HOW SACRED ARE KHLOO BLAI? A LOOK INTO THE PNAR JAINTIA CONCEPT OF SACRED GROVES

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1 Queenbala Marak and Sadhana Ghimire HOW SACRED ARE KHLOO BLAI? A LOOK INTO THE PNAR JAINTIA CONCEPT OF SACRED GROVES Introduction The concepts of sacred and nature have long been interlinked. Various cultural aspects such as religion, faith and traditions act to bring people closer to nature. Sacred groves are one such example, which have a deep-rooted significance to a community and it is seen that such groves are left undisturbed due to abiding beliefs. By definition, sacred groves refer to tracts of usually virgin forests of varying sizes which are communally protected, and which usually have a significant religious connotation for protecting the community (Gadgil and Vartak 1975). Biologically they are rich patches of undisturbed forests and serve as a natural habitat for many endemic, rare, primitive and economically valuable plants along with a good number of wild animals, birds, reptiles, amphibians, variety of butterflies and insects (Samati and Gogoi 2007). Sociologically they signify many aspects of the society such as religious and cultural beliefs. While it is difficult to determine the origins of the tradition of conserving sacred groves without historical evidence, it is thought that this dates back to pre-agrarian societies (Kosambi 1962). With the advent of agriculture, people may have set aside patches of natural habitats that were considered sacred, while surrounding forests were cleared for cultivation (Hughes and Chandran 1998). The subsequent increase in population may have compelled people to use these sites for day-to-day purposes, such as fuel and food collection. Possibly the origin of the groves was not for utilitarian purposes, but utility may have emerged as a result of their presence in the landscape. This may have led, in turn, to the strengthening of a social fence in order to prevent unreasonable exploitation of the resources within these forest patches (Bhagwat and Rutte 2006). In many societies, if not all, such areas are protected, not by state legislation but by societal laws. These laws stress on the sacredness of the groves, thereby leading to their protection. Many societies live close to nature QUEENBALA MARAK AND SADHANA GHIMIRE, Department of Anthropology, North-Eastern Hill University, Shillong , Meghalaya, India, qmarak@gmail.com

2 340 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 65: 3-4 (2012) and their life is largely influenced by its forces which becomes a part of their life and is interwoven in their socio-cultural beliefs. The local communities establish rules that vary from grove to grove: these often prohibit the felling of trees and the killing of animals, but do allow for the collection of firewood, fodder, and medicinal plants (Hughes and Chandran 1998). Sacred groves occur in various forms, including burial grounds (Mgumia and Oba 2003, Wadley and Colfer 2004) and sites of ancestral or deity worship (Ramakrishnan et al. 1998), and they exist in different countries. In India, 4315 sacred groves covering an area of 39,063 hectares are estimated to be present (Malhotra 1998). In Kerala 761 sacred groves are reported with flora of over 722 species (Balasubramanyan and Induchoodan 2006). The groves in Karnataka on the other hand number over 1214 and have been protected in the names of 165 different deities and perhaps this state has the highest density of groves in the world (Kushalappa et al. 2001). Many sacred groves were also reported from the states of Meghalaya, Manipur and Assam in North-East India (Tripathi 2001), where various ethnic groups have preserved and protected forest patches and individual trees or animals due to their traditional beliefs. Due to restrictions on man-made exploitation in these areas, sacred groves are preserved over generations, and are now a great source of biodiversity. For example, in central Tanzania, Mgumia and Oba (2003) found a greater woody plant species richness in sacred groves than in a state-managed forest reserve. Sacred groves in the Kodagu district of Karnataka have relict populations of some threatened tree species (Actinodaphne lawsonii, Hopea ponga, Madhuca neriifoh, and Syzygiwm zeyhnicum) that are not found in the formal protected areas (Bhagwat et al. 2005). In Jaintia Hills district of Meghalaya, two groves namely Ialong and Raliang house 48-53% of species of trees which are rare (Upadhaya et al. 2003). Although many sacred groves are still well preserved, many have been destroyed and others are now threatened by human encroachment. The social fence traditionally provided by the local conservation ethic is weakening in a number of places (Kalam 1996, Bonn 2000, Chandrakanth et al. 2004), thereby leading to less coverage of sacred areas. The present paper aims to look at the concept of sacred groves among the Pnar Jaintias, among whom the tradition of sacred groves is well-known (Tripathi 2001, Upadhaya et al. 2003, Samati and Gogoi 2007). However, all studies are from the point of view of botanists and bio-conservationists, but its socio-cultural aspects have rarely been touched upon. Therefore, this paper tries to study the relevance of these groves, whether its sanctity is still upheld or there is a change in its significance; if the latter, then the reasons for such a change will be looked at. Ethnographic Background The present study is based on empirical data acquired from village Nangbah in Jaintia Hills District of Meghalaya in January The district

