A Great Partnership: Iran, Iraq and the GCC

Transcription

1 A Great Partnership: Iran, Iraq and the GCC By Ambassador Seyed Hossein Mousavian Introduction The Persian Gulf is facing ten simultaneous problems: 1) new challenges in regard to Arab Spring/Islamic Awakening in the Middle East and North Africa, 2) Arab-Israeli conflict on the Peace Process, 3) terrorism in the name of Islam, 4) extremism such as Salafists, 5) Israeli possession of weapons of mass destruction, 6) militarization, 7) foreign military presence, 8) Iran s nuclear crisis, 9) widening the gap between Iran-Iraq with Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) members (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates) due to crisis in Syria and 10) the lack of a regional cooperation system in the Persian Gulf. Moreover the GCC is particularly concern because Iran is one a non-arab states in the region with a unique revolution and governance model based on Shia, the second largest denomination of Islam. For the US and other world powers, Iran is extremely important. In addition to its civilization, large population, and valuable human resources, Iran holds huge resources of natural gas and oil, occupies a key geo-strategic location that connects East, Central, and South Asia to the Persian Gulf and Europe via Turkey and the Caucuses, and has a vast shoreline in the Persian Gulf and the Caspian Sea regions. The untapped economic potential of the country is great. Iran is the only Non-Arab country in the Persian Gulf with a mother tongue of Farsi, not Arabic, is not a member of the League of Arab States, with one of the world's most renowned anvils of antiquity and rich history that is older and more variegated than that of the GCC. Iran is today and will remain in the future a key player in the Persian Gulf, Middle East and beyond. Relations between Iran and its Arab neighbors in the Persian Gulf have historically been strained under the rule of both Pahlavi monarchy and Islamic Republic. Since 1980 and the

2 Iraqi invasion of Iran, the most powerful Arab nation s army in the Persian Gulf with the full support of GCC for the aggressor, the relations experienced the most hostile era. How to build trust between Iran and the GCC has remained the most critical issue to deal with. GCC s Strategic Concerns: The emergence of such hostility pushed the Arab neighbors in the Persian Gulf to form the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in The main concern was about the so called export of the revolution. 1 A year later, the GCC formed its joint military force called Peninsula Shield Force (PSF) as a defensive and offensive force against Iran. 2 In July 2011, GCC member states decided to increase the PSF troop levels from 50,000 to 100,000 by the end of Security, defense and intelligence advisor, Dr. Sami Alfaraj, stated that the decision was made in order to counter a growing threat from Iran and its subversive terrorist elements across the GCC. 3 The strategic concerns of the GCC shaping its geopolitical calculations on Iran include: 1- Iran s demographic weight which has no equivalent among any of the GCC nations. Iran's population with nearly 80 million is more than three times that of the six GCC member-states combined. 2- Iranian human resources are demanded throughout the region due to their advanced education, professional skills and training. Around 500,000 Iranian workers and business representatives are living and working in united Arab Emirates alone The religious and revolutionary nature of Iran's system of governance and political dynamics. 4- Iran s influence in the Muslim world and Arab nations such as Iraq, Yemen, Sudan, Lebanon and Palestine Defensive Shield for the Gulf Since 1982, The National, March 16, 2011, (accessed July 18, 2011) 3

3 5- Iran s centuries-old deep-rooted family ties between millions of Arabs and Iranians on both sides of Persian Gulf which continues to date. 6- Iran s popularity in Arab streets due to its unrelenting support for the Palestinian cause, with vital political, social and economic backing for popular resistant movements such as Hamas and Hezbollah. Iran s popularity was put on show with President Ahmadinejad s visit to Lebanon in October 2010, with thousands pouring into the streets, adorned with Iranian and Lebanese flags with pictures of Ahmadinejad and Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei Iran's opposition to the Western military presence in the region, continuing criticisms of GCC strategic alliance with Western Powers specifically the US. 8- Iran s objection to militarization of the region by Western countries. In 2011, the US tripled its arms sales to $66.3 billion, accounting for three-quarters of the global weapons trade--with GCC countries taking the lion s share of the trade with Saudi Arabia alone the biggest purchaser of US weapons worth $33.4 billion Iran s capability in sensitive technologies such as nuclear, chemical, biological and missile coupled with its self-sufficiency in defense industry. 10- Iran's shoreline which spans almost the entire length of the Persian Gulf and is by far more than any other Persian Gulf countries combined. 11- Fears regarding the Persian Gulf s intra-regional balance of power, especially after US invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan which the GCC considers a big win for Iran because the US eliminated Saddam and Taliban, the two major national security dilemmas of Iran, a significant loss for GCC

