalf of the villagers to fight against the enemy's village. Thus, the village resolved to fight against the enemy's village. Thereafter, on behalf of the villagers the three (3) elders of the concerned village would bless the volunteer person. The volunteer person took a sort of an oath like he would not cut his hair, nails and beards etc to ensure victory over the enemies. He was forbidden: to be with his family or cohabit with his wife and lived separately, to wash clothes, utensils or to have a bath and to go to his enemy's village. These were maintained with strictness till the war ended. If he violated these rules he would fail in his mission or die. \Y9en he proceeded for war, he had to kill three cocks and cooked it. He ate and packed some of the cooked chicken, rice and water and carried it along with water into the jungle to fight war against the enemy. Around 3 am in the morning, three elders ofthe village would inspect him about his health, weapons like spear and dao and he would tell the three elders of the village that the whole villagers should fast for three days. On the third day, he returned to his village with the enemy's head. When he came back he would shout, which was a sign of victory. Then he would meet three elders first then the villagers as a whole. The victory would be celebrated with a village feast. The victorious volunteer or warrior recieved 'house tax' from his villagers. In this, none knew the aim and object of the village and the volunteer person. So they were sure to get enemy's head. In the end, one village achieved victory over the other waring village. Thus, peace had to be made. The leaders of both the respective villages would meet and hold discussions for peace between them. The defeated village proposed and informed the victorious village that they were the defeated party and surrendered to them. Further, they proclaimed that they would never claim or raise the cause (s) of war again. Then, a pair of 'Mahru' or a pair of mug of wine would be exchanged between them. They would also eat meat, rice and drink wine amongst the leaders of the village. Then they shook hands and bidr goodbye to each other. From the day they exchanged 'Mahru', there would be no war between these two villages. The next day both the villagers celebrated by feasting and visiting each other villages and then they 75

9 became one family. They would help each other in times of troubles as a family. If any one of them violated this, all the villagers would be perished or killed. 179 P.K. Thekho narrated about Tenyimia (Nagas) on how they came to have a Peace Treaty: I. When fighting went on for a prolonged period and the two parties were exhausted; then they proposed a peace treaty. 2. When the two villages or communities' war came to an end, the defeated or weaker village or community proposed for peace. The weaker or defeated group would offer spear, wine and meat to the stronger. The defeated or weaker would be under the domination of the stronger village or communities. If the stronger killed any of the weaker villagers, the stronger village would be perished. 3. In the case of equal strength of the warring villages or communities, they exchanged spear, wine and meat. They ate and drank together. If any one of them violated the treaty made, they lost the dignity of the village or community and would be perish under all kinds of curses. 180 From the above narrations, amongst the many points to be noted: in the olden days the peace treaties were made between the warring villages or communities and they observed the peace treaty for the feared of curses and lost of dignity for the offender or violator village. Yonou writes, "sometimes the Naga villages wary of oppression, afraid of their cruel incursion, ravages and raids submitted themselves to hostile Kukis and entered into traditional diplomatic relations. To show this good gesture and will in language and in action, diplomatic feast was held in which different kinds of flavouring meats and drinks were thrown between the contending parties and friendly agreements were sworn ( between them on the basis of which damage or murder was forbidden by the contacting parties themselves at any occasions. Rather they usually agreed to fight together against a 179 An excerpt from interview ofw.c.krome (Angami tribe). He was the President oftenyimia i.e., 13'h March July2003.At present, he is an advisor oftenyimia. 180 An excerpt from interview of P.K Thekho, Paumai Naga tribe. He is ex-convenor ofnpmhr, Manipur. 76

