10. URAM of Chu Hsi s Metaphysical Concept of the Li-Ch i Universe for the Postmodern World

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1 10. URAM of Chu Hsi s Metaphysical Concept of the Li-Ch i Universe for the Postmodern World 1. INTRODUCTION As we know, the postmodern world is overwhelmed by untold anarchic relativism. Many people in this generation no longer believe in the real existence of any definitive set of unchanging laws, everlasting principles, timeless forms or mind-independent universals in the world. Hence, there is nothing acknowledged as eternally universal for all peoples and at all times in the formation of conscience or the understanding of the Ultimate Reality and Meaning of life. This is reflected in the inconsistencies and changeableness of the laws in various countries. People in general find it increasingly difficult to justify universal values to guide human life (Tarnas 1993, p. 412). In other words, the postmodern world, having been immensely influenced by the Kantian mind-dependent idealism, is still struggling, even as never before, with the perennial metaphysical problem of universals (hence POU) in its view of the universe. In 1999, Martin Bieler, a Reformed minister and theologian observed: The question of truth will be of decisive importance for the coming millennium (Bieler 1999, p. 455). Indeed, the bone of contention in future debates will not be merely about what or who is the truth, but, more fundamentally, about whether there is such a thing as absolute truth, eternally independent of time and space, as well as of our mind (Ibid.). The postmodern human exists in a universe whose significance is at once utterly open and without warrantable foundation (Tarnas 1993, p. 398). To that extent, what the world needs today is a universal sense of some warrantable foundation of the totality of reality. According to Chu Hsi (Chu Yüan-hui, CE ), whose Neo-Confucianism for centuries dominated not only Chinese thought but the thought of Korea and Japan as well (Chan 1973, p. 588), the eternal Supreme Li (or T ai Chi) resides not only in heaven and earth, but also in everyone and everything. It is hoped that by studying Chu Hsi s metaphysical concept of the Li-Ch i (i.e., form-energy, principle-energy, or universal-energy) universe, the postmodern human might: (a) be enriched with this 236

2 Neo-Confucianist cosmology, (b) be more inspired metaphysically about the importance of acquiring a certain sense of universal foundation in all things, and (c) be more enlightened with regards to the possible existence of absolute, timeless, or mind-independent truth in terms of the POU. After the introduction, I will give a summary of Chu Hsi s life, influence, and achievements, followed by an explanation of this metaphysical concept or theory of Li-Ch i universe. Then, I will describe briefly the metaphysical POU, as well as the conflict between the Ch eng-chu and Lu-Wang Schools of thought in terms of the POU. Indeed, this metaphysical battle can be compared to that between Plato s mind-independent realism and Kantian mind-dependent anti-realism or idealism in Western philosophy, a controversy as to whether the laws of nature are or are not legislated by the mind of Mind (Fung 1966, p. 281). Finally, before drawing the conclusion, I will talk about the Ultimate Reality and Meaning (hence URAM) of Chu Hsi s metaphysical concept of the Li-Ch i universe for the present postmodern Kantian world. In addition, insofar as the transliteration of Chinese words is concerned, it must be acknowledged that this paper follows the Wade-Giles system, not that of the p in-yin method. 2. CHU HSI S LIFE, INFLUENCE, AND ACHIEVEMENTS 2.1 Chu Hsi s Chaotic Political Career and Devoted Scholarly Life Chu Hsi came from a family with a considerable literary reputation in Wu Yüan in the modern Hui Chou. His Father, Chu Sung, was a Neo- Confucianist educated in the tradition of Chou-Tun-i ( ). Ch eng Hao ( ) and Ch eng I ( ). In the course of his career Chu Sung was appointed Magistrate of Yu Hsi, a county in Fukien (Bruce 1923, p. 56). However, he later resigned from his post in opposition to the government s policy of making unjust peace with the invading Tartars. Chu Hsi was, thereby, given an opportunity to study under his father for several years until he died when Chu Hsi was only 14. Nevertheless, following his father s last will, Chu Hsi continued to receive an excellent education or foundation of massive scholarship from his father s three great scholarly friends, before studying for three years under Li T ung ( ), another well-educated Neo-Confucianist. Chu Hsi was married with three sons and five daughters. Despite his impoverished life, he wrote many important works for future generations. 237

3 Apparently, his father s life had a lasting impact on Chu Hsi s. As a government officer, Chu Hsi was constantly critical of the government s officials and their policies, in particular their corruption and humiliating peace terms with the northern invaders. As a consequence, he always had career troubles. Yet, in the midst of such a turbulent career, this patriotic scholar spent a great deal of time studying, writing, and teaching students in many areas, especially with respect to Neo-Confucianism. Naturally, Chu Hsi was much more devoted in his scholarly pursuits than his political career. His lectures at the White Deer Grotto attracted all the prominent scholars of the time (Chan 2001, p. 99). Chan Wing-tsit, a renowned Chu Hsi scholar, gives us further details about Chu s life (Chan 1973, pp ): In , Chu Hsi was a district keeper of records. But he preferred quiet study. From 1158 he studied Li T ung (Li Yen-p ing, ) who continued the traditions of the Neo-Confucianism of Ch eng Hao and Ch eng I. Most of his life, Chu Hsi was off and on a guardian of some temple, utilizing the peace and quiet to study, write, and talk with the most prominent scholars of the day. His official life, other than the guardianship, was intermittent and turbulent, for he strongly opposed concluding peace and repeatedly memorialized [sic presented memorials to] the throne to criticize officials and politics. Time and again he declined official positions. In 1179 he was appointed a prefect. In 1182 he was demoted to a minor post because he incurred the anger of the emperor by attacking the incompetency of officials on all levels. In 1188 he was appointed to the army department, but the vice-minister himself vigorously attacked him and he was shifted to a small position. Later in the year he was appointed a junior expositor in waiting to expound the Classics to the emperor, but he declined. In 1190 he became a prefect in Fukien and in 1194 a prefect in Hunan for one month. Later that year he was dismissed and given the sinecure of a temple guardian. Two years later a censor accused him of ten crimes, including refusing to serve and spread false learning, and someone even petitioned for his execution. All his posts were taken away. Although the attack on false learning was severe, almost a thousand people attended his funeral when he died. In the above brief biographical sketch, we, therefore, get a glimpse into Chu Hsi s chaotic political career and devoted scholarly life. 238