4 Major Elements of Mistrust Certainly there is deep rooted mistrust between Iran and GCC members with a long history going back to the Arab Muslim invasion of Iran some 1400 years ago where Iranians welcomed Islam but still have not forgotten the invasion of their land. Nevertheless some major elements of mistrust in recent decades are: 1- From Iranian point of view till early 1900, Bahrain was Iran s fourteenth province with a seat in the Iranian parliament in early 1900s. In late 1960 s and early 1970 s, the Shah of Iran agreed to the independence of Bahrain where in return the British recognized the Greater, Lesser Tonb Islands and Abu Musa as longstanding part of Iranian territory. The continued territorial dispute with UAE, has laid the foundation of a major mistrust between Iran and GCC. 2- Iran, from the beginning, considers the formation of GCC as a system established just for confronting Iran. 3- From an Iranian perspective, the security and stability of the Persian Gulf has been dominated by Western powers for the past four centuries, with no major part played by regional countries. Instead, Iran stresses the need for the region to take more prominent role in its own security and stability. While the GCC maintains the only way to preserve security and stability is through political-military and security alliance with super powers. 4- From Iranian point of view, the Western powers over much of the past half century have blocked the independence of Muslim countries by supporting the traditional systems of governance in the region, blocking development and democracy in the Persian Gulf. 5- The Iraqi invasion of Iran and the use of chemical weapons cost Iran hundreds of billions of dollars and about one million lives and injuries. GCC fully supported the invasion with over hundred billion dollars of financial support for Saddam Hussein.

5 After the ceasefire, the GCC did not take any steps towards compensation for war damages. This event has left unprecedented mistrust in Iran-GCC relations. 6- The historical mistrust of GCC toward both Iran and Iraq has been mounted following the collapse of Saddam Hussein s regime, where the majority Shia populations of Iraq have gained power and forged close cooperation with Iran. 7- The Arab nations hold grudge against the Shah of Iran who aligned with Israel during 1967 war when Israel occupied Arab territories of Egypt, Palestine and Syria. This definitely constituted mistrust between Arabs and Iran. However after revolution, Iran s position against Israel, support for Palestinians and even supports for Hezbollah to preserve the integrity of Lebanon, has given Iran upper hand in Arab streets and Muslim world, undermining the position of the GCC toward Israel and the US, the so called Zionist and imperialist. 8- Decades of Iran-Iraq territorial disputes was settled through 1975 Algeria Accord between Saddam Hussein and the Shah. However following the 1979 revolution, Saddam tore the Accord, invaded Iran and claimed Khuzestan Province as part of Iraq s territory. The GCC supported the move, which gave the impression to Iranians that the GCC is after disintegration of Iran. 9- In March 1991 the six GCC countries, together with the foreign ministers of Egypt and Syria, signed "Damascus Declaration," committing themselves to the principle of noninterference in one another's domestic affairs. Iran also signed a separate agreement with Syria for strategic alliance. Since Syrian crisis, the GCC has clearly violated its agreement with Syria trying to bring regime change and remove Bashar Al-Assad. Iran has maintained its agreement with Damascus, supporting the Syrian government and resisting regime change in Syria. Therefore Syria has become the center of a new conflict, mistrust and challenge between Iran and GCC. 10- During the Iran-Iraq war, the GCC supported Saddam Hussein s aggression, yet Iran was amongst the first countries condemning Iraq s invasion of Kuwait in and

6 moreover Iran gave tacit support to the United States, GCC and international community s efforts to reverse Iraq's aggression against Kuwait. The GCC did not appreciate this positive gesture. 11- Iran shares more than a dozen oil and gas fields with Arab states including Iraq, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the UAE. There are multiple disputes regarding siphoning Iranian share in these gas and oil fields, specifically Tehran accuses Doha of extracting way more than its share in the joint gas field of South Pars, which is the biggest in the world. Eckart Woertz, a visiting fellow at Princeton University placed it plainly by saying, Qatar and Iran have straws in the same gas field, but only Qatar is sucking Saudi Arabia s violent crackdown on demonstrations in 1987 by Iranian pilgrims in Mecca that left 403 people dead, amongst them 275 Iranians and injuring about According to diplomatic cables released by WikiLeaks, the Saudi King Abdullah gave his backing to a possible US military action on Iran to cut off the head of the snake Supporting Western Sanctions and pressures against Iran. Saudi Arabia has increased its oil output to substitute Iranian oil as a major effort to break Iranian economy and support the US efforts to bring regime change. The Saudi oil minister Ali Naimi has reassured the international community that his country will be able to respond to shortages around the world as a result of sanctions on Iranian oil industry and will continue to be a reliable, steady and dependable supplier of energy to the world Ultimately the GCC and Iran are suspicious the other side is after regime change. For the Iranians the continuous support of Saddam during the war with Iran coupled with