10 third party if the latter attacked any one of them." 181 Yonou writes, "On the other side, the Zeliangrong, Tangkhul, Kom and Anal Nagas fell in the territorial jurisdiction of Manipur and Manipuris were helpless to control the Kukis... somehow most of the times the Nagas and Kukis were forced to live together in peace and harmony as they shared the same Animistic religion and basic cultural unity at almost all levels of society. In times of crisis it was also not unusual for them to protect and help each other." 182 S.Prim Vaiphei says: "It was a time when people knew no God. So, there had been many mischievous things, they did. However, they also did many good things. They settled disputes among the Nagas and stopped them from killing and endless mutual headhunting. [n many places, Naga villages requested the Kukis to come and settle near their village for their protection. For instances, there is a story that the Liangmeis of Thonglang village planned to attack the Thanggal Surung village. As soon as the people ofthanggal Surung discovered the plot, they requested the Kukis to come and settle near their village and protect them from harm. Thus, there is one Kuki village near Thanggal Surung known as Thangkan Thanglunpa." 183 Dr.Aosenba says: Although racially, the Nagas, Manipuris and Kukis are allied Mongoloid stocks, the Nagas relation with them could be described as having wars as well as fraternal relationship. 184 These show, despite many inter village and inter tribe wars, there were peace treaties, peace and harmonia! relationships, protection and help for each other between the Naga villages or tribes and the Kuki villages or sub tribes/ clans. K.Changsang narrated that according to the Kukis and the Angamis, particularly Semoma clan: there were constant skirmishes between the Angamis and the Zeliangs in the olden days or headhunting days. Whenever Angamis raid Zeliangs villages it was brutal even kids and wives were not spared from their harrasement. Zeliangs could not bore all these. So, chief of Jam pi village (Kuki) who was from Sithou clan was invited to 181 Asoso Y onuo, Nagas Struggle Against the British rule Under Yadonang And Rani Gaidinliu / , Leno printing press, Kohima, Nagaland, 1982, pp.9-l Asoso Yonuo, Nagas Struggle Against the British rule UnderJadonang And Rani Gaidinliu , Leno printing press, Kohima, Nagaland, 1982, p./ S.Prim Yaiphei, 'The Kukis', in NaoremSanajaoba, ed., Manipur: Past and Present, Vol. 3, Mittal Publication, New Delhi, 1995,p.l Dr.Aosenba, The Naga Resistance Movement: Prospect of Peace and Armed Conflict, Regency Publication, New Delhi, 200 I,p.9. 77

11 establish in their areas. Thus, they made their settlement there. The earliest villages of Kukis in this area were Shungshang and Shunghlu, which are now under Peren subdivisional headed by an Aditional Deputy Commissioner. After the Kukis made their settlement, Angamis raids or depradation on Zeliangs stopped. The Kukis and the Angamis of Khonoma also made an agreement or treaty by drinking barrel water. The reason why Zeliangs invited Kukis was that the Kuki chief of Jampi was powerful during those days; they were fearless warriors. The chief of Jampi also brought his subjects alongwith him. During those periods Zeliangs built the houses of Kuki chief of Sailhem, Jampi, Shungshung, Shunghlu, Tulbung. Secondly, Beishumpui Zeliang village was paying tax to Tulbung Singsong Kuki village. In 1985, Tulbung singsong Kuki village chieftold Beishumpui chief not to pay him tax anymore. In 1990s during the Naga-Kuki violent conflict, Zeliangs asked the Kukis to pay 'Rampo' (taxes). 185 According to Zeliangs there were skirmishes or raids between Kuki and the Poi (Lushai). The Kuki group fled from them and the Zeliangs hid them in the Corcupine hole and saved them. Thus, they began to settle with them. 186 Hekhevi Achumi says, some of the Kukis were brought into Nagaland by the Angamis during their war against Zeliangs in 18 1 h century. Therefore both the Angamis and the Zeliangs brought the Kukis to N agaland. 187 "The Kukis were migrating North when the Sarkar came into contact with the Angamis, and the _Kacha Naga villages had begun to call in Kukis to defend them against raiders from Khonoma, which maintained a fluctuating suzerainty over the Kacha Naga villages.;; 188 Accordingto P.S.Haokip, it is a fact that till the recent ethnic killings, the Kuki tribes in Nagaland co-existed peacefully with their neighbours, mainly the Zeliangs Tribes. It is on record that the Kukis and Khonoma village entered into a "Peace Treaty" by drinking water through the barrel of gun- friendship gifts like spears were exchangedand the Kukis helped Khonoma, Semoma Khel, in their construction of a fort, called 185 Excerpt from the interview ofk. Changsang, Apri He is a retired Director, Government of Nagaland. 186 lbid. 187 Excerpt from an interview ofhekhevi Achumi, April2005. He is Secretary Finance ofnaga Hoho. 188 J.H.Hutton quoted in P.S.Haokip, Zale 'ngam, KNO publication, 1995,p.l5. 78

