Logical Analysis and Archaic Diction

Transcription

1 Logical Analysis and Archaic Diction Historical and Philosophical Introduction Thomas Hobbes ( ) was an English philosopher. During the English Civil War, which ended in 1651, he spent most of his time in France writing Leviathan, a huge treatise on the structure of society and legitimate government. In Leviathan, Hobbes claims that humans, in their natural state, are in perpetual civil war against each other, characterized by continual fear, and danger of violent death. Because of this, the natural man s life is solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short (chapter XIII, paragraph 9). He argues that only a social contract to form a government or Commonwealth can deliver men out of this horrible state of nature. Hobbes is, therefore, in favor of a strong central government, especially one with an absolute sovereign, a monarch. The excerpts here have been chosen because they capture some of Hobbes s reasoning and sentiments about rebellion. Some paragraphs have been cut to focus the reading, but the archaic language has been preserved. There are three excerpts that will be read separately, each with its own writing assignment. Skills and Goals The excerpts from Leviathan will present you with some of the most difficult English prose you have ever encountered. For total comprehension, attention must be placed on paraphrasing, summarizing, and looking up words. Because this is a treatise about political philosophy, and not a speech concerning a particular political issue, the focus is more on logical analysis to uncover the necessary connections in the argument, and less on rhetorical analysis to determine what style choices are effective for achieving a certain purpose. The thinking of Hobbes provides, on the one hand, a foundation for American political theory based on government as a social contrast, and on the other hand, a pro-monarchist contrast to the political thinking behind the American Revolution. Hobbes s Leviathan Excerpt A In this excerpt, Hobbes addresses this question: Can a social contract or covenant be broken justly or reasonably? Here we see him define rebellion as the breaking of a covenant. His definitions and his use of apposition are two characteristics of a treatise, which is driven by logos, the appeal to reason. 1. Annotate his definitions and redefinitions for key terms. 2. Underline any important sentences or ideas. Double-underline key words or phrases. Circle words you do not know and look them up. 3. Box any instances of the phrase that is or that is to say. This phrase introduces an important appositive in which the two words, phrases, or clauses on either side are to be taken as equivalent.

2 Chapter XV Of Other Laws of Nature [Paragraph 1 omitted] [2] And in this law of nature consisteth the fountain and original of justice. For where no covenant hath preceded, there hath no right been transferred, and every man has right to everything and consequently, no action can be unjust. But when a covenant is made, then to break it is unjust and the definition of injustice is no other than the not performance of covenant. And whatsoever is not unjust is just. [3] [... B]efore the names of just and unjust can have place, there must be some coercive power to compel men equally to the performance of their covenants, by the terror of some punishment greater than the benefit they expect by the breach of their covenant, and to make good that propriety which by mutual contract men acquire in recompense of the universal right they abandon: and such power there is none before the erection of a Commonwealth. And this is also to be gathered out of the ordinary definition of justice in the Schools, for they say that justice is the constant will of giving to every man his own. And therefore where there is no own, that is, no propriety, there is no injustice; and where there is no coercive power erected, that is, where there is no Commonwealth, there is no propriety, all men having right to all things: therefore where there is no Commonwealth, there nothing is unjust. So that the nature of justice consisteth in keeping of valid covenants, but the validity of covenants begins not but with the constitution of a civil power sufficient to compel men to keep them: and then it is also that propriety begins. [Paragraphs 4 and 5 omitted] [6] As for the instance of gaining the secure and perpetual felicity of heaven by any way, it is frivolous; there being but one way imaginable, and that is not breaking, but keeping of covenant. [7] And for the other instance of attaining sovereignty by rebellion; it is manifest that, though the event follow, yet because it cannot reasonably be expected, but rather the contrary, and because by gaining it so, others are taught to gain the same in like manner, the attempt thereof is against reason. Justice therefore, that is to say, keeping of covenant, is a rule of reason by which we are forbidden to do anything destructive to our life, and consequently a law of nature. Homework Assignment 1. Carefully re-read the marked portion of paragraph 3. Paraphrase this portion as a series of syllogisms, or conditional statements and conclusions. 2. Carefully re-read paragraph 7. What is one reason Hobbes gives for declaring that rebellion is against reason? Describe how rebellion might lead men back to the horrible state of nature (mentioned in the Historical and Philosophical Introduction above).