7 backing the US and Westerns sanctions today are clear indications. While for the GCC, they fear the Iranians are aiming to export their revolution and aspiring to have nuclear weapons. Mutual Interests Although the mistrust on both sides is strong, Iran, Iraq and the GCC share a number interests and concerns including: 1- Avoiding the forth war in the Persian Gulf with a possible invasion and occupation by foreign powers; 2- Fighting against drug trafficking and organized crimes; 3- Combating terrorism and extremism, AL Qaeda, Salafism and similar groups; 4- Preventing Clash of Civilizations which can lead to a significantly greater degree of animosity among Western-Muslim nations; 5- Safe maritime passage of energy export through the narrow Strait of Hormuz and security for a quarter of the world's international energy exports and production with stability in pricing of the region's oil and gas resources; 6- Seaborne security issues to prevent disruptions in exports and foreign-sourced goods that originate daily inside the Persian Gulf; 7- Promoting the role and position of the Muslim world in international arena; and 8- Managing the crisis in Muslim countries such as Syria, Bahrain, Palestine, Lebanon, Iraq and Afghanistan. Waves of Instability The presence of trans-regional powers in the Middle East and the Persian Gulf has greatly changed the region. Growing instability caused by the US invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan, the use of force to promote a new order in the region and the escalation of militarism 10 has led to more divergence than convergence in this sensitive part of the world. Moreover with consequences of the US departure from Iraq and Afghanistan, the uprisings in the Arab 10. Sami G. Hajjar, U.S. Military Presence in the Persian Gulf: Challenges and Prospects, Strategic Studies Institute, March

8 world and potential internal unrest in the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and United Arab Emirates), Syrian crisis and Iran s nuclear dilemma are going to have major impact on the political-security situation of the region in the years to come. Finding a solution to these problems is not easy. The strategic importance of the Persian Gulf, to global security and energy has made that region a focal point for the world since the early years of the new century, and world powers are competing for a superior position in or even dominance of the region. The US has had to intervene directly three times in the past sixteen years against regional threats in Iran in , Iraq/Kuwait in 1991 and once again in Iraq from 2003 to the present. 11 In comparison to other regions of the world, the Persian Gulf region has close to the highest ratio of military personnel to total population and also has one of the highest growth rates in the numbers of personnel. 12 Since the United States invaded Iraq and Afghanistan, instability in the region has been soaring and the subsequent unrest has prevented the establishment of a stable government in these countries. After Arab Spring/Islamic Awakening, the potential threat of civil war and sectarian strife is now a fact. Millions of people have lost their lives or homes in the past years which have left many negative consequences for regional security. Islamic revolution in 1979 called for Muslims to return to the original teachings outlined in the Koran and the practices of the Prophet Mohammed (pbuh). This call was interpreted in the GCC countries as Iran s policy to export it revolution. Now and after Arab Spring/ Islamic Awakening even Salafist--which have their birth place in Saudi Arabia--are calling for the same. After the 1991 Persian Gulf War, in which Saudi Arabia was forced to allow some 500,000 U.S. troops into the kingdom to protect itself from Baathist Iraq, the Salafist have led the uproar over the religious legitimacy of allowing non-muslim soldiers to be present on Islamic holy grounds in Saudi Arabia. Today, Salafist extremism has spread across the Arab world. 11 Kenneth M. Pollack, Securing the Persian Gulf, Saban Center for Middle East Policy, April Hossein Askari, Amin Mohseni, and Sharzad Daneshvar, The Militarization of the Persian Gulf: An Economic Analysis (Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar Publishing Limited, 2010).