3 HOW SACRED ARE KHLOO BLAI? A LOOK INTO THE PNAR JAINTIA 341 lies between 25 3 North and North latitude and East and East longitude and covers an area of 3819 square kilometers. Nangbah village, is located towards the north-east of Jowai town, the headquarters of the district, on the JNKK (Jowai-Nartiang-Kdiap-Khanduli) road which is about 13 kilometers from Jowai towards Khanduli. The methods used for data collection include interview, observation and case studies. Nangbah village, at one point of time, was the most important village in Jaintia Hills in the pre-british era when the Jaintia kingdom flourished; but with its decline, the whole of Jaintia Hills got divided into twelve elakas (administrative areas) under the administration of the doloi (head of the elaka). The village has many ancestral myths and is interestingly full of megaliths such as menhirs, dolmeins and cists. Some of the menhirs such as moo-thulelane, moo-pasi, moo-thohkaji, moo-pasdoh and moo-diangdiang have historical background. Besides the megaliths the village is home to many sacred groves. The family (chi-yung) is the smallest and most important social unit, followed by clan (kur). It is believed that clans originated from the wombs of four sisters namely Ka Bon, Ka Tein, Ka Wet and Ka Doh. All clans trace their origin from a common ancestress and descent is from mother to daughter. In the village there are twenty clans which include the Pasi, Dhar, Bi-am, Thubru, Hinge, Susngi, Lamare, Hadia, Sungoh, Naiang, Pale, Iongwai, Kawa, Kahit, Maskut, Lakadong, Lajeid, Myntnger, Lyngdoh and Pyrtuh. Among these, the Lyngdoh clan is the priestly, the selected male members of which can perform rites and rituals. However, out of these twenty clans, it is likely that originally there were only twelve clans since only twelve are represented in the form of foundation stones (megaliths) in an ancient sacred grove called Iawmusiang. These twelve clans are the Pasi, Dhar, Bi-am, Hinge, Thubru, Susngi, Pale, Kawah, Kahit, Maskut, Lakadong, Lajied, Myntnger, Sungoh and Iongwai. It is also said that these clans in other villages trace their origin to Nangbah, thereby indicating that it is perhaps the oldest village in Jaintia Hills. The population of Nangbah is 4279 individuals comprising 624 households. They speak Pnar which belongs to Mon-Khmer Austro-Asiatic language family. The term Jaintia is used to denote various groups of people inhabiting Jaintia Hills, viz. Pnar, War, Bhoi, Hadem, Lalung, and Biate. The village is inhabited by the Pnars, who have their own language. On the basis of faith, they can be grouped into: the Christians and Niam Tre (indigenous believers). The Pnar indigenous religion is termed Ka Niam but with the coming of Christianity the word Tre (original) was added, thus Ka Niam became Ka Niam Tre or Niam Tre (original religion). The Pnar has one Supreme Being referred to as Blai. When invoking this Supreme Being, the Pnars call upon U Blai Wa Booh Wa Thoo (God the creator), and Ka Blai Synshar (the Goddess who rules). These two entities are names for the same Supreme Being, and are deitified in a number of smaller deities. Thus, Ka Blai Kopli would refer

