CULTURAL FACTORS INFLUENCING EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT AMONG MUSLIM GIRLS IN MUMIAS DISTRICT, KAKAMEGA COUNTY, KENYA

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1 KENYA JOURNAL OF EDUCATIONAL PLANNING, ECONOMICS & MANAGEMENT CULTURAL FACTORS INFLUENCING EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT AMONG MUSLIM GIRLS IN MUMIAS DISTRICT, KAKAMEGA COUNTY, KENYA Hadija Matuli Murenga, Egerton University, Njoro, Kenya Key Words Cultural factors, educational attainment, Muslim girls Abstract The study aimed at investigating the major cultural factors which influence educational attainment and subsequent occupational mobility of Muslim girls in Mumias district, Kakamega County. A sample of 120 Muslim girls were drawn from two Divsions were interviewed over a period of two months. The study found that early marriage by the respondents influenced their educational attainment. It was also established that respondents who had attained secondary education and above were in gainful salaried employment as opposed to those who had no formal education or only primary education. However, most cultural related were of less significance. The study concluded that cultural related factors alone cannot inhibit Muslim girls attaining high education but they were other intervening factors such as school-related factors and parents socio-economic status. The study recommended that Muslim parents should be sensitized about the importance of western formal education of their daughters. This was based on the fact that most of the parents as found in this study were either illiterate or semi- illiterate and did not really value schooling for girls, instead preferred them to attain Quranic education. The study also recommended that the Kenyan government in conjunction with Muslim families ensure that children of both sexes have access to education and attend regularly without any excuses because both Quranic school and western formal education have their own time for learning and value. 1

2 Introduction Kenya like many other African countries had an indigenous education before the introduction of formal western education system. Indigenous education was generally communal in nature and responsibility for learning was dictated by the age grade and sex structure in the society (Shefield, 1973; Njoroge & Bennars, 1986; UNICEF, 1989; Sifuna, 1990). Western formal education was introduced in Africa in the nineteenth century by Christian missionaries and it gained momentum during the colonial era as part of the establishment of the colonial society ( Sifuna, 1990). Western education was introduced in Africa for purposes of serving the colonial states and advancing European civilizations. Besides, educational planning had little or no relevance to African conditions and way of life. The function of education to the state was to provide junior civil servants and for Christian missionaries to strengthen church membership and enhance evangelization. At independence most African governments inherited the educational system as designed and effected by colonial governments. They expanded the existing educational system to suit their countries demands instead of changing its characteristics and values (Sifuna, 1990). Kenya through her KANU manifesto re-affirmed in the Sessional paper No. 10 of 1965 as part of its policy explicitly that it will rid the country of ignorance, disease and poverty. To accomplish this, universal free education was viewed as desirable, and every effort was made towards the accomplishment of this goal. However, gender disparities have since resolved although women population still account for slightly over 50% of the country population. These gender differences in access to education opportunities have however, been more pronounced among the Muslim communities. An investigation of Muslim girls and their educational attainment then becomes the interest of this study. But who are these Muslim girls? These question seeks for an elaboration on the historical background of the research population as given below. Muslim girls, together with the entire Muslim population constitute a significant religious minority in Kenya. Though no reliable statistics are available, it is generally believed that 15 to 30 percent of the total Kenyan population is Muslim (UNICEF, 1991). Except for the North Eastern and Coastal provinces, where they predominate, Muslims in Kenya usually live in clusters in and around the major centers. There are historical reasons for this phenomenon. In general, the Muslim community in Kenya consists of Muslim groups, large and small who live within the Kenyan national boundaries. The composition of Muslims in Kenya cut across cultural, racial and geographical boundaries. The majority are to be found along the Coastal and North Eastern Counties of Kenya. Considerable populations are in areas like Mumias and Homa Bay in the Western part of Kenya. The inhabitants of present day Mumias District are the Wanga. Wanga is a sub-ethnic group which forms almost 20% of the Abaluhya tribe. It is claimed that they migrated from North Africa, precisely Egypt to East Africa (Were, 