9 The GCC considers Iran as the major challenge to its stability. However in my opinion the major threats are within the Arab world, namely the countries going through transition from autocracy towards democracy and second the complex and divided Salafist movement. The military presence of foreign powers in the region and the resultant militarization has, in fact, disrupted development in many countries. A large part of investments by regional countries is made in security-related matters while underdevelopment of infrastructures has made those countries prone to political and economic crises. 13 Although it seems that the presence of foreign powers can be effective in technology transfer and development, they have mainly worked to build up their military presence in the region. Efforts made to promote guided democracy in Persian Gulf and Middle East countries has changed the situation in the region from cooperation-based actions to defensive reactions in the form of integration into security systems that are extraneous to the region. Instead of establishing a broad-based regional security system in the Persian Gulf and formulating needed mechanisms for cooperation and collective security, regional countries are seeking security guarantees from major powers outside of the region and this has led to the biggest military buildup by foreign forces in the history of the region. As such, providing needed security and existence of security guarantees has been made difficult. Despite the collapse of two warmongering systems in the region, instability resulting from the absence of stable political systems, as well as presence of foreign forces in those countries, has taken up the lion s share of the regional countries capacities. The military presence of foreign forces in the region, especially in the Persian Gulf is an obstacle for the establishment of regional order and stability as well as cooperation among regional countries to shape trends that would enhance cooperation. Israel is the sole country in the Middle East that has an arsenal of weapons of mass destruction and has refused to sign all disarmament treaties. More importantly, Israel does not consider weapons of mass 13 Askari, et al., The Militarization of the Persian Gulf.

10 destruction as the last deterrence, but as an instrument of securing its legitimacy and existence. The region still lacks a comprehensive security system including a security community and a collective security system. Terrorism as a major threat against the world order is a hot topic. In the Persian Gulf and Middle East, terrorism has not only destabilized regional countries, but has provided an excuse for interference in domestic affairs of other countries or military action against them. 14 Moreover, the extremist interpretations of Islam by Al Qaeda has provided grounds for violent measures in the region, helped Taliban rise to power in the past, and are now manifested in domestic unrest in Muslim countries such as Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, Libya and even Saudi Arabia. 15 Iran and the United States, as important regional and global powers, are major players and the interaction or hostility between them will directly affect stability and security in Persian Gulf and Middle East. During Iraq s war against Iran in 1980s, the United States mobilized Arab countries against Iran, but the result was the emergence of extremist terrorist groups like Al-Qaeda and the Taliban among regional Sunni Muslims with ominous consequences for regional and global security. Even today, they are still among the main political and security concerns of international community. Following Iraqi invasion of Iran, Washington formulated Iran containment policy. This policy focused on strengthening the military power of Persian Gulf states and on the establishment of military bases in those countries to confront Iran. It encouraged trilateral cooperation among the US, Arab nations, and Israel to reduce the regional clout of Tehran and to pave the way for an agreement over a Palestine-Israel peace accord. 16 The Iran problem was highlighted to overshadow many decades of disputes between Arabs and Israel at the same time that the US provided Israel with unlimited financial, military, political, and security support to ensure Israel s supremacy over other Middle Eastern countries. 14. Public Opinion in the Islamic World on Terrorism, Al Qaeda, and the US Policies, WorldPublicOpinion.org, February Ibid. 16. The Arab-Israeli Alliance Against Iran, 23 July

11 The policy expanded political and economic pressure and sanctions at global level, especially against Tehran s nuclear program, in order to isolate Iran and began a new Cold War in the Middle East to further marginalize Iran and force the country to give in to the demands of the US and its regional and global allies. But the result is the emergence of a new Iran with nuclear and missile capability and also a determinative power in political equation of Iraq, Afghanistan, Lebanon and the Middle East. This US strategy toward Iran has backfired however. A clear indication of this was the 33-day war between Hezbollah and Israel in Lebanon in The outcome of this war was a victory for Hezbollah 17 and increased popularity for Iran and Hezbollah among the Arab masses. 18 Moreover, the Iran containment policy led to the expansion of Sunni extremism in the region. Anti-American sentiments have spread throughout the Middle East and Persian Gulf and hatred among the regional population for the presence of the American forces in their countries is rapidly on the rise. 19 This situation is neither in the interest of GCC, nor Iran and even the US and international community. The only way to secure stability, security and a durable peace in the Persian Gulf is to establishment a regional cooperation system, and progress on this critical issue depends on a number of key facts. Washington s policy uniting Arabs and Israel against Iran will only lead to more instability in Middle East and Persian Gulf. Indeed, Muslim world public opinion considers Israel as the main threat. The US endeavors to introduce Iran as the main threat will therefore get nowhere. Peace and security in Persian Gulf is a main requisite for peace and security in the whole Middle East. The US military buildup in Persian Gulf and Central Asia has perpetuated a serious threat to US financial situation and a huge budget deficit for US treasury. Regional Cooperation Initiative 17 Fars News Agency, 25 April The 33-Day War: Hizbullah s Victory, Israel s Choice, Boston Review, November-December Public Opinion in the Islamic World.