12 Semo- Kunda which still stands today. 189 The peaceful relationship between the two ethnies is also seen with the advent of Christianity. The Naga and the Kuki shares relationship as not only Christian brothers but also shares churches, associations/ conventions and denominations. There are also many oral histories and written records, which also informs us about the existence of peace treaties, alliances, peace and harmonia! relationship and protection and help in times oftroubles. Relations during the British Era The Raja of Manipur and the British rulers always exploited the antagonistic part of relationship of the Nagas and the Kukis in pre- independence era. This continues into the present era, which will be seen further. Yonou notes," As they were more powerful than the Nagas, the Kukis frequently raided on the Tangkhul, Kom, Anal Nagas villages for plunder and captivity, which Meitei Laipak claim to be its territory, tried to rule over them and reduced them to slaves at times. The Meiteis having better relations with these Nagas used to destroy their designs, sometimes enticed them into palace enclosure and murdered them. Sometimes they also put Kukis whom, they called "Khongjais" to suppress any Naga revolt against Meiteis." 190 Lal O~na writes," in 1840, McCulloch, the Political Agent, purposely adopted the policy of allowing the settlement of Kukis on the front lines and even among the Nagas. The double purpose of the Kukis settlement in imd on the frontiers of Manipur was that the warlike Kukis had to act as a buffer, first, against the Burmese and, Second, against the recalcitrant Nagas and Lushai tribes. In like manner, the colonial administrators also used the Nagas first against the Burmese and then against the Kukis and the Lushais." 191 On different occasions, such as the invasion ' of the Mao Nagas in north Manipur, fhe Suktes in South Manipur and the Naga uprising 189 P.S. Haokip, Zale'ngarn, KNO publication, 1995, pp.l lbid.,p La! Dena, 'The Kuki-Naga Conflict: Juxtaposed in the Colonial Context', in Kailash K. Aggarwal, ed., Dynamics of identity and inter-group relations in north-east India, Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla, 1999, p.l84. 79

13 in Kohima in 1879, the Kuki warriors were used by the colonial officials and this was the time when probably the first seed of discontentment of the Nagas against the Kukis was sown. 192 A.K.Ray says, "traditional antagonistic relations were exploited by the British in their frontier policy of peace and defence and they used the Kukis against the Nagas and the Lushais for this purpose." 193 These narratives suggest that the Rajas of Manipur and the British rulers used these tribes against each other to serve their own interests, which was a policy of'divide and Rule'. In the first half of 20 1 h century the Nagas and the Kukis revolted against their colonial masters: the Kukis in 1917 and the Zeliangrong in In these revolts, one could see their relationship. During the First World War, the discontented Kukis sparkedoff a rebellion called Kuki rebellion of The immediate cause for this event was the refusal of the Kukis to be recruited for Labour Corps to be sent to Egypt. This rebellion failed but it is to remember that the British rulers could not suppress it so easily. During this uprising of the Kukis, the colonialist recruited the Nagas against the Kukis. Some of the Nagas also acted as spies for the British ruler. Further, the Nagas who did not act for the rulers also showed their loyalty and supports to the ruler. These could be seen from the following illustration: the Chief of Duthang village has kept a document, which was preserved in a bamboo tube, which his father has received from the township officer at Tamu. He shows that they submitted themselves to the government of Manipur. They also requested the authority to regard them as not partaking in the Kuki rebellion and consider them as riot Kukis. 194 At the same time, the Kukis also targeted the Nagas like Zeliangrong, Tangkhuls and Anals, etc. In the words of Robert Reid, "the Kukis seized the opportunity to pay off old scores against Naga villages, the Kabuis and Tangkhuls being upwards of 200 heads were taken by the raiders, and several villages 192 Ibid., p A.K.Ray., Authority and Legitimacy: A study of the Thadou-Kuki in Manipur, Renaissance Publishing house, Delhi, 1999, pp See Captain Rajendra Singh, the Anals of Manipur, Published Under the Directorate for Welfare of Tribal and Backward Classes, Manipur, 1981,pp