4 2.2 Chu Hsi s Immense Influence in East Asia Chu Hsi s immense influence in East Asia and achievements in his philosophy of principle known as Li-hsüeh (i.e., study of Li, law, reason, principle, universal, or form) are inextricable from each other. Let me first note briefly his great influence before summing up his monumental achievements. While Confucius ( BCE) and his classical Confucianism had apparently exerted the greatest influence over Chinese thought and culture until Chu Hsi, Chu Hsi and his Neo-Confucianism reigned supreme in China for seven centuries until a century ago (Ch ien 1971, v. 1, p. 1). Besides Confucius, there is no other person whose intellectual influence over Chinese history as a whole is as vast as Chu Hsi s (Ibid.) For example, the Four Books, which he compiled in 1190, remained basic texts in school education until recent years in China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong. His commentaries on Confucian classics prevailed from 1313 to 1907 as the orthodox interpretation in the state s civil service examination system. The family rituals, which he formulated, are still the models of many social customs (cf. Chan 1987, p. 71). At the same time, next to Confucius and Mencius (c. 372 c. 289 BCE), he was simply the most prominent philosopher for the whole area of East Asia (Ibid., p. 72). The influence of this world philosophy in Korea and Japan began in the early fourteenth century. Chu Hsi practically overwhelmed the entire Yi dynasty ( ) for five hundred years (Ibid., p. 71). While surely by the middle of the thirteenth century, Chu Hsi s commentaries on the Confucian Classics were available in Japan (Ibid.), his Neo-Confucianism replaced Buddhism and Shinto as the supreme system for the entire Tokugawa period ( ) (Ibid., p. 72). 2.3 Chu Hsi s Monumental Achievements in His Philosophy of Li Chu Hsi was a prolific, record-breaking Neo-Confucian scholar. He wrote, annotated, commented on, and compiled about eighty works, including about 2,000 surviving letters. His recorded conversations number 140 chapters, the longest record of dialogues in Chinese literature (Chan 1987, p. 40). Chu Hsi had 467 students, more than any other Neo-Confucianist. He also built more retreat-and-study centers than anyone else. Throughout his life, he was involved in twenty-one academies reconstructing two, lecturing in six, writing accounts or 239

5 plaques for thirteen, and staying in at least one (Ibid.). From a statistical perspective, he would emerge as the champion or daily output in Chinese literature (Ibid., p. 41). His important works include Chou-i pen-i (original meanings of the Book of Changes), Shih chi-chuan (Collected commentaries on the Book of Odes), I-li ching-chuan t ung-chieh (General explanation of the text and commentary of the Book of Ceremonial), and Chin-ssu lu (Reflections on things at hand). His most important contribution is his innovative compilation of the Great Learning, the Analects, the Book of Mencius, and the Doctrine of the Mean. His surviving poems and letters are gathered in Chu Hsi wen chi, while his classified conversations are put together in Chu Hsi yü lei. Further, a complete list of his works can be found in the 12-volume set of Chu Tzu ch üan chi (Chu, 1963) as well as Chu Tzu ch üan-shu (Complete works of Master Chu), the imperial edition compiled by Li Kuang-ti ( ) at the command of emperor K ang-hsi (cf ) during the Ch ing dynasty. On the whole, Chu Hsi may be described as the greatest Neo-Confucianist who brought Neo-Confucianism to the highest development (Chan 1987, p. 103). In terms of his philosophy of Li, he developed, systematized, and synthesized Neo-Confucian ideas into a harmonious whole (chi-ta-ch eng) (Ibid.), which became the new direction of Neo-Confucianism and were enthusiastically embraced by China, Korea, and Japan for centuries. The historical, monumental establishment of Neo-Confucianism of Li may be briefly described in the following six points. While three points are listed in this section, the other three, which concern Chu Hsi s metaphysical dual concept of the universe in terms of Li and Ch i, will be spelled out in the next section Determining the Direction of Neo-Confucianism for the Next Seven Centuries After the revival of Taoism and the introduction of Buddhism during the fifth, sixth, and seventh centuries, classical Confucianism began to lose vitality as people became more interested in metaphysical problems, as well as the problems of the nature and Destiny of man (cf. Fung 1966, p. 266). Since such problems are not lacking in Confucian works, and especially in the Book of Changes, genuinely new interpretation and elucidation of classical Confucianism were needed (Ibid., pp ). Consequently, relatively anti-buddhist and anti-taoist Neo-Confucianist 240