1969). They passed by Lake Turkana to Western Kenya via Uganda. They passed through many villages such as present Kisumu town, Maseno and Tiriki, before the then Nabongo Wanga settled in Matungu and later built Lureko- present day Mumias. All Abaluhya sub-ethnic groups arrived at their present day territories between A.D 1598 and A.D 1733 (Were, 1969). However, among them the Wanga were the most noticeable due to their civilization and ruling power in the Abaluhya land. Wanga like other Abaluhya sub-ethnic groups, practiced Afriacn indigenous education before the inception of Islam and Christianity in the Kingdom (Were and Wilson, 1969). Among the styles of life introduction in the Wanga community was the Islamic education and then formal western education respectively (Wagner, 1970). According to Were (1969) Islam was introduced in the Wanga Kingdom during Nabongo Shiundu s reign ( ). The precise date is uncertain but Were (1969) confirms that it was about this time that Muslims arrived in the region and by 1878 Islam was well established. Nabongo Mumia the son of Nabongo Shiundu together with his cabinet and his three brothers embraced Islam after the death of their father (Wagner, 1970).The Muslims and chief Mumia Nabongo developed a mutual relationship after the Muslims assisted the locals of Mumias to push cattle 2

3 rustlers from Siaya district during a war. As relations with the chief improved in appreciation for their good work and their religious way of living, the Muslims were awarded wives from Wanga women. This was one way how the locals became Muslims. When the in-laws visited the Muslims, they were attracted to the Islamic family life and the way the Muslims dressed. Besides when the local people were employed by the Muslims, they were attracted by the Muslims perfect way of life (living as one family) and worship of only one God (Mumias Muslim Committee, 1994) hance many were converted to Islam. Other local people were also converted to Islam during Islamic festivals like idd and Maulidi. Presently statistics show that there are about 350,000 Muslims in Mumias District alone (Mumias Muslim Committee, 2010). Muslims not only have a perfect way of life and worship of one God, but they also have their own type of education known as Islamic/Quranic education. This is expected of all Muslims hence its compulsory for all of them to attain some level of it. According to Sifuna (1990) the Quranic school has two levels primary and secondary. At primary level, pupils expected to memorise one or two of the 60 parts (esus), of the Koran, often beginning with the shortest chapters (usually needed for daily prayers). Next the pupils are to learn the alphabet of the Arabic language, which is composed of 26 letters, all consonants (This takes between six and thirty six weeks). The secondary level (Ilm), school of learning has a much broader curriculum embracing a wide range of Islamic literacy, theological and legal subjects. The curriculum consists of the literature much of which is derived from Quranic teaching. Statement of the problem Despite efforts by the Kenyan government to improve and expand education, women are still disproportionately represented. Apart from women, several other groups in Kenya are similarly marginalised including communities in West Pokot (64%), Samburu (54%) and Wajir (14%) among others (Republic of Kenya and UNICEF, 1992). These are generally communities in the arid and semi arid areas. These disparities are on gender and socio-economic grounds which lead to large imbalances in access to education followed by low achievements. Other notable under-privileged groups of people with regard to education are the slum dwellers and street children. In these communities and groups, women are the most disadvantaged in education and occupation. In the Muslim world, only 13% of adult women can read and write hence from the labour force in secondary and tertiary sectors of the economy. Though the Muslim population and other groups such as pastoralists are disadvantaged in many spheres of life. Muslim girls are particularly disadvantaged (UNICEF, 1989). UNICEF (1991) found out that very few Muslim girls make it to secondary schools. Muslim girls generally compared to girls from other religious background are greatly disproportionately represented in schools, making up not more than 1% of Muslim girls among the Maasai in Narok (Chege, 1983) and among the Muslim Digo girls, in Kwale (Wamahiu, 1988). However, women outside Islamic community have been able to get access to education with case and have conventionally been active participants (Republic of Kenya and UNICEF, 1991). Muslims view western formal education as generally a man s domain and resist access of women s to education (Sifuna, 1990). Besides, Muslim girls s lack of access to education could also partly be attributed to the differing views among Muslim authorities (Sifuna, 1990). For example, there are those openly opposed to teaching women beyond knowledge of the Koran. Ohther contentions are that women have low intelligence. But others dismiss these arguments, advocating for the advancement of women in education (Wamahiu, 1990). These conflicting views may be said to have adversely affected the Muslim girls s access to education. This has almost led to illiteracy, lack of general awareness and unemployment among Muslim girls. Evidently, participation of Muslim girls in formal education remains very low and is characterized by high drop-out rates for girls and low educational attainment. Indeed very few Muslim girls make it past secondary school and women rarely complete even the first cycle of schooling (UNICEF. The situation is not different for Muslim girls in Mumias District. 3