4 342 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 65: 3-4 (2012) to the Goddess of the Kopili river, and U Blai Lum would refer to the God of the hills (Lum meaning hills). Christianity, on the other hand, is a new religion, introduced some hundred years ago, but fast replacing Niam Tre, such that almost fifty percent of the village is made up of Christians presently. The followers of this faith can be grouped into different denominations such as Presbyterian, Catholic, Church of North India and Full Gospel Fellowship church. Interestingly, the villagers live in separate hamlets based on religious faith. The Presbyterians are found in localities like Moomala, Mission Compound, Pynkai colony and Khlopano while Catholics are found in the localities of Mulang and Iongpasi. Those practicing Niam Tre are found in the localities of Iawmusiang, Nangtidiang, Iongbiam and others. Traditionally the Pnar Jaintias lived on subsistence agriculture, through slash and burn method, and later by wet paddy. These are supplemented by hunting, trapping, fishing and gathering of wild plants. They also domesticate animals such as hens, pigs and goats as well as cows and buffaloes. Rice is their staple food, and they consume fish, both fresh and dry, and are fond of most kinds of meat specially pork and beef. However people practicing traditional religion abstain from beef. They also eat various types of vegetables including wild varieties like bamboo shoots and different kinds of edible mushrooms growing in the wild. In such a society, land is an important asset, which is owned by the mother and inherited by the daughter. The maternal uncle along with other clan members and the women concerned allocate and distribute land for cultivation or for other uses. This is the case for individual land, however the village land, including the sacred groves, is held jointly by the whole village under the leadership of the doloi. Sacred groves of Nangbah In Nangbah, sacred areas are mainly of two kinds: Places or spots where followers of Niam Tre worship, and churches where Christians worship. While churches are found only in the specific localities where Christians reside, the sacred places of the Niam Tre are found all over the village. The latter has no structural construction like buildings and are composed of only natural spots or groves. A sacred grove is called khloo blai, meaning the place where God resides, in Pnar language, and since times immemorial are known to have existed where some form of worship took place. These groves are looked after by the villagers who practice the indigenous religion. It is difficult to state how the concept of sacred groves came into being, however certain myths persist. Local beliefs insist on Blai (God) being present everywhere, however God preferred certain places as places of abode to stay and dwell. These places therefore became sacrosanct. According to one story, when a man was leisurely lying on the ground, God appeared before him and conveyed that (S)He wanted to live in the village, and that this abode could be forests, hills and rivers, where the people would have to perform rituals to

5 HOW SACRED ARE KHLOO BLAI? A LOOK INTO THE PNAR JAINTIA 343 propitiate Him / Her. In return Blai would bless the people and protect them from all evil. God is then supposed to have ordered some areas to be kept sacred. A number of sacred groves are present in the village with different spatial dimensions. Some of these groves are as large as hundred square metres while others are as small as a patch of land where one tree stands. There are 20 such groves in Nangbah which can be categorized as sacred due to its sacrosanct nature (Table 1). Among these Khloo Lyngdoh and Ringein are the biggest while Kyndong Syiem is the smallest where only one tree remains. Iawmusiang is an important sacred grove where a large number of megaliths are present. Moomala is a grove where human settlement has taken place, and the sacred area comprises of only one tree and a small space for rituals. The rest of the groves are small patches of forest land having some religious significance. Many deities live in the groves, some deities live in specific sacred areas, and for this reason no one is permitted to cause damage to them by lumbering or indulging in any injurious activity. Some of the observances in the grove include the following: 1. A visitor to the forest should not cause any damage to the flora and fauna. He/she can only admire its beauty. Even plucking a flower or cutting a branch is strictly forbidden. 2. All kinds of littering like throwing garbage or urinating is strictly forbidden. Such acts are considered an insult to the guardian spirits of the forest and as such the culprits would be punished. 3. Anyone who visits these sacred grounds should observe decency. Use of foul language is considered a taboo, as well as having impure and evil thoughts while one is inside these places. 4. Entry of women in the grove is restricted, particularly during menstruation. A person who violates the above beliefs is brought to task by the dorbar (village council), for it is considered a crime and not easily forgiven. It is also believed that violators will suffer the wrath of God, such as some incurable diseases like insanity, loss of sight, or even suffer death. Two young Christian girls belonging to the Catholic denomination died two years back. Their death was attributed to the violation of rules, since they had supposedly collected nuts and used foul language when they were inside Ringein (a sacred grove). They fell ill and within a few days passed away. The people believed that if they would not have spoken anything foul they would have survived; however since they broke the rule knowingly, they were punished by the guardian deity. It is believed that if anyone violates the rule unknowingly then the punishment would be less severe in comparison to others.