14 destroyed." 195 The oral history of the Anals says that Anals were oppressed by the Kukis during the Kuki rebellion of The second tribal uprising, which broke out in 1930, was under Jadonang, a Kabui Naga. During this uprising, they targeted colonial ruler and also the Kukis. Robert Reid says, "in the year occurred the unrest connected with rise of Jadonang, Kabui Naga, who started a new religion and induced the superstitious Kabuis to believe that he would overthrow the existing administration and enable them to take revenge on the hated Kukis." 196 Its aim was to overthrow the colonial ruler and the enmity between the Zeliangrong and the Kukis also erupted. To suppress this uprising, the rulers recruited the Kukis. The Kukis did the same things in the Zeliangrong uprising as the Nagas did in the Kuki rebellion. They were not only recruited to supress the rebels but also to act as spies. Further, they remained loyal and supportive to the British rulers. These uprisings created so much tension not only between the Kukis and the British rulers in Kuki rebellion and the Nagas and British rulers in Zeliangrong rebellion but also between the Kukis and the Nagas in both the rebellions. These rebellions even made tension in the Baptist church. 197 Lal Dena writes, "as a retaliatory move, the colonial officers took up the 'Kuki punitive measures' and recruited Nagas to suppress the rebellion. On the other hand, during the Zeliangrong Naga qtovement under Jadonang, the colonial officers recruited the Kukis to suppress them. In this way, the usual practice of divide and rule policy was fully operative in course of the consolidation of colonial control over the different ethnic tribal groups of Manipur, as elsewhere. 198 It is also strange to observe these two tribal rebellions against their ruler or oppressor. In most of the tribal revolts, particularly, in India during the British rule, their neighbours came to aid, if not manpower but by providing weapons or acting as spies. In case of the Nagas 195 Sir Robert Reid, History of the Frontier Areas Bordering on Assam from , Spectrum Publications, Guwahati, Delhi, (reprinted) 1997, pp Ibid., p See Frederick Downs, 'Northeast India in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries', History of Christianity in India, vol. 5, part-5, the Church History Association of India, Ban galore, 1992, p.l I Lal Dena, 'The Kuki-Naga Conflict: Juxtaposed in the Colonial Context', in Kailash, K., Aggarwal, ed., Dynamics of identity and inter-group relations in north-east India, Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla, 1999, p

15 and the Kukis, they supported the ruler against each other during their revolts, though both considered the colonialists as enemies. Thus, the Nagas and the Kukis uprisings against their rulers: the British ruler exploited their antagonistic part of their relationship in their uprisings to consolidate, prolong and enhance their rule over them. Secondly, the Nagas and Kukis also used their uprisings to pay off their old- disputes. As a result of these, both were also against each other. However, with the end of these uprisings, they began to have peaceful relationship till the outburst of Naga-Kuki violent conflict in Relations on the eve and after India's Independence Here; an attempt is made to understand the relations between the Nagas and the Kukis on the eve and after India's Independence. In this, this study will look at two aspects; firstly, their relations in the Naga National Council (NNC) Movement, which trace its root to the Naga Club of 1918 in the Naga Hills. The second aspect will be about their relations in Manipur. The Naga Club was formed in 1918, which could be called as the first organization of the Nagas to vent out the grievances of the Naga peoples. The Naga Club encompassed members of various Naga tribes and also the Kukis in the Naga Hills. The Kukis were, in fact, active participants in the 'Naga Club'. On loth January 1929, when Naga Club's delegation submitted memorandum to Royal Commissions led by Sir John Simon also called as ~Simon Commission', therein, they demanded the Nagas to be left alone and to led them determine their own future. Shri Lengjang Kuki was one of the twenty signatories of the memorandum submitted to the 'Simon Commission'. The first Naga political organization - Naga National Council (NNC) was founded in February In NNC, late Seikhohen Kuki and Jankhosei Kuki represented the Kuki tribe of Naga Hills as full-fledged member of the Naga National Council. Late Seikhohen Kuki 199 See A Brief Historical Account of the Nagas, Naga Peoples Movement for Human Rights, p.io. 82