6 started to emerge. The problem, however, was that their teaching was too heterogeneous and even in many respects contradictory (Ibid., p. 269). Towards the latter part of the eleventh century, there were at least four tendencies in Neo-Confucianism: Chou Tun-i ( ) with a Taoist flavor though rational, Chang Tsai ( ) centering on material Ch i, Shao Yung ( ) on number, as well as Ch eng Hao ( ) and Ch eng I ( ) on principle (Chan 1987, pp ). But Chu Hsi chose the philosophy of the Ch eng brothers, more specially that of Ch eng I, with the result that the whole Neo-Confucian movement has been known as Li-hsüeh (philosophy of principle) and the Ch eng Chu School (Ibid., p. 108). While he overlooked Shao Yung s philosophy of number, he sought to interpret Chang Tsai s teaching on material Ch i and Chou Tun-i s Taoist tendency in Confucian terms (Ibid.). Whether consciously or unconsciously, he directed Neo-Confucianism away from any possible Buddhism, materialism (as in the case of Chang) and Taoist naturalism (as in the cases of Chou and Shao) but along the line of principle (Ibid., p. 110) Establishment of the Proper Confucian Lineage of the Way (Tao-t ung) Being an anti-buddhist and anti-taoist Neo-Confucianist, Chu Hsi seemed quite concerned about the proper philosophical way, and hence its proper lineage or Tao-t ung, of thinking among his countrymen. Considering himself as the direct heir of the Confucian tradition, he wanted to guide the Chinese people to think in accordance with their Confucian heritage, which he attempted to revive in term of Li and T ai Chi (i.e., the Great Ultimate, the Supreme Ultimate, or the sum-total of all Lis). According to Chu Hsi s pupil Huang Kan, the transmission of the correct orthodox tradition of the Way required the proper men. From the Chou dynasty on, there have been only several people capable of inheriting the correct tradition and transmitting the Way and only one or two could enable the Way to become prominent. After Confucius, Chou Tun-i, the two Ch engs, and Chang Tsai continued the interrupted tradition, but only with our Master did it become prominent (Mien-chai chi, 36:48a-b: in Chan 1987, p. 122). Chu Hsi was convinced that the transmission went way back to legendary emperors Fu-hsi and the Yellow Emperor and down from Mencius to Chou Tun-i and the Ch eng brothers (Ibid., p. 121). Indeed, the line 241

7 which was later accepted in the History of Sung and practically by all Neo-Confucianists with only minor variations is as follows: Fu-hsi Sheng-nung the Yellow Emperor Yao Shun Yü T ang Wen, Wu Duke of Chou Confucius Yen Tzu, Tseng Tzu Tsu-ssu Mencius Chou Ch engs Chu Hsi (Ibid., p. 122) Historical Grouping of the Four Books In 1190 Chu Hsi published the Great Learning, the Analects, the Book of Mencius, and the Doctrine of the Mean as the Four Books or Four Master. For some thirty years he had been working on their meanings and comments. Three days before he died, he was still working on a revision of his comments on the Great Learning. From 1313 to 1912, they were the basic texts in civil service examinations and in school education (Chan 1987, p. 130). Philosophically, the publication of the Four Books also replaced once and for all the authority of the Five Classics (i.e., the Book of Odes, the Book of History, the Book of Changes, and the Book of Rites, and the Spring and Autumn Annals). Chu Hsi believed that the Four Books could provide a direct return to Confucius and Mencius whereas the Classics were merely secondary materials (Ibid., p. 136). Principles are brilliantly expressed in the Four Books, and what principles can t one investigate therein and what practical affairs cannot be settled? (Yü-lei, ch. 14, sec. 2: Chu, 1970, p. 397; Chan 1987, p. 136). The Four Books are truly the sources or reservoir of ideas on principles such as principles of the nature and the mind, and of humanity and righteousness (Chan 1987, p. 136). In addition, the Four Books have given us a new methodology with respect to the investigation of things. Indeed, the beginning of the whole process of learning and living is the investigation of things. Only after this will extension of knowledge, sincerity of the will, rectification of the mind, cultivation of the self, regulation of the family, ordering of the state, and bringing peace [happen] to the world (Ibid., p. 137). 3. CHU HSI S METAPHYSICAL DESCRIPTION OF THE UNIVERSE IN TERMS OF LI AND CH I Metaphysics and cosmology can be viewed as two similar philosophical terms in the sense that they both study what really exists in the whole universe or totality of reality. While both may also be called an analogical 242

8 theory of everything that exists, cosmology in a real way is a branch of philosophy that treats of the origin, nature, and structure of the universe (Weiss 2001, p. 124). On the other hand, metaphysics defined as the study of being, its principles and causes (McGuire 1979, p. 2352) or most generally, the philosophical investigation of the nature, constitution, and structure of reality (Butchvaron 1999, p. 563) is a broader and more fundamental subject of knowledge which employs specially chosen universals or categories of things to help us organize or reorganize all that we know in both the natural and supernatural, or sensible and supersensible realms. Hence, we may acquire, as a whole, a greater ultimate reality and meaning towards the universe (Cheng 2002, pp ). All in all, this broad, all-encompassing metaphysical approach towards the universe should be complementary to any modern scientific, analytical, and detail-oriented approach to cosmology or study about the universe. In any case, there are four major metaphysical concepts of Chu Hsi s theory of the universe, namely, Li (immaterial principle, law, reason, form, or universal), Ch i (material force or energy), T ai Chi (the Supreme or Great Ultimate), and Jen (love or humanity). In the following subsections, we will first briefly sum up his dual, inseparable Li-Chi metaphysical conception of the universe, before we deal with his concepts of T ai Chi and Jen which can be described as the Supreme or Ultimate Li of Lis. Below are the three other points regarding this achievement on Li. 3.1 Chu Hsi s Metaphysical Description of the Universe in terms of Li and Ch i Historically, the Ch eng brothers had developed the concept of Li to the highest level before Chu Hsi (Chan 1987, p. 110). Li to them is evident and self-sufficient, extending everywhere and governing all things. It cannot be augmented or diminishing. It is many but is essentially one, for definite principles are but one principle. Li is the mind, truth, universal order, universal law, and the universal principle of creation. It is identical with the nature of man and things. And it is the source of goodness (Ibid., p. 110). Nonetheless, they never made the relation between Li and Ch i clear (cf. Ibid., pp ). It is Chu Hsi who completed the important task of clarification. Fundamentally, Chu Hsi s universe is a complementary Li-Ch i universe. In other words, two main distinct, irreducible substances or 243