6 344 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 65: 3-4 (2012) Rituals at Khloo Blai The sacred nature of the groves under study can be made clearer by looking into its ethno-religious significance. A number of rituals for the community are conducted in these groves. These communal rituals are mainly three: Pam-Iaw-Musiang, Knia-Lyngdoh and Khe-Lieur. Interestingly in all three, only the lyngdoh 1 from the Lyndoh clan performs rituals, while bei lyngdoh (priestess) also has a role to play. However, due to the restrictions on entry of women, she cannot take part in any of the rituals conducted inside the groves. Before discussing the rituals, a note on how the Jaintias count days is necessary, since the rituals are held on a specific day. Days are generally connected to market days, i.e., days when the market sits at pre-allocated locations in Jaintia Hills. There are eight market days in all which include Musiang, Muchai, Pyngkat, Thymblein, Muksoo, Khyllaw, Pynsing, and Mulong which are held at Jowai, Changpung, Mynso, Khliehnet, Mookaiaw, Sutnga, Wahiajer, and Nartiang (places in Jaintia Hills) respectively. What is interesting is that these market days are in sequence, i.e., the Musiang market day held in Jowai is followed by the Muchai market day in Changpung the following, day etc., till the next sequence starts. However, if a market day falls on a Sunday, it is shifted to the next day, i.e., Monday. Therefore market days unlike in other places do not have a fixed day of the week and month. Pam-Iaw-Musiang is performed between the months of February and March. It is believed that the deities who are worshipped through this ritual protect people from all evil, diseases and calamities and bestow prosperity. This is performed at different groves to appease different deities. Table 2 shows the groves where this ritual is performed. Knia-Lyngdoh or Thoh-Lyngdoh is another ritual that takes place in the groves. This ritual is conducted in spots believed to have been specifically selected by God as places where lyngdohs could perform ceremonies in order to propitiate Him/Her. This is performed in the month of April before sowing seeds i.e., before agriculture starts. It is believed that Blai will protect the seeds from being eaten by pests and rodents, make them sprout and grow abundantly, and will ensure the well-being of the people. The groves where this ritual is performed and its accompanying performances are shown in Table 3. Khe-Lieur is a ritual that is performed in the month of September before harvest sets in. It is believed that the deities if propitiated will protect the crops from damage by insects and natural calamities and bestow a bountiful harvest for the people. Table 4 shows the groves where this ritual is held. Discussion Present-day India still has many forms of nature worship. All forms of life from hedges to fig trees, and from crabs to peacocks and tigers continue

7 HOW SACRED ARE KHLOO BLAI? A LOOK INTO THE PNAR JAINTIA 345 to be considered sacred and inviolable in relation to a variety of cultural beliefs. Amongst these varied religious practices, the most significant from an economic viewpoint are those relating to the preservation of sizeable patches of forests, sometimes as much as twenty hectares in extent, as sacred groves (Gadgil and Vartak 1976). In the present study a similar religious connection with nature is seen. There are whole forests which are sacred, so none can collect any food, fodder, timber or flower from the area, while in others a single standing tree or a piece of rock is sacred and therefore left unharmed and untouched. That Blai, the Pnar God, resides in them is known from a variety of sources foremost of which are stories passed down through generations. The correct behavior inside these groves or with regard to these groves still persist as all Niam Tre individuals interviewed showed reverence, a fear for the unknown, and an eagerness for upholding the laid down rules. When the community rituals performed by the lyngdoh in the groves is studied it shows that all rituals are for four important reasons, although inter-linked, namely: 1. For well-being of villagers: To bring prosperity in trade and education; to protect from accident, theft and robbery; to safeguard from diseases; and to protect from attack of neighbouring villages. 2. For agricultural crops: To protect the seeds from being eaten by pests and rodents; make them sprout and grow abundantly for a bountiful crop; and to protect from drought and flooding. 3. For domestic animals: To protect animals from diseases and plague. 4. For protection from water: To protect drinking water from diseases; to protect villagers from drowning and flood; and to protect from natural calamities like storm, cyclone, thunder and flood. These purposes for which different deities are propitiated show very interesting phenomena. Trade and commerce has been a very important aspect of Jaintia life since the very beginning. In the past a considerable trade in cotton, iron ore, wax, ivory, betel leaf, cloth, etc., was carried on between the plains people and the Jaintias. These were bartered for salt, tobacco, rice, goats, lime, oranges, bay leaves and potato (Chattopadhyay 1988). Therefore, the market was the most important place of any social meeting for people from different villages and for mobilizing opinion for political purposes. Not only was the market used for political and religious reasons, it was also an important occasion of social interaction, such that the days among the Jaintias are named after the market days. The market days, such as the Musiang market day or the Muchai market day are reckoned with religious and social purposes. Even though education entered late into Jaintia Hills, it now also plays a very important role in a Jaintia s life, such that there are gods, such as Iongthulein and Ka Myntang who are propitiated for success in education.