4 Objective of the study The main aim of this study was to investigate the bottlenecks experienced by Muslim girls in their pursuit for gaining entry and advancing in the modern schooling system and in employment in the formal sector. The specific objective of this study was to: i) Examine the cultural factors that adversely affect the educational attainment of Muslim girls in Mumias district Methodology The study was conducted in Mumias District, Kakamega County, in Kenya. The study employed descriptive research design. The study adopted various sampling techniques. The choice of the study site was selected purposively. This was because the area has a historical evidence of an Islamic culture (Bakari et. al, 1995; Were, 1971). Also, Muslims in mumias district accounted for almost 52 % of the total population (Mumias Muslim Committee, 2010). A multistage sampling design was used to ensure representativeness at every stage. The multistage method was adopted with a hope to reduce bias and increase precision of the results. The unit of analysis in this study was Muslim girls in the household who had received formal schooling in western education during the postindependence period. The study sample was 120 selected Muslim girls. Twenty key informants who included school headteachers, teachers, Muslim Table 1: Level of education attained by respondents officials and village elders were also purposively selected from the selected villages.they were interviewed on identification depending on their age and the role they play in the society in relation to the study topic. Different methods of data collection were used to assemble both primary and secondary data in this study. Primary data were obtained from the respondents through an interview schedule and unstructured interviews were administered to the key informants. This study used both descriptive and inferential statistics to analyse the collected data. The SPSS was used in data processing and also in computing the descriptive and inferential statistics. Descriptive statistics such as the mean, mode and range were used to summarise description of units with regard to enumerable or measurable characteristics. These summarizing measures were used to condense raw data into forms which supply useful information efficiently. The Chi-square was the inferential method used to infer the truth or falsify a hypothesis. Results Characteristics of respondents The sample of this study consisted of 120 respondents who were muslim girls drawn from 4 divisions of Mumias District. The youngest Muslim woman selected was 15 years old while the oldest was 47 years. Most of the respondents were aged 22 years (33%). More than a half (59%) of the respondents were married, while about one quarter (24%) were single. Very few respondents were divorced, separated or widowed. Level of education No. of respondents Percentage None (No certificate) Primary Secondary Post-secondary Total Table 1 above shows that forty (36%) of the respondents had secondary education while 14% had post-secondary education. The variation in the educational levels in Table 1 suggests the possibility that there might also be various cultural factors that influence the Muslim girls s educational attainment. 4

5 Cultural factors and whether or not they influence Muslim girls s educational attainment Cultural factors were of great importance to this study given the specification of the sample of the study. The study was interested in Muslim girls and this calls for a lot of attention about the culture of the group. For purposes of measurement of cultural indicators in this study, the following were considered as part of culture: age at marriage, reasons behind one s marriage, whether or not a respondent had attended Quranic school and the kind of education that respondent was encouraged by her parents (Western formal, Quranic or both). These indicators were considered because of their frequency in the existing literature of studies done by other researchers. Findings on the respondent s age at marriage revealed that more than half of the respondents got married below the age of eighteen years. This may have been the reason why most of them attained low educational levels. In support of theis findings, a male key informant, 47, a primary school teacher who has been a head of a primary school in the area for the last ten years noted that: There are still early marriage booking for girls and boys. There is a case of a Muslim parent who forced his son in Standard 8 to marry a Muslim girl in standard 7. The girl Was very intelligent and she would have been one of the Best in her