12 The perception of the US and GCC that Iran cannot play a positive and constructive role in the region is wrong. They have only experienced containing Iran through military buildup in the region, signing further military treaties with regional countries, and supporting harsher sanctions these are not solutions and will cause more instability in Persian Gulf and Middle East. The US and GCC have never proposed a comprehensive package for bilateral, regional and international cooperation with Iran to see whether Iran can be a constructive and positive partner or not. This is something they should attempt at least once to test Iranian sincerity on advocating for regional cooperation system in the Persian Gulf. I have an extremely valuable and practical experience on improving the Iran-GCC relations. Tehran-Riyadh relations experienced its most hostile era due to Saudi Arabia s eight years of support for Saddam Hussein during the invasion of Iran ( ) and 1987 violent crackdown on Iranian pilgrims in Mecca that left 275 dead and around 2000 injured. 20 In the mid-1990 s, while serving as the Iranian ambassador to Germany, I was commissioned by then Iranian President Rafsanjani, to visit Jeddah as his representative on a secret mission to revive Tehran-Riyadh ties. During my stay, I held three lengthy closed-door meetings on an array of bilateral, regional and international issues with then Saudi crown Prince Abdullah, which went into the late hours of the night. The son of President Rafsanjani also attended the meetings. The details of the agreement were finalized with the late Prince Naïf, the interior minister and King Fahd, and then presented to President Rafsanjani and Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei. They both agreed and welcomed the agreements, which solidified the bonds of cordial relations between the two countries for almost a decade. My aim was to reach a comprehensive agreement with GCC through the Kingdom, which is the most influential state in the system of the GCC. 21 Ultimately Amir Abdullah and I agreed on a comprehensive package for revival of the relations. The package included cooperation in the fields of politics, security, economy and other fields. Relying on this comprehensive

13 agreement, relations between the Kingdom and Iran experienced a honey moon era from 1996 until Ahmadinejad s presidency in This revival of Tehran-Riyadh relations had a direct positive impact on ties between Iran and all the member countries of the GCC. I believe that this achievement provides adequate persuasion that Iran-GCC relations can be upgraded to strategic relations by returning to the same principles I reached and agreed with Amir Abdullah. In spring of 2005, I accompanied the then Iranian chief nuclear negotiator Dr. Rowhani on a visit to GCC countries to discuss the Iranian nuclear program with the highest officials. Addressing the concerns of the GCC on the nature of the Iranian nuclear program, Dr. Rowhani voiced Tehran s readiness to share its nuclear program and technology with the Kingdom and GCC to reassure everyone on the peaceful nature of its nuclear program. He further noted that this cooperation would reconfigure Iran s relationship with the GCC based on mutual trust between the neighbors. This served as a means towards confidence building in the Persian Gulf and addresses the Iranian nuclear dilemma. The establishment of a new security system in the Persian Gulf region representing all regional players should be the priority for the regional states and effective foreign powers especially the US. Meanwhile, major regional countries such as Iran and Saudi Arabia should provide smaller states with necessary security guarantees. The United States, for its part, should recognize Iran s concerns and interests in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Lebanon while Iran and Persian Gulf countries should adopt a more realistic approach toward the United States and global issues. A Persian Gulf Security and Cooperation Organization (PGSCO) initiative should be based on the principles such as: impossibility of any change in existing borders, respecting the integrity of other members and noninterference in internal affairs of member states. The establishment of a regional cooperation system to promote political, security, economic, cultural, social and military cooperation among regional states is of vital importance for complete and all-out confidence building; non-interference by foreign powers in the region;