8 346 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 65: 3-4 (2012) Agriculture and domestication of animals play a very important role in a Pnar s life, such that two important annual rituals, Knia-Lyngdoh and Khe-Lieur, are conducted only for this purpose. The former is conducted before the start of agriculture, while the latter is conducted just before harvest. Interestingly, animal sacrifice forms a very important part of the rituals and most of the animals sacrificed are male: a cock, a he-goat, a he-pig. A cock is most commonly sacrificed for it is believed that the cock is sacred. The cock represents humility, meekness and honesty. It represents righteousness and only the righteous can be sacrificed to save the life of man from sin. It was the cock s self-sacrifice that the sun and the moon were brought back to give light to earth. Since then the cock became the mediator between the seven huts 8 and God (Chattopadhyay 1988). The insistence on using a male animal, for example, a he-goat for sacrifice may be linked to the insistence on not allowing women to be a part of any of these rituals, and brings to the fore the gendered nature of Pnar Jaintia society. The fear of water and in its stead the river seems to be foremost in the minds of the Pnar. All the river spirits are perhaps the ramifications of the Kopili (pronounced Kupli by the Pnars) Goddess (Roy 1981). Kopili is the river which marks the eastern boundary of the Jaintia Hills. It is this part where the Jaintias arrived first from the other side of the river. No one would cross the river without confessing their sins or propitiating the river by offerings food and sacrifice (Bareh 1976). Gurdon (1975) cites examples of coolies declining to cross Kopili on account of this belief. She is revered in the village as Ka Kupli and has two sons, U Shyngkram and U Jali. Many communities lost their customary rights of forest management to the government, which led to the dwindling of sacred areas. In India, many sacred groves were destroyed by commercial forestry operations, and local individuals also began to make use of these formerly community owned forests (Chandrakanth et al. 2004). In some regions of the world due to population growth and increasing immigration, the resulting need for land put some sacred groves under pressure (Kalam 1996). In the studied area, the situation is slightly different. The ownership of the land still lies with the doloi, however, a lessening coverage of sacred groves is witnessed. The reasons are varied and many. The grove Moomala located by the road side dwindled due to lack of interest in conserving by the inhabitants. As old trees fell and died, no effort was made by the villagers to plant new saplings, therefore the land became barren. As population increased, some of the newer families began to settle here, leading to just a small spot where only one tree stands and a small space for rituals to be performed. Thus, the earlier grove of Moomala has dwindled in circumference, even though its sacred nature is still present though transferred from a larger area to just a small spot. Changes in spiritual and religious values also aid disappearance of sacred areas. In some countries, conversion to other religions has resulted in