KCPE class that year. Though a number of Muslim Parents may deny it, early marriage particularly in Central Mumias Division is a major obstacle for the girls educational attainment. Unlike the above informant, another male informant, 54, an Imam in a local mosque and illiterate was totally opposed to the opinion that early marriage among Muslims adversely affects educational performance and attainment. His opinion was that, parents reluctance to educate girls cause them to attain low education levels. Probed further why parents would specifically stop educating their daughters after class eight, the Imam argued that lack of money is a major cause but also, there is conflict between Quranic education and western formal education. To him, parents particularly mothers prefer their daughters to attend western formal education schools and not Quranic schools. The mothers wish of girls attending western formal schools brings conflict between the mothers and the girls fathers who in most cases are of the opinion that girls should only learn Quranic education. Further examination of the age at marriage and respondents education is shown in Table 2 below: Table2: Age at marriage and respondents educational attainment Education Low High Total Age Less than 18 years 35(74.5%) 12(25.5%) 47 Above than 18 years 13(38.2%) 21(61.8%) 34 Total X2= with 1 df; P>0.05 5

6 In Table 2 above, it Is evident that the proportion of Muslim girls with secondary education and above have who reported to have been married at age 18 years and above is considerably greater (62%) than those women who got married below the age of 18 years (25%). A Chi-square test revealed that the statistical relationship between Muslim girls s educational attainment and the age at which they got married was highly significant at 95% confidence level. This was based on the fact that the calculated X2 (10.581) was greater than the table X2 (3.841). Therefore the probability that age at marriage influence respondents educational attainment is greater than the critical value of This is reasonable evidence to conclude that early marriage influences Muslim girls s education attainment. Marriage of women below age of 18 years implies that they may have dropped out of school either after completing primary cycle of education or if they were in secondary school they did not complete the cycle. Most of the women who got married at the age of 18 or above, tended to have completed at least secondary school or above and some had even completed college. But some (38%) respondents still had not completed secondary school. The main reason being repetition while in school, followed by dropout without completing secondary school. The study also investigated the reasons for respondents early marriage. When the respondents were asked to mention the circumstances under which they got married the reasons included, voluntary marriage (51%). These respondents considered several factors such as their parents inability to educate them (22%) had got the right suitors (37%) and others (41%) had completed secondary level of education and stayed for a long time without joining any college or getting a job. In Table 3 below the total number of respondents was 76 instead of 81. Five respondents said that not understand what caused them to get married. What can be deduced from these findings is that circumstances such as parental influence (about 25%), pregnancy (14%), deception by men (5%) surrounding girls marriages are most likely to affect educational attainment as shown in the Table below. The above mentioned reasons as reported by 20% of the respondents were culturally accepted as reasons which could cause girls to get married and are still acceptable by some people. Table 4: Reasons for respondents marriage Education No certificate Primary Secondary Post Secondary Total Reason Own wish (37.5%) (30%) (7.5%) Parental Influence (25%) 3 (14.3%) 9 (42.9%) 5 (23.8%) 4 (19%) Pregnancy (18.2%) (45.5%) (18.2%) (18.2%) Deception by men (33.3%) (33.3%) (0%) (33.3%) Total

7 In Table 4 above, the proportion of the women who claimed that they got married out of their own wish and who had attained high education is greater (36.6%) than that of those women who got married due to other reasons. This study concludes that reasons for women s marriage their educational attainment. Attendance of Quranic school by is another factor which was tested and how it affected the respondents educational attainment. Over three quarters (about 76%) of the respondents reported that had attended Quranic school while the rest had not. The respondents who attended Quranic school reported that their parents had insisted that they attend while those had not attended reported that their parents did not emphasize the attendance of Quranic school but preferred Western formal schooling. The age of enrolment in Quranic school ranges between six and fifteen years not attended reported that their parents did not emphasize the attendance of Quranic school but instead preferred Western formal schooling. The age of enrolment in Quranic school ranges between six and fifteen years (Trimingham, 1964; Sifuna, 1990; UNICEF, 1990). The Key