16 was also member ofnnc delegation in their maiden visit to Delhi for Nagaland. 200 In the Naga Voluntary plebiscite of 1951, which was called on May 16, 1951 at Kohima by late A.Z.Phizo, the then president of Naga National Council, the Kukis as one unit of the tribes in Naga Hills also voted in favour of a Sovereign Nagaland. Elders and leaders from the tribe like Paochung Kuki, Chief of Khaibung, late Subedar Khupjalet Kuki, Chief of Molvom, late Lenjalal Kuki, Chief of Bungsang, late Onpao Kuki, a public leader played very active roles. 201 When the NNC went underground due to oppression and suppression of the Government of India, the Kukis were also part of it: they shed tears for the burning of the villages and the suffering of the people during this period. They joined underground movement since the beginning till today, despite, the emergence ofkuki Undergrounds (UGs) since late 1980s. When a small part of the Naga areas was granted a Statehood- Nagaland in 1963, the Kukis were considered per in all spheres. The situation of the Nagas in Manipur differed from their counterparts or their fellowmen in the Naga Hills of Assam (Nagaland and adjoining Hills in Assam and Arunachal Pradesh). As it has been mentioned earlier that these tribes occupied the Hills country lying between Assam and Manipur Kingdoms. This Hills Country was divided between the two kingdoms -Assam and Manipur by the British rulers though they, to some extend, took care to preserve their identity. The part of Hills country of Mani pur was under British Political Agent of Manipur State Durbar. Prior to the British ruled, Manipur Rajas claimed or exacted tributes on some of the villages from time to time but they never constituted part of their kingdom. This part of Hills country was excluded from 'Exclusive Areas' and 'Partially Excluded Areas' categories, though the Naga Hills and the Lushai Hills and North Cachar Hills were under the 'Exclusive Areas' and others under 'Partially Excluded Areas' etc. When the British rulers were to leave India, the tribals of the hills area, which was directly under British Political Agent or President of Manipur State Durbar, refused to 200 P.S., Haokip, Zale 'n-gam, Kuki National Association (KNO) Pvt. Publication, 1995,p Ibid., p

17 merge with the Manipur state. During this period the Kukis and the Nagas took the same stance. "When the transfer of power of administration of the hill areas to the Manipur State Darbar was in the air, there was a fresh rumbling in the hills. The Nagas and the Kukis did not like to remain as state subjects of Manipur. Under the leadership of a Naga leader, Mr. Daiho of the Naga National League (NNL), the idea of future administration of the hills was floated. The transferred hill administration to the Manipur State Darbar was never welcomed as the later had every scepticism that the hillmen would not have right place in Manipur, predominantly a Hindu state as well as the hillmen would never be selected for the constituent Assembly by the Maharaja or Darbar and the Manipuri public. He insisted on the coincidence of ethnic and linguistic boundaries with political boundaries. In the fields of religion, customs, habits and usages, it was argued that there was no similarity with the Manipuris nor was their local administration similar to that of the valley Manipuris. Rather they were similar to those of Assam hills. [twas also argued that geographically the hills of Manipur form a part and parcel of its surrounding hill districts of Assam and Burma. In all intent and purpose, the NNL demanded secession of the Manipur hills.'.2 2 Naga National League speaks on behalf of the Nagas in Manipur and also advocated unity with other tribes (Nagas and Kukis or Lushais or Mizo) in its demand for merge with adjoining hills in Assam or Self-determination in general way_2 3 The Kuki National Assembly (KNA) also took the same stand with the Nagas and was agitating against the merger with Manipur valley and they were for union of hills in Manipur with the hills in Assam to be under one administration. For this, "KNA also started mobilizing the support of the neighbouring tribes like the Lushai and Chins of Burma.'' 204 But suddenly the KNA's stand on territorial autonomy changed before the election of the Electoral College in l952.it could not heartily endorse the idea of the NNL for the merger of the hill areas of Manipur with Assam. In the 17 point Election Manifesto in 1952 the leaders of the KNA stressed that the "Manipur state in any case 202 A. K.Ray, Authority and Legitimacy: A study of the Thadou-Kuki in Manipur, Renaissance Publishing house, Delhi, 1990, p.l lbid.,p.l23. ' Detail explanations ofthe KNA will be found in the next chapter. 204 lbid.,p.l24. 84