9 HOW SACRED ARE KHLOO BLAI? A LOOK INTO THE PNAR JAINTIA 347 the degradation of sacred groves. In ancient Europe (4th-5th century AD) groves were destroyed with the arrival of Christianity (Matthews and Matthews 2002). In many places in India, local folk deities have been replaced with Hindu deities (Kalam 1996). This has resulted in the erection of temples in some previously sacred groves. Moreover, in many countries local traditions are being challenged by westernized urban cultures, so that the institution of sacred groves is losing its cultural importance for the younger generations of local people. In the studied village, which has been Christianized upto fifty percent, none of the locations where the churches stand today were sacred areas of the Niam Tre. Therefore, the coming of Christianity did not in any way pollute the sacred, however it brought in some changes due to its beliefs and practices. Since Christianity preaches abolition of animal sacrifices and deity worship, the ceremonies conducted inside the groves are looked down upon, thereby leading to a negative impact on such communal ritualistic performances. Modification in the belief systems led to some changes. In the grove of Kyndong Syiem presently a primary school sits, with only a tree and some space for the priest to perform rituals and is earmarked as a sacred spot. Most of the old trees were felled down and no initiatives were taken by the villagers to plant new trees. The secondary growth that was there was also cleared to build the present school. Interestingly, the people believe that anything done for the good of the village in the sacred grove is not considered a sinful act. Therefore, when the proposal of building the school at the location of the sacred grove was mooted everyone agreed. Conclusion Belief in the sacred grove provides an organized picture of the universe and establishes a strong relationship between man and nature. This reduces fear and anxieties and gives man not only a greater feeling of security in the uncertain present but also hopes for a bright future. Worshipping of deities and sacrifices takes place in order to appease the deity residing in the sacred grove in order to drive away all evils that plague human life. Every culture includes a set of beliefs and provides for organization and action to those beliefs. This seems to be the abiding reason behind the sacred groves and their worship at Nangbah. From the above discussion it is clear that all the twenty sacred groves, some of them mere patches, still possess its sacredness and continue to have the beliefs and rituals associated with them. There are deities for the well-being of man, domestic animals, crops and protection from flood, etc., who reside at different locations in the village. Interestingly these locations (sacred areas) were predestined by Blai Himself/Herself. Inside the bigger groves, such as Khloo Lyngdoh and Ringein, all observances are still followed. Visitors take care not to litter, speak foul things,

10 348 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 65: 3-4 (2012) or to collect food or fodder. Smaller sacred spots such as Kyndong Syiem and Moomala which have just a single standing tree, care is taken not to litter around, and the tree and the spot where rituals are conducted is left untouched. On the other hand, Iawmusiang, where megaliths are present, acts as a communal area where traditional sports are played by men during Knia- Lyngdoh celebrations. Even though the importance of these groves is still maintained it is clear that the groves are no longer as glorious as they were in the past. The reasons are mainly the apathy shown by villagers towards protection and conservation of the groves aided by the coming of Christianity, population pressure due to increase in the number of people, and a change in the mindset about the importance of the groves. When trees were uprooted or fell, no efforts were made to replant them, thereby showing a lack of interest. When a former sacred area was found empty and barren, new families set up house. Again, since education now plays an important role in a Pnar Jaintia s life, when a proposal for setting up a school in a former sacred area was mooted, it was warmly accepted. This indicates that for a Pnar a sacred grove exists for the good of the community, therefore for the betterment of the community, a sacred area could be used for secular reasons too. Interestingly this brings to the fore the change in their belief systems by merging together of the old and the new beliefs. Despite conservationists looking at the present significance of groves for being a stronghold of biodiversity, this was never the reason why the groves were set up in the first place in Nangbah. The reasons were for propitiation of deities for safeguarding the people from natural calamities, and a prosperous life. Nevertheless, the sacred groves in Nangbah, twenty in all, could be taken as an example of biodiversity. In recent years, it is commendable that some efforts are being made by the Niam Tre followers to replant and conserve some of these areas. In Iawmusiang grove, for instance, when old trees rotted and fell, new trees were grown, for which saplings were bought from the state forest department office in Jowai. NOTES 1. The name lyngdoh for priest of the Lyngdoh clan indicates one whose function is to sacrifice the animal (Bareh 1976). Therefore, in Niam Tre much of the rituals are accompanied by animal and fowl sacrifices. According to a legend, one day a woman belonging to the Lyngdoh clan from a village called Singaria from West Khasi Hills came to Nangbah and god followed her. God protected her and her family members, and no one could harm her and her property. If anyone tried to do any harm, he/she would remain transfixed at one spot. There came a time when the whole village suffered from epidemics but nothing happened to the lady and her family. When they realized that God was with her, they too wanted to propitiate. God is said to have instructed them that all rituals should be performed by the clan to which the lady belongs. The villagers could contribute to the ritual, but they would have to depend on the Lyngdoh clan for ritual performances.