informants reported that some Muslim parents prefer their children to enroll in Western formal and Quranic schools at the same time. This suggests that who are enrolled after the age of six are late for enrolment in Western formal schools given that 6 years is the official age for enrolment in Kenya. The respondents reported that none of them had gone beyond the primary level of Quranic education. About 42% of them explained that it was the order of the day for women not to go beyond this level and also there were no qualified teachers for higher studies, 2% claimed that their parents were not strict on them to learn Quranic education because they too had only the basic, and 23% claimed that they stopped at primary level of Quranic education because it was taught in Arabic and were not conversant with the language. This finding is supported by Sifuna (1990) that although the objectives of Islamic education aim at embracing spiritual and secular teaching, the Quranic school curriculum in Africa has tended to be uniform with a strong religious bias, and it focuses on memorizing 60 parts of the Koran. To investigate further into the issue of the type of education, the respondents were asked to state the type of education their parents preferred and encouraged them to concentrate on. The respondents were as shown in Table 5 below. Table5: Education encouraged by respondents parents and respondents educational attainment Education Low High Total Educationencouraged Western formal 18(50%) 18(50%) 36 Quranic 27(57.4%) 20(42.6%) 47 Both 6(24%) 19(76%) 25 Total X2=5.399 with df, P < 0.05 It is clear from Table 5 above that fifty (about 42%) of the respondents parents preferred and encouraged their daughters to concentrate on Quranic school. This is supported by an Imam 47, with primary education who noted that, Muslim parents have tendencies of withdrawing their daughters from formal schools and forcing them to attend only Quranic schools. This key informant s assertion implies that some of the Muslim children especially girls are denied a chance a chance of attaining high levels of formal education by their parents. This problem was common among the Muslims in Mumias town but it was not wide spread among rual Muslims. The town Muslims seem to prefer their children to attend Madrasa than Western formal schools unlike the rural ones because the madrasa sessions in town Mosques are more strict than in the rural areas. This is supported by the frequencies in Table 5 above of the respondents whose parents preferred Quranic education and the fact that many of them had attained low education (58%) as compared to those who were encouraged to concentrate on Western formal education or both. On the other hand, more respondents who were encouraged to concentrate on Western formal or both kinds of education attained 7

8 high education (50% had secondary education and about 77% had post secondary education respectively) as compared to only about 425 for those who were encouraged to learn Quranic education. This finding is in line with one of the female key informants assertion that, respondents who were encouraged by their parents to concentrate on formal education and Quranic or both kinds of education had an easy time to learn and in most cases attained high educational levels. But those encouraged to concentrate on Quranic education alone most likely dropped out of school prematurely attaining low educational levels. Another key informant who was a secondary school headmaster aged 52 years, had a different opinion from the female respondent. He said, illiteracy in Western part of Kenya is not only in secular education but also in Islamic education because most Muslims do not know the importance of both kinds of education. In Table 5 above, 12 respondents did not respond because they were not encouraged to concentrate on any kind of education. A chi-square test in Table 5 revealed that there was no statistically significant relationship between a respondent s educational attainment and the type of education she was encouraged to concentrate on by her parents at the study s set criteria of 955 confidence level. This was due to the fact that the calculated X2 (5.,399) was less than the table X2 (5.991) making the probability in this table less than the critical value of It was therefore concluded that the type of education a respondent was encouraged to concentrate on by her parents did not have an influence on her educational attainment. The impression one gets from the above evidence is that though the female informant s opinion may hold that the education a respondent is encouraged to concentrate on may determine her educational attainment it is not clear in the cross-tabulation in Table 5. Instead in the table 5 above, the distribution for respondents who were encouraged to concentrate on different types of education and their educational attainment is unevenly spread. The distribution of respondents and their educational levels attained therefore somewhat agrees with the latter male informant s opinion that one s educational attainment is a personal determination and not even a parent can influence that by encouraging her to