18 and on any condition should not be allowed to be merged with the Hills of Assam." 205 Thus, the unity created between the Nagas and the Kukis for merger to Assam hills ended in 1952, as KNA changed its stance in favour of anti-merger with the hills of Assam and began to advocate integration of Hills to Manipur. This is shown by their election Manifesto of 1952 but the Nagas continue to keep the issue alive till today. Secondly, on the eve of transferring power, in May 1947 a committee consisting of the Kukis and Naga members was formed for organising the Naga-Kuki unity party. This move came from Mr. Lunneh (Kuki) and Mr. Rev. Lorho, a Naga. The purpose was to solve their common problems. Again another pact was proposed between the Kukis and the Mao Nagas to be signed on 29th and 30th October 1947, which intended to include the Maram and Khairao Nagas besides the Maos. 206 But this Naga -Kuki Unity did not last long. The period between the colonial ruler left and the period before the Manipur Raja signed merger to Indian Union, the princely state of Manipur came under constitutional monarchy till September President of Manipur State Darbar, before he left, appointed a committee to draft a constitution of Manipur state. In this constitutionmaking body, its members were to be comprised of both the representatives of the valley return by indirect election in 5 Tahasil and the representatives of hills nominated by the president of State Darbar. The draft constitution of Manipur was divided into two parts, viz., the Manipur State Constitution Act, 1947, which was for the valley and the Manipur Hill Peoples' (adrr.inistration) Regulation, 1947, which was for the hill peoples. 207 There was protest against the nomination of the constitution-making body by the Kuki National Assembly. The Nagas joined the constitution-making body without clamoured. But the KNA was on principal against the nomination ofthe hill representatives on the following grounds: 205 Ibid., pp.\ Ibid., p.l\ Ibid., p.l\7. 85

19 I. Nomination was made without asking the opinion of KNA whereas the Tangkhul Nagas were allowed to change its representatives in the committee and the Kabui Nagas too were allowed to have one representative even when the committee was nearing its end, and whereas some of the hill representatives have mentioned that they represent a part and parcel of the hill people in the committee. 2. The working committee of the KNA also resolved that they will not be bound by the decision of Constitution-Making-Committee, unless satisfactory solution of the following points were made, viz, solving the Land alienation problem of the Kukis, abolishing force labour system and granting equal rights with plainsmen, the original draft of the Hill Peoples' regulation should stand and in view of their illiteracy, half of hill seats in the Assembly be nominated by the hill people and finally, raising the allotment of real revenue of the state for the hills from 17 Y2 % to 25%. 208 The differences between them became visible as A.K.Ray puts it: "it became clear when the Tangkhul Nagas and the Kabui Nagas abstained from the meeting of the Naga Kuki Unity organized by Mr.S.L.Lunneh and Lorho at Mao on " 209 "In the matter of representation in the Constituting Making Committee, the main thrust of grievances of the KNA was against the Nagas." 210 All these show that in the nominations of Hill representatives for Constitution Making Committee, the differences between them - erupted. Therefore, their relations in overground politics in Manipur on the eve of India's independence were both unity as well as disunity. Relations in their civil movements in post- Independent era When NNC came into existence, the Nagas in Manipur automatically came to be r a part of it despite the artificial boundaries created by the successive rulers divided them. "In protest against the dissection of the Nagas without their consent and in expression of 208 Ibid., p.ll Ibid., p.ll Ibid., p.l21. 86

20 their solidarity with all Nagas to live under one Naga Administrative Unit, a campaign known as Naga National League was successfully launched during 1947 and 1948 during the Chief Minister ship of Maharaja Kumar Priyabrata Singh of Manipur. The symbolic expression was "No House Tax Payment" to the Government of Manipur, but they decided to pay the House Tax to the Deputy Commissioner of Naga Hills District in Assam. As a result, Mr.Athikho Daiho (President) and Mr. N. Modoli (Gen.Secretary) were arrested by the Manipur Police and Assam Rifles imprisoned them at Dum Dum Central jail, Calcutta. On the public protest against the arrest of their leaders, Assam Rifles shot dead three persons at Mao Gate, namely- I. Mr Ausu Hepuni, Punanamai Village, 2. Mr. Modo Kholi, Kalinamai Village 3. Mr. Mahrili Lohru, Kalinamai Village. In addition, there were four (4) persons, who received serious bullet injuries. 211 During this event the Kukis, including the KNA supported the Nagas, only from 1952, KN A joined integrationist movement of Manipur. The KNA since its inception pursued land problems. As early as 1946, in its resolutions, "the activities of the KNA started right from this time with its plan for the 'settlement of the Kukis in the Kangpokpi-Kanglatongbi reserve in North Manipur'." 212 In their protest against the nomination of hill representatives, KNA also put forward, amongst others, solving of land alienation problem unless satisfactory solution KNA will not be bound by the decision of Constitution Making Committee. 213 This land problem was mainly with the Nagas. One could easily discern that land issues always crop up in the Naga-Kuki relations, which is one issue that frequently strains their relationship. 211 White Paper on Naga Integration, Naga Hoho, Nagaland, 2002 p.l A.K.Ray, Authority and Legitimacy: A study of the Thadou-Kuki in Manipur, Renaissance Publishing house, Delhi, 1990, p.ll Ibid., p.ll8. 87