11 HOW SACRED ARE KHLOO BLAI? A LOOK INTO THE PNAR JAINTIA Blai is the Supreme Being of the Pnars, who is beyond the confines of gender. However there are innumerable smaller gods and goddesses who are prefixed with a Ka or U : Ka refers to a female and U to a male. Therefore, Ka Koo Khrdup refers to a goddess while U Ksan Syiem refers to a god. Many times, it is difficult in Jaintia pantheon to distinguish the gender of a god/goddess, and therefore that particular deity is referred by its name without any prefixes of Ka and U. 3. A waheh, from the Pasi clan, is an assistant to the lyngdoh. It is his job to clean/clear the spot where rituals are conducted. 4. In the Garampani area in Jaintia Hills there is a waterfall named Ialey, which has a spirit U Iale. He is a powerful god, whose body is covered by hair resembling cock s feathers, and wears a turban on the head and a ring on his finger, but speaks very little. 5. Kupli refers to the Kopili river, and therefore Ka Kupli is the goddess of river Kopili. 6. A chutia is a drummer in public ceremonies and the public announcer. A wasan is a religious specialist who can offer prayers, rings the bell to chase evil spirits and assists the lyngdoh in rituals. 7. These are the twelve original clans who set up the village, and represented by their clan stones in the grove of Iawmusiang. These clans are Pasi, Dhar, Bi-am, Hinge, Thubru, Susngi, Pale, Kawah, Kahit, Maskut, Lakadong, Lajied, Myntnger, Sungoh and Iongwai. 8. The Pnar Jaintias consider themselves to be descendents of Ki Hynniewtrep (hynniew=seven, trep=hut). According to a myth, there was a time when sixteen families dwelt in heaven. There was a golden ladder (jingkieng ksiar) by which they could descend to earth daily and cultivate. This continued until one day the ladder was destroyed, and the seven huts that were on earth thus remained here forever. These seven huts include the Khasi-Khyriam, Pnars, Bhois, Lynngams and Wars. Table 1 List of Sacred Groves in Nangbah Sl. No Name of Grove Sl. No. Name of Grove 1 Iawmusiang 11 Mookyrdop 2 Iongthulein 12 Moomala 3 Kyndong Syiem 13 Moopasdoh 4 Kyndonglapen 14 Mulang 5 Khloo Lyngdoh 15 Munoh 6 Khyllang 16 Murang 7 Kyndongthuliang 17 Mynsdeir 8 Mandhulia 18 Ringein 9 Mansam 19 Syrkhla 10 Mawlynter 20 Ummusiang

12 350 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 65: 3-4 (2012) Table 2 Groves where Pam-Iaw-Musiang ritual is conducted Name of Grove Gods/Goddesses When What is Why it is performed worshipped 2 performed done Mookyrdop Ka Koo Khrdup On Musiang day Two he- To protect village from U Ksan Syiem goats plague, attack from sacrificed enemies and other by lyngdoh diseases. Iongthulein Iongthulein On Musiang day One he-goat To guard village from sacrificed by the attack of enemy, lyngdoh plague, prosperity in Butchered by education and trade. waheh 3 of Pasi clan. Munoh U Kyllang On Musiang day One he-goat To protect village from Ka Myntang sacrificed, enemy attacks, plague, prayers natural calamities like storm, thunder, cyclone, floods etc. To bring prosperity through trade and education. Iawmusiang Ka Blai Iaw During the day Lyngdoh offers To protect villagers Musiang immediately prayers, from accident, theft, after coming sacrifices one robbery, and to enhance from Munoh goat butchered trade and long life. and Iongthulien. by Lyngdoh clan Kyndongt- U Kyndongt- Just after dawn One cock The ritual is performed huliang huliang on Muksoo day. sacrificed, for plant and animal prayers survival. Mynsdeir U Rishad Syiem Early morning One goat For cattle rearing on Muksoo day sacrificed, prayers Syrkhla U Iale 4 In the morning Pig and cock To protect villagers Ka Kupli 5 on Muchai day. sacrificed; from drowning from prayers flood and diseases.