14 the establishment of sustainable peace, stability, and security; strengthened relations among nations; and the promotion of sustainable development in the region. Owing to its strategic importance to the energy needs of the globe, the Persian Gulf region and its security will continue to dominate the US and Western foreign policy objectives and ensure their presence in the region for a foreseeable future. The nature of this presence is in need of reform to define a long-term strategy for stability and security that reflects the realities in the region ranging from the latest developments following the Arab Spring/Islamic Awakening to the US protracted wars fought in Afghanistan and Iraq. Tehran and Riyadh should urge their allies in Iraq to finalize a new national pact that takes into account the interests of all groups including Kurd and Sunni minorities so that security in Iraq would not hinge on the United States and pave the way for a swift and complete US troop withdrawal. As the US military presence gradually decreases, the responsibility for protecting regional security should be shouldered by regional states. Iran s pursuit of gaining its rightful place as a regional power can be achieved through cooperation and participation in a joint regional security pact, similarly it would enable Iraq to take an independent role in regional developments, achieve economic stability and security, and revive its status in the region. On bilateral relations, a regional security pact would transform hostile rivalry between regional powerhouses Saudi Arabia and Iran that have only weakened both sides. Instead it would contribute to mutual cooperation towards growth and development. There are many historical instances for such reorientation in relations, as seen with the creation of European Union, which transformed past foes to present allies as in the case of Germany and France. The revivifications of such an agreement will be felt beyond the region and ensure the interest of international players such as Russia, China, and the European Union for economic stability, security, and cooperation. 15 Key Elements for a Regional Cooperation System

15 We need the following key elements to establish a regional cooperation system in the Persian Gulf: 1. A Persian Gulf Security and Cooperation Organization (PGSCO) would include the six members of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council plus Iran and Iraq, based on Article 8 of UN Security Council Resolution A joint security committee to deal with common security concerns including terrorism, extremism, sectarianism, organized crime, asymmetric threats/warfare and drug smuggling and interferences in internal affairs of other member states similar to Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). 3. A plan for gradual removal of various limitations on political, security, economic, and cultural relations. 4. A plan to establish a free trade bloc between regional countries similar to European Union. 5. A plan for guaranteeing the production and export of energy in the region in order to safeguard the interests of regional and external states and stabilize the international energy market. 6. A joint consortium on nuclear cooperation between the regional countries for confidence building and producing nuclear fuel and other peaceful uses of nuclear energy under the supervision of the IAEA. 7. An initiative for establishment of a joint military cooperation to secure the stability and security in the Persian Gulf. 8. A regional initiative for the establishment of a WMD-free Middle East and the Persian Gulf. 9. A plan to end the regional conventional arms race in order to free up funds for economic development in the region. 10. A plan for gradual withdrawal of foreign military forces from the region and the establishment of a system in which regional countries would provide full security in the Persian Gulf region Proposal by Hassan Rowhani, World Economic Forum Meeting, Doha, April See

16 11. A collective mechanism for peaceful settlement of disputes among member states avoiding the use of force. 12. A task force to deal with the regional crisis such as Syria, Iraq, Arab Spring/Islamic awakening and Afghanistan through regional and multilateral diplomacy and cooperation with influential foreign and regional players such as the United States, EU, China, Russia, Turkey and the United Nations A comprehensive package including all bilateral, regional and international issues for Iran-US talks. To be eligible to manage the security cooperation system in the Persian Gulf, removing the tensions between Iran and the US would be essential. 14. A common commitment to support resolving the Arab-Israeli conflict based on a just peace, assuring the legitimate rights of Palestinians, respecting the UN Security Council Resolutions and no disturbance of the peace process would facilitate Washington s efforts to foster the new security system in the Persian Gulf. The reality is that the devil rests not on the Iran and the Persian Gulf states but Israeli policies like the settlement issue, refugees, Gaza, Human right abuses and etc. 15. To engage other external players like EU, Russia, China and India and respecting their shares and interests in the region to create incentives for them to be cooperative. 24 By United Nations Security Council Resolution 598 on Iran-Iraq ceasefire, the Council requested the Secretary-General to examine measures to enhance the security and stability of the Persian Gulf in consultation with Iran, Iraq, and other states of the region. 25 This was a key task for the UN Secretary-General but unfortunately no efforts were made to implement this essential mandate. However these efforts need to be revived and cooperation with Iran in addition to regulating its rising power within the framework of a security and regional cooperation treaty will be the best way to stabilize Iraq, calm down Arab allies of the United States, promote peace in the Middle East, and even solve Iran s nuclear crisis. This formula will be the most lasting and least expensive strategy for effective cooperation among regional and international powers. 23 Building Security in Persian Gulf, by Robert E.Hunter,Rand, Building Security in the Persian Gulf, by: Robert E. Hunter, published by Rand in UNSC Resolution 598, 20 July 1987.

17 Ambassador Seyed Hossein Mousavian is a research scholar at Princeton s Woodrow Wilson School and a former spokesman for Iran s nuclear negotiators. His latest book is The Iranian Nuclear Crisis: A Memoir published by Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.