3 Excerpt B In this excerpt, Hobbes lists the rights of the sovereign and the limitations of those who originally created the social contract. The Bill of Rights added to the U.S. Constitution limits the powers of the government and gives powers back to the governed, but Hobbes here seems to do the opposite: conferring powers upon the sovereign and limiting how the people can behave in relation to the covenant that established the commonwealth. The first paragraph redefines a commonwealth, and the five paragraphs following draw consequences from that and other definitions. Aside from normal annotation and close attention to the definitions Hobbes uses, paraphrase the first sentence of each paragraph. Chapter XVIII Of the Rights of Sovereigns by Institution [1] A Commonwealth is said to be instituted when a multitude of men do agree, and covenant, every one with every one, that to whatsoever man, or assembly of men, shall be given by the major part the right to present the person of them all, that is to say, to be their representative; every one, as well he that voted for it as he that voted against it, shall authorize all the actions and judgements of that man, or assembly of men, in the same manner as if they were his own, to the end to live peaceably amongst themselves, and be protected against other men. [2] From this institution of a Commonwealth are derived all the rights and faculties of him, or them, on whom the sovereign power is conferred by the consent of the people assembled. [3] First, because they covenant, it is to be understood they are not obliged by former covenant to anything repugnant hereunto. And consequently they that have already instituted a Commonwealth, being thereby bound by covenant to own the actions and judgements of one, cannot lawfully make a new covenant amongst themselves to be obedient to any other, in anything whatsoever, without his permission. And therefore, they that are subjects to a monarch cannot without his leave cast off monarchy and return to the confusion of a disunited multitude; nor transfer their person from him that beareth it to another man, other assembly of men: for they are bound, every man to every man, to own and be reputed author of all that already is their sovereign shall do and judge fit to be done; so that any one man dissenting, all the rest should break their covenant made to that man, which is injustice: and they have also every man given the sovereignty to him that beareth their person; and therefore if they depose him, they take from him that which is his own, and so again it is injustice. Besides, if he that attempteth to depose his sovereign be killed or punished by him for such attempt, he is author of his own punishment, as being, by the institution, author of all his sovereign shall do; and because it is injustice for a man to do anything for which he may be punished by his own authority, he is also upon that title unjust. And whereas some men have pretended for their disobedience to their sovereign a new covenant, made, not with men but with God, this also is unjust: for there is no covenant with God but by mediation of somebody that representeth God s person, which none doth but God s lieutenant who hath the sovereignty under God. But this pretence of covenant with God is so evident a lie, even in the pretenders own consciences, that it is not only an act of an unjust, but also of a vile and unmanly disposition. [4] Secondly, because the right of bearing the person of them all is given to him they