9 elements, i.e., Li and Ch i, constitute his universe infrastructurally. Both terms have indeed gone through different versions of English translation, according to varying authors different interpretations of Chu Hsi s metaphysics or cosmology (cf. Bruce 1923, pp ; Chan 1987, pp ; Fung 1966, pp ). The present author is convinced that Li is better understood by the present generation as principle, law, form, or universal which is eternal, uncreated, and immaterial, while Ch i is energy which is created in the sense that Ch i or energy can be spiritual, human or physical in substance. As the most appropriate English term for Ch i, matter or ether was perhaps preferable to energy during the early period of the 20 th century. In 1923, J. Percy Bruce wrote what follows in his doctoral thesis (Bruce 1923, pp ): Ch i, then, must be interpreted in three senses. It is the primordial substance in which both spirit and matter originate; it is that part of the primordial substance which becomes spirit, in contrast to chih the part which becomes solid matter; and it is the general term which represents the material element in all the myriad transformations of the cosmos in contrast to the immaterial element li. Obviously, in the more general sense of the term, as the antithesis of li, its meaning is best expressed by the word matter; while in its primordial sense, and in the sense in which it is contrasted with chih, the world ether is the more appropriate rendering. It must be borne in mind, however, that, notwithstanding the three different senses in which the word is used, ch i is but one; whether as the primordial substance, or as spirit, or as matter, it is the same ch i which runs through all ages in the evolution of the cosmos. Hence, there is definitely a priority of existence between Li and Ch i in Chu Hsi s metaphysics or cosmology. In fact, this is the second classified question Chu Hsi attempted to answer as recorded in Chu Hsi yü-lei (cf. Yü-lei, ch. 1, sec. 1: Chu, 1970, p. 1). He repeatedly said that there must be the principle of a thing before that thing can come into being. Even before the existence of heaven and earth, there is the principle (Chan 1987, pp ). However, after the existence of heaven and earth, Li and Ch i are inseparable. There is not one thing or one Ch i in which Li does not inhere; and there is not one Li with which Ch i is not united in heaven and earth (cf. Yü-lei, ch. 1, sec. 1: Chu, 1970, p. 1). Nevertheless, Li is ultimately eternal and independent of Ch i in 244

10 existence. For example, if the whole mountain with all its rivers were suddenly to collapse in ruins, their Li or Lis would remain intact (cf. Yü-lei, ch. 1, sec. 1: Chu, 1970, p. 2) as their uncreated principles, laws, forms, or universals. 3.2 Chu Hsi s Metaphysical Concept of T ai Chi (the Supreme or Great Ultimate) The term T ai Chi originates from Yi Ching (Book of Changes), which may have existed in some form as early as the seventh century BCE. A statement from its Third Appendix has greatly affected Chu Hsi s cosmology: In the system of Change, there is the Great Ultimate (T ai Chi) which engenders the Two Modes (Ying and Yang). The Two Modes engender the Four Secondary Modes (hsiang), which in turn give rise to the Eight Trigrams (pa kua). These Eight Trigrams (or Elements) determine all good and evil and the great complexity of life (cf. Chan 2001, p. 238). Philosophically, the idea of T ai Chi was not important before the time of Chou Tun-i. However, anxious to get rid of the meanings given by Taoist and the divinationists before him, Chou wrote the classic T ai Chi T un-shu (The Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate) on which Chu Hsi based his philosophy of Li. Metaphysically, one may say that Chu Hsi s Neo-Confucian cosmology is a philosophy of T ai Chi grounded on The Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate. The following sums up Chu Hsi s evolutionary cosmology in which he tends to use many synonyms for T ai Chi (cf. Bruce 1923, pp ): In the beginning is the Infinite, the Supreme Ultimate or Wu Chi (without limit), the uttermost extreme beyond which you cannot go; most high, most wonderful, most subtle, most spiritual, and all-surpassing (Ibid., p. 139). It is before all things, and yet did not cease when the world came into existence (Ibid., p. 136). It is also called the Law of the Universe (Ibid.). This highest Law, the ultimate extreme of law, is the source of all laws as well as all things (Ibid., p. 137). As the First Cause, this immaterial Li of all Lis produced the active Mode (Yang) and the passive Mode (Ying) of Ch i, which at this stage can be called the primordial energy, matter or ether, i.e., an infinite mass of primordial world stuff. As the uncreated self-existent Law, the most excellent and supremely good ethical principle or Li of the universe, it is constituted by four major principles, i.e., love, righteousness, reverence, and wisdom (Ibid., p. 141). T ai Chi has also been inherent in this infinite mass or 245