13 HOW SACRED ARE KHLOO BLAI? A LOOK INTO THE PNAR JAINTIA 351 Table 3 Groves where Knia-Lyngdoh ritual is conducted Name of Gods/Goddesses When What is done Grove worshipped performed Ringein Blai Before dawn Lyngdoh, chutia, & wasan 6 carry a cock, on Muchai day ginger, fish and bottle gourd. The cock is offered and let off free. They continue offering prayers till the cock crows thrice. Care taken so no villager sees them on the way or during rituals, or else misfortune on the villager. Khloo Blai Around 8am on Lyngdoh, chutia, all male representatives Lyngdoh Muchai day of 12 7 original clans, any man from village, sacrifices cocks.every alternate year a calf is sacrificed contributed by the 12 original clans. Meat of calf equally distributed as prasad (sacred offering), while meat of cocks taken to bei lyngdoh s house for feast. Mulang & U Ram Two days Only men enter the grove. A female pig Mandhulia Shilong, after ritual and cock is sacrificed. After sacrifice they Mandhulia, at Khloo eat the meat at the same place (Mulang). Ka Blai Wari Lyngdoh From here they proceed to Iawmusiang and play a few traditional sports. Mansam Blai Symbolic cultivation by lyngdoh and helped by chutia. For this occasion, seeds of all crops that the villagers are planning to sow in the year are brought to the lyndoh. After this ceremony, also known as betsang (multi crop cultivation), the villagers can start their agriculture cycle and start sowing seeds. Table 4 Groves where Khe-Lieur ritual is conducted Name of Gods/Goddesses When What is Why it is performed Grove worshipped performed sacrificed Kyndong U Blai Sakurom, On Muchai One cock for U To protect agricultural Syiem Ka Syiem day; last week Blai Sakurom, crops from diseases; Sachar, Ka Syiem of August to one pig for Ka Also to safeguard Sngi,Ka Ryshindi first week of Syiem Sachar, villagers from disease. September two goats for Ka Syiem Sngi and Ka Ryshindi Kyndonglapen U Prythat, In the morning Cock(s), two hens, To protect human U Syrwet, on Muchai day & one castrated beings animals and U Ka Iaiong pig plants from all evil. contd. table 4

14 352 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 65: 3-4 (2012) Name of Gods/Goddesses When What is Why it is performed Grove worshipped performed sacrificed Moomala U Phoor Shull, On Muchai One he-pig, & To protect from the UPyndongshaong day one goat attack of neighbouring villages Moopasdoh U Shanglang, On Muchai One pig, & For animals such as U Sangman day cock(s) cattle, pigs, chicken etc. Mynsdeir Ka Kupli In the morning One pig, & To protect man and U Jali on Muchai day cock(s) cattle from drowning, and paddy from being destroyed by flood. Um Musiang U Ram Shilong, On Muchai One pig & one To protect man, cattle Ka Blai Wari day he-goat and agricultural crops from plague/drought and diarrhoea (for man and cattle). REFERENCES Balasubramanyan, K. and N. C. Induchoodan 1996 Plant diversity in sacred groves of Kerala. Evergreen, 36: 3-4. Bareh, H The History and Culture of Khasi People. Shillong: Bareh. Bhagwat, S. A and C. Rutte 2006 Sacred groves: Potential for biodiversity management. Frontiers in ecology and the Environment, 4 (10): Bhagwat, S. A., C. G. Kushalappa, P. H. Williams and N. D. Brown 2005 The role of informal protected areas in maintaining biodiversity in the western ghats of India. Ecology and Society, 10 (1): 8 (online) DOA 12/1/12. Bonn, E An Economic Framework to Land Extensification. In: Mountain Biodiversity, Land Use Dynamics, and Traditional Knowledge: Man and the Biosphere Programme, ed(s) P. S. Ramakrishnan, U. M. Chandrashekara and C. Elouard. New Delhi, India: Oxford and India Book House. Chandrakanth, M. G., M. G. Bhat and M. S. Accavva 2004 Socio-economic changes and sacred groves in south India: Protecting a community-based resource management institution. Natural Resources Forum, 28 (2): Chattopadhyay, S. K Landmarks in Indian Anthropology: The Jaintias. New Delhi: Cosmo Publications.

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