concentrate on a particular kind of education. This explains why in the cross-tabulation, there are so many respondents with no education or primary education who were encouraged to concentrate on Western formal education as there are those who were encouraged to concentrate on Quranic education. Conclusions This study found out that cultural related factors have little influence on the educational attainment of Muslim girls. Cultural factors in this study were linked to Islamic teachings, beliefs and practices. Age at marriage is the only cultural indicator which proved to have a lot of influence on the educational attainment of Muslim girls by a chi-square test. Majority of the respondents (74.4%) who got married below the age of 18 years attained no education or only primary education while the respondents who got married at the age of 18 years and above had secondary and post secondary education. The implication of this finding is that most Muslim girls drop out of school because of different reasons and get married. Early marriage has serious socio-psychological effects on the girls ability to achieve high educational levels. The consequence is that most girls would drop-out of school thus attaining low educational levels. This study therefore concludes that the minimum age of marriage for Muslim girls and any other girls should be 18 years and with the girl s or/ and her parents consent. Only then can the girls be able to attain at least secondary education. This finding is further reinforced by the fact that most of the Muslim girls claimed to have got married out of their own wish (about 38%) as compared to those in other categories that attained secondary and / or post secondary education. It is evident that Muslim girls who got married out of their own wish did that after considering several factors such as lack of fees, completion of school, the right time for marriage among others as opposed to those who married because of untimely causes such as parental influence, pregnancy and deception by men. The latter are most likely to have dropped out of school before completing certain school cycles. By implication, this means that it is advisable for girls to marry at their own wish and not being forced into it. It is for this reason that this study 8

9 proposes that the minimum age at marriage for girls should be 18 years and above. Recommendations On the basis of the findings of this study, the following recommendations can be made: i) The Kenya government in conjunction with the Muslim families should ensure that children of both sexes have access to education and attend school regularly without excuses such as the child is attending Quranic school instead of Western formal education because each type of school has its own time for learning and value. ii) Islamic community based programmes as well as other interested organizations should work together to aid the aid the needy Muslim girls so as to reduce the high rates of these girls dropping out of school. iii) There should also be more Muslim community based groups on advocacy towards prevention of low educational attainment among their women. iv) There should be more schools run by Mulsims in the densely Muslim populated areas so as to effectively and convincingly handle the Muslim girls. This means that the Muslim staff who will work in these schools as instructors for both Quranic and formal education will act as positive role models to the Mulsim girls who will be enrolled in the schools. v) Already practicing Muslim teachers in the above mentioned areas, they should organize seminars from time to time with the Muslim girls who are enrolled in various schools about the importance of both Quranic and Western formal education. References Action Aid-Kenya. (2004). The Pastoralist Communities and Free Primary Education in Kenya: A Preliminary Survey. Government of Kenya: Arid Lands Resource Management project Bakari, M and Yahya, S. S (1995). Islam in Kenya Proceedings of the National Seminar on Contemporary Islam in Kenya. Nairobi; Mewa Publications Chege, A.N. (1983). Education for Maasai girls; Socio-Economic Background M.A Thesis (Unpublished) University of Nairobi Eshiwani, G. S. (1993). Education in Kenya since Independence. Nairobi: East African Publishers Njoroge, R. J and Bennars, G.A. (1986). Philosophy and Education in Africa. Nairobi: Transafrica Press Sheffield, J.R. (1990). Development of Education in Africa. The Kenyan Experience. Nairobi: Initiative Publishers Sifuna, D. N. (1990). Development of Education in Africa. The Kenyan experience. Nairobi: Initiative Publishers Sifuna, d. N. (2003). The Pastoralist Communities and Free Primary Education in Kenya: A Preliminary Survey. Nairobi: MOEST and Action Aid-Kenya Sifuna, D.N. (2009). The illusion of Universal Free Primary Education in Kenya. Nairobi Educational Foundations Trimingham, j. S. (1964). Islam in East Africa, Oxford: Clarendon Press Wamahiu, S. P. (1986a). Negative impact of Home Learning on Formal Schooling and the choice of careers by Adigo Youth, Bulletin no: 12 Basic Education Resource Centre. Kenyatta University, Nairobi 9

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