11 chaos as the director and controller of all its evolutionary stages, being present even in every single thing later evolved, while the two modes of Ch i have become the material manifestation of this immaterial moral law. Apparently, the dictum that Two Modes engender the Four Secondary Modes (Symbols) which in turn produce the Eight Trigrams has become the theoretical foundation regarding the evolutionary formation of the five agents (i.e., water, fire, wood, metal, and earth), the male (Ch ien) and female (K un) elements, as well as the innumerable phenomena of the universe. It is particularly so with respect to the human person through whom the four ethical principles of the Supreme Ultimate can fully be manifested. Being permeated by the moral Li of Lis which can be compared with the Tao in Taoism or the Good in Platonism, the inner true nature of every Ch i, including every particle, thing, and person, is always good. If it has become evil, it is because of the inordinate movement or circulation of Ch i. 3.3 Chu Hsi s Metaphysical Concept of Jen (Humanity or Love) Similar to the idea of love in Christianity, Jen (humanity or love) has been the single most important concept in the development of the Confucian and Neo-Confucian traditions (Lo 1985, pp ). According to the summary of Chan Wing-tsit (Chan 1987, p. 119): Although jen was the chief subject in Confucius conversations, it was not much developed on the philosophical level. Confucius turned the hitherto particular virtue of jen in the sense of benevolence into the general and universal virtue of humanity (or love). It was also understood in ancient Confucianism as the essential character of man. Mencius taught it as human heartedness, Han Confucianists as love, and Han Yü ( ) as universal love. But all this evolution remained on the ethical level. The growth of the concept took a great leap in the Ch eng brothers, more especially Ch eng I. He gave jen a new interpretation by equating it with seeds as the nature to grow. Thus the traditional concept acquired a metaphysical character. Humanity or love is the universal virtue or the source of virtue because it possesses the nature to grow, to give life, and to create. For these reasons it is the chief character of the universe. Without doubt, Chu Hsi s conception of Jen owed much to the 246

12 individuals mentioned above, especially to Ch eng I who provided him a metaphysical basis for Confucian ethics (Ibid., p. 120). This is an important way in which Confucianism became renewed and completed (Ibid.). In defining Jen as the character of the mind and the principle of love, he regarded this Li to be the mind of Heaven and Earth too, which is to produce or create, so that Jen can grow and become realized in all things (Ibid.). Apparently, Chu Hsi never indicated clearly that Jen was T ai Chi, but only the chief characteristic of this Li of Lis (cf. Hitoshi 1986, pp ). In the final analysis, Chu Hsi s cumulative concept of Jen as (a) the creative principle of life, (b) the loving way of life, (c) the potential for growth, and (d) life s dynamic activity permeating all things in the evolution of the universe, is not very different from his metaphysical and cosmological concept of T ai Chi as an all-encompassing unity (Ibid., p. 221) and the one thread running through all (Chan 1989, p. 144). To that extent, insofar as T ai Chi is essentially characteristic of Jen (Love), we may say that T ai Chi is essentially Jen, and vice versa. Metaphysically, as everything is Ch i (energy) in the Chinese culture and that all encompassing T ai Chi pervades the whole universe and everything in it without exception, we may say that the whole universe and everything in it is a Li-Ch i, Jen-Ch i, or Love-Ch i. Apparently, Jen is in all Ch is, and all Ch is are in Jen. As Jen is not only the First Cause which has permeated all Ch is, i.e., the whole universe and everything in it. Indeed, Jen is also their directing and guiding principle, the principal Li, T ai Chi, the Great or Supreme Ultimate. Just as Love (Jen) exists for all Ch is, all Ch is should exist for Love (Jen) as their Ultimate Reality and Meaning. As Love (Jen) is moving through all Ch is, all Ch is should be moving or evolving through Love (Jen), so that Love (Jen) may be manifested in all Ch is as the All in all. In brief, we may say that Love (Jen) is the uncreated beginning of all Ch is, the evolutionary guide of all Ch is, as well as the ultimate evolutionary goal and fulfillment of all Li-Ch is, Jen-Ch is, or Love-Ch is. 4. CHU HSI S LI-CH I UNIVERSE AND THE PROBLEM OF UNIVERSALS (POU) Metaphysics is an attempt to provide and to justify an account of the most basic constituents of realty, and the manner in which these are 247

13 related to one another (Meynell 1983, p. 361). In reality, no person, culture, or historical age, at whatever intelligent level, can avoid being metaphysical. Once we are born, we begin our metaphysical inquiry, even throughout our whole life, consciously, subconsciously, or unconsciously. The same can be said about our relationship with the POU. Indeed, a philosopher s commitment to a particular solution of the problem of universals determines his entire philosophical system (Miller 1967, p. 455). It has often been said by historians, and not without good reasons, that the whole of philosophy of the Middle Ages was little more than an obstinate endeavour to solve one problem the problem of the Universals (Gilson 1938, p. 3). However, ever since the beginning of the modern scientific age, the West has given much less attention to the problem of the one and the many in the supersensible realm. Having adopted the Cartesian-Kantian anti-realism, it has focused its energies exclusively in the natural scientific realm. That may be the main reason why many Westerners have insufficiently understood the philosophical question of absolute truth. The POU, ultimately speaking, is the probe with respect to the possibility of absolute truth in terms of the real existence of eternal, mind-independent universals in the supersensible realm. As Platonic and Augustinian realism teaches us, necessary, timeless truth is the conformity of human thought to the timeless, mind-independent universals (cf. O Farrell 1967, p. 327). If we deny the ontological existence of any mind-independent universals as anti-realists do, then there is no possibility of any timeless truth. Hopefully, our investigation will help shed some light on this problem. Here, we will first explain tersely the POU before we determine Chu Hsi s particular metaphysical solution with regards to his Li-Ch i concept of the universe. Then, we will briefly compare the metaphysical controversy between the Ch eng-chu School and the Lu-Wang School with that between Plato-Augustine and Descartes-Kant in terms of the POU. Such an effort should pave the way for the next section regarding the URAM of Chu Hsi s metaphysical concept of the Li-Ch i universe for the postmodern Cartesian-Kantian world. 4.1 A Brief Explanation of the Problem of the Universals Edward A. Synan offers us the following succinct definition of the term 248