21 In 1960, KNA demanded a separate state within Indian Union, "the KNA had summarized all the problems of the Kukis, even the issue of economic exploitation to the territorial problem and asserted that the only solution to the Kuki problems lied in the formation of Kuki State within Indian Union. While it was sceptic of the intention of the valley domination, it was equally apprehensive of the self-preservation of the Kukis. So the memorandum to the Prime Minister- unless something is done immediately for self preservation, namely, establishment of a separate state of their own within the Indian Union, they surely succumb sooner or later to extinction and extermination which has now seriously been threatening them." 214 If the 1960s was the decade for the demand of a separate state within the Indian Union, the 1970s was a decade for starting a democratic movement for a separate revenue district. 215 In 1970s, there was a demand for a separate revenue district for Kukis. This began with the Kuki Chiefs Zonal council meeting held on 3rd September I 970 in which it was raised, though the committee to demand this was formed earlier. The KNA also demanded separate hill district along with Kuki Chiefs Zonal Councils. On May 5th 1971, KNA leaders met Indian Union Leaders in New Delhi. Leaders of Kuki Chief Zonal Council also met Indian Union Leaders in July and August The Governor of Manipur was also urged to help them. However, the Governor after consultation with the central leaders told the Kuki Chief Zonal Council leader that Centre appreciated for a separate revenue district but was against Kuki as a named for the said District. Thus, separate district for the Kukis could not be achieved. 216 In 1975 March and 1986 March, KNA redrafted their constitution and their present objective is to get a homeland for the Kuki-tribe.Z 17 The Kuki militants, who began to emerged since ' late 1980s are also demanding 'Kuki homeland'comprises Kuki inhabited areas in India, Myanmar and Bangladesh. Thus, the Kukis are still pursuing the demands for Kuki homeland and separate revenue district. For the 'Kuki district', Sadar hills in Senapati district and its adjacent areas and the Kuki homeland comprises of larger areas, from the State of Manipur, Senapati, Ukhrul, Tamenglong, Chandel, Churachandpur districts and parts of the valley districts are to be carved out. Both ~he demands met opposition from 214 Ibid., p.l Ibid., p Ibid., p.i Ibid., p.l27. 88

22 the Nagas. From the Nagas side, they have no objection to the Kukis demands but not an inch ofnagas land is to be sacrificed. In a letter to the President, Government of India, in 1981, "we Naga Peoples Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR) strongly oppose the proposed creation of a new District to be called Sadar Hills District in the state of Manipur as an attempt at further administrative break up ofnaga areas and alienation of our people from their land." 218 It further says," we are of the opinion that the presently proposed Sadar Hill District is an attempt to further divide the Nagas and take away their land by carving out part of the territorial presently within the Naga majority inhabited districts of North, West, East and Tengnoupal of Manipur State." 219 The Naga territorial demand for sovereignty in India covers Nagaland, parts of Assam, Arunachal and four districts of Manipur namely, Chandel, Ukhrul, Tamenglong and Senapati. Thus, the Kukis demand for sovereignty, separate state and fullfledged revenue district directly came into clash with the Nagas demand for sovereignty. Relations between in underground movements After India's Independence Despite the clash between the Nagas and a section of the Kukis i.e., Kuki National Assembly (KNA) in their territorial demands, a section of Kukis always worked together with the Nagas to achieve Naga Sovereignty. The Kukis joined the Naga underground since the beginning ofnnc's armed wing Federal Government ofnagaland (FGN). The Kukis joined Naga militancy under the leadership of General Kaito Serna in Gen. Kaito was killed in 1968 but the Kukis continue to be in the Naga Underground till today. 220 P.S Haokip, President of KNO writes, "the Kuki National Organization explicitly states that issues concerning Kuki in Nagaland are separate from those related to Kuki in other parts, such as in present-day Manipur, Assam, Tripura and Burma. In press release on 13 March 1994, the Kuki Inpi of Naga1and categorically stated that the 218 A letter to the President, Government of India by Naga Peoples Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR), New Delhi, 3'd April, 1981, p.l. 219 Ibid., p This information is gathered from Hangsin, Language Officer, Govt. ofnagaland, Kohima,