4 make sovereign, by covenant only of one to another, and not of him to any of them, there can happen no breach of covenant on the part of the sovereign; and consequently none of his subjects, by any pretence of forfeiture, can be freed from his subjection. [...] The opinion that any monarch receiveth his power by covenant, that is to say, on condition, proceedeth from want of understanding this easy truth: that covenants being but words, and breath, have no force to oblige, contain, constrain, or protect any man, but what it has from the public sword; that is, from the untied hands of that man, or assembly of men, that hath the sovereignty, and whose actions are avouched by them all, and performed by the strength of them all, in him united. [...] [5] Thirdly, because the major part hath by consenting voices declared a sovereign, he that dissented must now consent with the rest; that is, be contented to avow all the actions he shall do, or else justly be destroyed by the rest. For if he voluntarily entered into the congregation of them that were assembled, he sufficiently declared thereby his will, and therefore tacitly covenanted, to stand to what the major part should ordain: and therefore if he refuse to stand thereto, or make protestation against any of their decrees, he does contrary to his covenant, and therefore unjustly. And whether he be of the congregation or not, and whether his consent be asked or not, he must either submit to their decrees or be left in the condition of war he was in before; wherein he might without injustice be destroyed by any man whatsoever. [6] Fourthly, because every subject is by this institution author of all the actions and judgements of the sovereign instituted, it follows that whatsoever he doth, can be no injury to any of his subjects; nor ought he to be by any of them accused of injustice. For he that doth anything by authority from another doth therein no injury to him by whose authority he acteth: but by this institution of a Commonwealth every particular man is author of all the sovereign doth; and consequently he that complaineth of injury from his sovereign complaineth of that whereof he himself is author, and therefore ought not to accuse any man but himself; no, nor himself of injury, because to do injury to oneself is impossible. It is true that they that have sovereign power may commit iniquity, but not injustice or injury in the proper signification. [7] Fifthly, and consequently to that which was said last, no man that hath sovereign power can justly be put to death, or otherwise in any manner by his subjects punished. For seeing every subject is author of the actions of his sovereign, he punisheth another for the actions committed by himself. Assignment 1. Carefully re-read paragraphs 1-3, noting Hobbes s punctuation choices and the length of his sentences. When he does use a period, why does he do it? Why are two neighboring sentences separated from each other instead of being connected by a semi-colon or colon? Is there any common feature you can find for each of his sentence terminations? 2. Paraphrase (in a list) the five main points of paragraphs 3-7. Do any of them clash with the fundamental principles of the American Revolution? Do any of them support the rebellion against England? 3. Carefully re-read paragraph 5. How does this point translate to the democratic principle of voting and majority rule? Do you think most American voters agree that in voting they tacitly covenanted, to stand to what the major part should ordain? Do you yourself agree?

5 Excerpt C In this short excerpt, Hobbes abandons his strict demonstration and moves into a more fluid, impassioned style. It borders on invective that is, harsh, bitterly critical, almost sarcastic language. Hobbes s rhetorical choices are certainly not limited to logos here. As you read, keep in mind that Hobbes is arguing against the Greeks, including Sophocles, the author of Antigone. Make inferences about Hobbes s targeted audience. In addition to normal annotation, box the conjunction for if it begins a clause. Consider: What is the function of for in the peculiar way he uses it? What is common among all the sentences that begin with for? Chapter XXIX Of Those Things That Weaken or Tend to the Dissolution of the Commonwealth [Paragraphs 1-12 omitted] [13] And as to rebellion in particular against monarchy, one of the most frequent causes of it is the reading of the books of policy and histories of the ancient Greeks and Romans; from which young men, and all others that are unprovided of the antidote of solid reason, receiving a strong and delightful impression of the great exploits of war achieved by the conductors of their armies, receive withal a pleasing idea of all they have done besides; and imagine their great prosperity not to have proceeded from the emulation of particular men, but from the virtue of their popular form of government not considering the frequent seditions and civil wars produced by the imperfection of their policy. From the reading, I say, of such books, men have undertaken to kill their kings, because the Greek and Latin writers in their books and discourses of policy make it lawful and laudable for any man so to do, provided before he do it he call him tyrant. For they say not regicide, that is, killing of a king, but tyrannicide, that is, killing of a tyrant, is lawful. From the same books they that live under a monarch conceive the opinion that the subjects in a popular Commonwealth enjoy liberty, but that in a monarchy they are all slaves. I say, they that live under a monarchy conceive such an opinion; not that they live under a popular government: for they find no such matter. In sum, I cannot imagine how anything can be more prejudicial to a monarchy than the allowing of such books to be publicly read, without present applying such correctives of discreet masters as are fit to take away their venom: which venom I will not doubt to compare to the biting of a mad dog, which is a disease that physicians call hydrophobia, or fear of water. For as he that is so bitten has a continual torment of thirst, and yet abhorreth water; and is in such an estate as if the poison endeavoured to convert him into a dog; so when a monarchy is once bitten to the quick by those democratical writers that continually snarl at that estate, it wanteth nothing more than a strong monarch, which nevertheless out of a certain tyrannophobia, or fear of being strongly governed, when they have him, they abhor. Assignment 1. Carefully re-read the marked portion of the paragraph. Here Hobbes refutes a counter-argument. In your opinion, does he effectively refute it? Why or why not? 2. Carefully re-read the extended metaphor toward the end of the paragraph. How does this dramatic characterization of the young men contribute to his overall argument and purpose in the paragraph? (First articulate the argument and purpose, and then explain how the characterization contributes to these.)