14 universal : The term universal, derived from the Latin universalis (unum versus alia, one against many), signifies a unity with reference to some plurality. Unlike the singular, which cannot be communicated, the universal is by definition something that is communicated or communicable to many (Synan 1967, p. 452). Hence, the POU can be a simple and universal problem in the sense that it is a simple the-one-and-the-many problem, which is universal to all individuals in all ages. We often encounter various things, properties or relations largely of the same type, like different tress, green colors, and good friendship. As soon as we begin to ask if there is one universal model tree, greenness, or friendship among these diverse ones, we begin to encounter the POU. Undoubtedly, the POU can be a profound and complicated one when we begin to ponder and answer the above question philosophically as regards the real existence of universals. Between the realism and anti-realism of universals, there can be three major camps or schools of thought. First, Plato s ante rem (before thing) realism would say that there is indeed one real, universal ideal tree, greenness or friendship, but that exists only in the suprasensible, transcendent realm, independently of things and our mind (Blackburn 1994, p. 387). But its opponent may demand a solid scientific proof of the existence of this ideal tree. Second, Aristotle s moderate in re or in rebus (in thing or things) realism (Ibid.) would deny any real, independent and substantial existence of this ideal tree, etc., in the transcendent realm. Universals are not substances existing independently of particulars. They exist only as common elements in particulars (Woozley 1967, p. 197). In other words, this ideal tree, etc., would exist only as an ideal, mind-dependent universal, form, or concept in things, if its essence could be abstracted or individuated from concrete singular things. Indeed, the skeptic of in re realism may question, among other things, whether it is an ideal or correct theory to deal with relativism. Third, post rem (after thing) anti-realism would disclaim or explain away the existence of any ideal, universal tree, etc., anywhere. For example, according to the nominalistic anti-realism of William of Ockham (c ), only names or words are universal and real for classification purposes. However, names do not validly describe reality. Every substance is irreducibly individual; there is no common nature; and universal concepts exist only in the mind Elements of nominalism are found in some forms of modern language philosophy and existentialism 249

15 (O Collins and Farrugia 1991, p. 158). According to the conceptualistic anti-realist nominalism of George Berkeley ( ), only concepts like names and words serving as mental representations are universal and real. The supposed classificatory function of universals is actually served by particular concepts in the mind (Butchvarov 1999, p. 169). Further, as a representative of general postmodern skepticism, Michael Foucault ( ) espoused deconstructionist anti-realism which tends to deconstruct the traditional arrangements or universals of European culture without knowing either what its form will be or what it promises (Foucault 1970, p. 387). 4.2 Chu Hsi s Li-Ch i Metaphysics and Its Opponents From our study it is clear that Chu Hsi s concept of the Li-Ch i universe is determined by his Platonic ante rem solution of the POU. Without doubt, Li, T ai Chi, or Love is the indestructible, unchanging and eternal (or uncreated) universal of universals, i.e., the Li of Lis, which permeates the whole universe and everything in it. According to Chu Hsi the realist, these Lis or universals are non-mental or mind-independent. Like the ante rem universals of Plato and St. Augustine of Hippo ( ), Chu Hsi s ante rem universals, borrowing here the expression of A. D. Woozley, exist in themselves and would exist even if there were no minds to be aware of them; if the world were and would exist even if there were no minds to be aware of them; if the world were exactly what it is now, with the one difference that it contained no minds at all, no consciousness of any kind, the existence of universals would be unaffected. They are public somethings with which we are somehow or other acquainted, and a mindless world would lack not universals but only the awareness of them; they would be available for discovery, even if there were nobody to discover them (Woozley 1967, pp ). The philosophical conflict between the Ch eng-chu School and Lu-Wang School which has continued by and large to the present consists precisely in the metaphysical conflict between the ante rem realists and the post rem nominalists or conceptualist anti-realists among Chinese philosophers for the last few centuries. Against Ch eng I and Chu Hsi s School or Li Hsüeh (School of Laws or Principles), Lu Chiu-yüan ( ) and Wang Shou-jen ( ) in their Hsin Hsüeh (School of Mind) believed that universals such as Li and T ai Chi are not eternal, absolute, and self-subsisting entities. They are necessarily mental 250

16 or mind-dependent. For these conceptualists, using again Woozley s expression, universals are in the mind in a private sense, such that if there were no minds, there could be no universals, in the same way as there could be no thoughts or imagery or memories or dreams (Ibid., p. 195). Whereas Chu Hsi embraces Ch eng Yi s conviction that nature is Li, Lu Chiu-yüan believes that the mind is Li (Fung 1966, p. 307). Restating his extreme subjective mind-dependent idealism, Lu said on one occasion: The universe is my mind; my mind is the universe (Ibid.). Wang Shou-jen also espouses the mind as Li: How can there be affairs and Li outside the mind? (Ibid., p. 309) To the School of Mind, one s mind, spirituality or consciousness is the measure of all things, including universals like Li and T ai Chi. In other words, if there is no mind, there will be no Li. Thus the mind is the legislator of the universe and is that by which the Lis are legislated (Ibid., p. 310; Chao 1980, pp. 9-10). Indeed, according to these relativistic idealists, conceptualists, or anti-realists with regards to the existence of mind-independent universals, an absolute, unchanging, and eternal Li, T ai Chi or any warrantable foundation does not permeate the universe and everything in it. Everything, hence, may change tomorrow, since the existence of any thing depends on the very state, perception, and operation of our mind or consciousness. 4.3 Various Battles between Ante Rem Realism and Post Rem Anti-realism: East and West If there were a deciding point of departure (or line of thought) defining or separating various Eastern and Western philosophical theories and systems into two major schools, one of the most comprehensive metaphysical determinants would definitely be the philosopher s conviction with respect to the ontological existence of some absolute, unchanging, eternal or uncreated universals. In general, while ante rem realists like Plato (c. BCE ) and Chu Hsi in their ante rem realisms have built their theories indispensably on the mind-independent existence of these universals, post rem anti-realists like Immanuel Kant and Wan Shou-jen categorically refute the existence of any absolute, eternal universals, stating that the existence of any universal is within space and time, existing only in the human mind. Strictly speaking, Aristotle s in re moderate realism belongs to the anti-realist camp since he believes that universals exist in things but not independently of them 251

17 (Blackburn 1994, p. 387). To that extent, Aristotle s in re realism is directly contrary to Plato s ante rem realism, which states that universals exists independently of mind, space, and time. We will not delve into in re realism in this short paper. On closer examination, the metaphysical battle between Ch eng-chu School and the Lu-Wang School is basically the philosophical conflict between ante rem realists and post rem anti-realists with respect to the existence of Li, T ai Chi, Jen or Love. Such a conflict is characteristic also of the recent metaphysical battle between the traditional Chinese Neo-Confucian scholars (who endorse Chu Hsi s ante rem realism) and the Chinese Marxist Communists (who are fundamentally anti-realist, Marxist materialists). The same can be applied to the philosophical battle in both Hong Kong and Taiwan between the traditional Confucian (or Neo-Confucian) generation and the new generations who have been overwhelmingly influenced by the Western anti-realist postmodernism which is very much Cartesian and Kantian in its true colors (Lo 1985, pp ). Further, the controversy between the Ch eng-chu School and the Lu-Wang School in the East can also be compared with that between the Plato-Augustine School and the Descartes-Kant School in the West. As we know, Plato s ante rem realism has survived and even prospered. From St. Augustine, Boethius, Johannes Scotus Eriugena, William of Champeaux, and John Scotus to Hegel and Alfred North Whitehead, theoreticians have defended the objective reality of universals (Hennessey 1979, p. 3614). On the other hand, the post rem anti-realism of William of Ockham has continued strong largely through the influence of René Descartes, John Locke, David Hume, George Berkeley, Immanuel Kant, and Michael Foucault, having dominated modern and postmodern philosophy (Ibid.). However, such anti-realism can be traced back to the relativistic Sophists like Protagoras (c. BCE ) and Gorgias (c. BCE ) at the time of Plato. To quite an extent, we may describe the postmodern post rem anti-realism as characteristic of the subjectivism of René Descartes (CE ), as well as the idealism of Immanuel Kant (CE ). Directed by his cogito ergo sum (I think, therefore I am) approach, Descartes, the father of modern philosophy, believes that all knowledge of external things is in the mind (Osborne 1992, p. 73). Kant, the founder of German idealism, in denouncing traditional metaphysics and 252

18 embracing Newton s natural science, can only accept the real existence of transcendental ideas or universals for sense-data in the natural, material realm (cf. Gilson 1930, pp ). Further, Kant was convinced that Plato and those who followed him were misled in believing that we could have knowledge of this supersensible reality. That was, in truth, no knowledge except through sense-experience, with the result that the whole metaphysical enterprise turned out to be an impossible one (Walsh 1966, p. 39). However, for the sake of sustaining the traditional moral standards as taught by religion, Kant takes the instrumental approach, treating the existence of supersensible universals as if they were real. Indeed, the traditional supersensible universals in our religion, such as God and the Ten Commandments, do not have to be real in existence, as long as they serve the purpose of sustaining our high ethical standards instrumentally. In other words, Kant allows these supersensible universals to exist only in our mind. Accordingly, Cartesian-Kantian mind-dependent anti-realism would say: I think about these universals in my mind, and, therefore, they are. But if I cannot convince myself that they are, they, then, are not. 5. URAM of CHU HSI S LI-CH I CONCEPTION OF THE UNIVERSE FOR THE POSTMODERN WORLD In the final analysis, being overwhelmed by untold anarchic relativism in a universe whose significance is at once utterly open and without warrantable foundation (Tarnas 1993, p. 398), the postmodern world is facing a crisis with hardly any precedence. Here in a sense the Cartesian critical intellect has reached its furthest point of development, doubting all, applying a systematic skepticism to every possible meaning (Ibid., p. 399). Such an extreme crisis or skepticism about truth, value, and meaning can, to a large extent, be explained in terms of its crisis in cosmology and metaphysics, which has been substantially influenced also by Kant as mentioned. Richard Tarnas is correct in saying that if ever boldness, depth, and clarity of vision were called for, from many, it is now. Yet perhaps it is this very necessity that could summon forth from us the courage and imagination we now require (Ibid., p. 413). Respectively, in each of the two following subsections (i.e., 5.1 and 5.2), we will first briefly state the 253

19 crisis of the postmodern world in terms of cosmology (in 5.1) and metaphysics (in 5.2), before we approach it individually with the ingenuity of Chu Hsi s Li-Ch i concept of the universe. As cosmology and metaphysics are intrinsically intertwined and impossible to be distinctively separated, we may find ourselves talking about metaphysics when focusing on cosmology, and vice versa. The two subsections should be seen, therefore, as complementary to each other, just as the two subjects are largely so to one another. 5.1 The Crisis of Cosmology in the Postmodern World Cosmology understood here as traditional cosmology, as a subject of serious intellectual inquiry, can be defined as the branch of philosophy, often considered a subdivision of metaphysics, that deals with the Universe as a totality of phenomena, attempting to combine metaphysical speculation and scientific evidence within a coherent framework. The problems generally falling within its province include those of space, time, eternity, necessity, change, and contingency. Its method of rational enquiry distinguishes it from purely mythic accounts of the origin and structure of the Universe (Flew 1984, pp ). The crisis of cosmology in the postmodern world, therefore, is largely the crisis of cosmology itself as a subject of importance and relevance to our anti-metaphysical intellectual and scientific mentality today. Although many people are beginning to be open again to the study of metaphysics and cosmology in the present postmodern pluralistic age, cosmology as a metaphysical and speculative subject is still far from being recognized as it was formerly during the ancient Greek and Medieval Christian periods. Hume had destroyed both metaphysics and science; in order to save science, Kant decided to sacrifice metaphysics (Gilson 1938, p. 312). Awestruck by the incredible advances in natural science, and convinced of Kant s exclusive emphasis on sense-data with regards to what really exists, most modern and postmodern intellectuals no longer take the traditional metaphysical approach to the study of the universe seriously. Anthony Flew sum up the history of cosmology succinctly (Flew 1984, p. 79): The Presocratics discussed cosmological issues, which were modified and systematized in the works of Plato and Aristotle. In medieval philosophy, 254

20 Christian theology significantly coloured the whole approach to cosmology, until Renaissance science caused a radical revision of the world-picture. Kant maintained that the problems of cosmology were a kind that could never be solved. While some elements in cosmology have tended to be subsumed in metaphysics, others have become increasingly the concern of the physical sciences. Expressed in terms of Chu Hsi s concept of the Li-Ch i universe, many intelligent minds today have been serious or interested only in the dimension of Ch i as the material energy of the universe without the dimension of Li. Astrophysicist Carl Sagan has stated that The [material] Cosmos is all that is or ever was or ever will be (Sagan 1980, p. 4). To some extent, this materialistic approach has reduced cosmology to high energy physics, focusing on such things as the spectral investigation of the distribution of elements throughout the universe and the study of the red shift associated with the recession of the galaxies (Flew 1984, p. 79). Such a Cartesian-Kantian post rem anti-realism with regards to the suprasensible existence of eternal universals, laws, principles, or Lis in cosmology has left the postmodern universe in uttermost Heraclitean flux, without any absolute, universal, warrantable foundation. As a consequence, cultural or multi-cultural relativism in our present age has run amok. So cultural relativism can lead to ethical relativism, which can itself slide into ethical skepticism, and fall finally into deeply worrying ethical nihilism (Robsinson and Groves 2000, p. 40). In the end, most people conclude that there is no truth; and if there were, we could not know it. There are no moral rules, so you can do what you like (Ibid.). Indeed, we must rely on opinion, and so speakers who can change people s opinions have great power (Ide 1999, p. 863). One might say that the postmodern epoch is dominated by the famous Protagorean claim: Humans are the measure of all things of things that are, that they are, of things that are not, that they are not (Ibid.). In the midst of such a pluralistic cultural and moral crisis, there is an urgent demand for a review with regards to our general anti-realist approach to the existence of mind-independent universals. The genius of Chu Hsi s Li-Ch i concept of the universe consists precisely in teaching us that we can no longer afford to conceive or perceive our universe as merely a Ch i universe without any Li. Being inspired by Chu Hsi s ante rem realism towards the existence of eternal, 255

21 self-subsisting Lis or universals, which have permeated the whole universe since its very beginning, we too no longer can have the luxury to continue on with our conceptualist, nominalist, or deconstructionist anti-realism. We have suffered too much as a consequence of the view of the modern science of a world devoid of spiritual purpose, opaque, ruled by chance and necessity, without intrinsic meaning (Tarnas 1993, p. 418). This generation is living in the post-cartesian dilemma of being a conscious, purposeful, and personal subject confronting an unconscious, purposeless, and impersonal universe (Ibid., p. 420) and simultaneously compounded by the post-kantian dilemma of there being no possible means by which the human subject can know the universe in its essence (Ibid.). As much as we are open to all other cultures and values, we are at once aroused and crushed. For inexplicitly, absurdly, the cosmos is inhuman, yet we are not. The situation is profoundly unintelligible (Ibid.). Pierre Teilhard de Chardin (CE ) seemed to understand our untold anxiety before the seemingly faceless universe when he wrote: It is a terrifying thing to have been born, I mean, to find oneself, without having willed it, swept irrevocably along on a torrent of fearful energy which seems as though it wished to destroy everything it carriers with it (Teilhard 1965, p. 128). In fact, Albert Einstein (CE ) once voiced concern over our profound sense of disorientation with regards to the unruly material universe when he was asked: What is the most important question you can ask in life? His rely was another question: Is the universe a friendly place or not? (Fox 1988, p. 1) Apparently, if we continue to hold on to our present anti-realist solution to the POU towards the cosmos, we can only expect to fall from bad to worse until our whole modern or postmodern fundamental belief, trust, faith, confidence or hope in the universe completely collapses. This is precisely where Chu Hsi s idea of the universe as a Li-Ch i being can come in. His cosmology teaches us that the whole universe and everything in it is not only permeated by Li, but also by T ai Chi which is principally Jen or Love. As the totality of reality is filled with this eternal, all-loving, all-present, and mind-independent T ai Chi (Jeng or Love), the innermost nature of every thing and person in the universe is that of Jen (Love). Being the First Cause of the universe, T ai Chi or Love is, thus, also its Final Cause in the sense that T ai Chi caused the universe (and every 256