Vulnerable Populations Survey Sri Lanka 2011

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1 Vulnerable Populations Survey Sri Lanka 2011 Colombo, Sri Lanka

2 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Sri Lanka is a multi ethnic, multi religious society with four major religions: Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam, and Roman Catholicism. As the country emerges from decades of war, new ethno religious dynamics are emerging which have implications for peace and coexistence between communities. This survey is meant to help uncover some of those dynamics, especially as they relate to Sri Lanka s Muslims. In Sri Lanka, ethnicity and religion are intertwined. Buddhists are Sinhalese; Hindus are Tamils; Muslims comprise a separate ethnic category and are still referred to as Moors, especially among older Sri Lankans. While Muslims mother tongue is Tamil, they are not Tamils. Christians are either Sinhalese or Tamil, and the overwhelming majority is Roman Catholic. The concerns of Sri Lanka s Muslim community have largely been left out of the national question due to the dominance of the Sinhalese Tamil political and social conflict. However, the growing demographic strength of the Muslim community is likely to interfere with this binary narrative about peace, conflict, and coexistence, and in the future, lead to a multiplicity of national questions. The Muslim community s size in relation to other communities will be brought into sharper relief in late 2012 with the conclusion of the first all island household census since Within this complex and evolving landscape, The Asia Foundation conducted the Vulnerable Populations in Sri Lanka Survey in late 2011 to gain a more grounded understanding of people s perceptions of religious beliefs and practices, influence of religious leaders, inter religious relations, and the extent to which it contributes to tension and violence particularly as it relates to Sri Lanka s Muslim population. The survey revealed the following key findings: A large plurality of Sri Lankans believe the country is moving in the right direction, however religious minorities are less positive than Buddhists. Overall, 43 percent of Sri Lankans believe the country is moving in the right direction while just 15 percent see it moving in the wrong direction. An additional 23 percent feel some things are going in the right direction and some things the wrong direction. Differences in perception can be seen between religious groups: 49 percent of Buddhists feel the country is moving in the right direction compared to 38 percent of Muslims and just 22 percent of Hindus. Nearly twice as many Muslims (21%) and Hindus (23%) as Buddhists (12%) believe the country is moving in the wrong direction. Infrastructure improvements and the end of the war are seen are the main reasons for those who feel the country is moving in the right direction. Increases in the price of goods and an increase in corruption and bribery are the main reasons for those who feel the country is moving in the wrong direction. Most Sri Lankans feel that the conclusion of the war has not brought an end to ethnic conflict in the country but that it has been reduced. Over half (53%) of Sri Lankans feel that the end of the war has not ended ethnic conflict in the country but that it has been reduced, while 32 percent believe that the conclusion of the war has indeed brought an end to ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka. Seven percent believe the end of the war has not changed anything. Sri Lankans overwhelmingly perceive their society as becoming significantly more religious. Nationally, 63 percent believe people are much more religious now than 5 years ago. More Buddhists (70%) and Muslims (53%) say they are much more religious than other either Hindus (39%) or Catholics (44%). 1

3 Observance of core Islamic practices is very high among Sri Lankan Muslims, and certain practices have increased in recent years. More than 90 percent of Muslims fast during Ramadan and pray five times a day. Three quarters of Muslim women in Sri Lanka now cover, representing a marginal increase (+12%) compared to five years ago. However, most Muslim women only cover partially, and primarily as a matter of personal choice. The majority of Muslims (51%) prefer to consult the Holy Quran to determine whether or not a certain action is against the teachings of Islam, while one quarter would consult their local imam. A majority of Sri Lankan Muslims believe that at least to a certain extent traditions and practices of Islam in Sri Lanka are different from other countries with Muslim populations. While not exhibiting a strong opinion, Sri Lankan Muslims generally feel that their brand of Islam is different than other countries with 43 percent saying they somewhat agree with the notion and 18 percent strongly agreeing. Only 18 percent of Muslims disagree with the idea that Sri Lanka s brand of Islam differs from other countries. Muslims generally view foreign influence on their religious teachings positively, Buddhists view it negatively. A plurality of Muslims (38%) believe foreign influence on their religious teachings is a good thing, compared to just 9 percent of Buddhists. For Muslims, the countries perceived as having the greatest influence are Saudi Arabia (39%), Pakistan (18%), and India (18%). Buddhists cite India (27%) and the United States (20%). Local religious leaders are by far the most respected leaders in the country for Sri Lankans of all faiths. Nationally, 80 percent say local religious leaders are very well respected, compared to 32 percent for GN officials and just 12 percent for politicians. While the majority of Sri Lankans (66%) believe religious leaders should not be involved in politics, Muslims are relatively split on the issue, with just under half (42%) believing religious leaders should have some role to play in politics. Among Muslims, 52 percent consider the Maulvi to be their local leader while 43 percent consider their Imam. Rather than indicating internal disagreement, this split in views among Muslims likely reflects the fact that in some communities Maulvis who are primarily religious scholars often also play the role of Imam, leading prayers and providing spiritual guidance. Sri Lankans unanimously believe religious leaders should play a central role in community level development, however few are currently involved. While Sri Lankans believe local religious leaders should stay out of politics, a staggering 84 percent think that religious leaders should be involved in the development of neighborhood amenities. A further 81 percent believe that if religious leaders are not consulted on the problems facing an area, political leaders will make mistakes. Despite this sentiment, only a quarter (26%) say religious leaders in their area are actually participating in local development on a regular basis, and among Muslims the rate is even lower (17 percent). Religious education is increasingly important for Sri Lankans of all faiths. Nine out of ten Muslims and Buddhists say that religious education is more important today than five years ago. Nearly threequarters of Muslims respondents or their family are currently attending or have attended a religious school, and the rate is even higher among Buddhists (87%). Religious education among Sri Lankan Muslims is almost always pursued domestically with only a small proportion (4%) indicating they have 2

4 studied abroad, the vast majority doing so in Saudi Arabia. If presented with an opportunity to pursue religious studies abroad, Muslims overwhelmingly would prefer to do so in Saudi Arabia. Religious minorities, including Muslims, are more likely than Buddhists to perceive discrimination by the government. Overall, Sri Lankans believe that the rights of minorities have improved at least to some degree compared to five years ago (47% much better, 32% somewhat better), however Buddhists believe improvement has been much more substantial than minorities themselves who are more likely to feel only minor or no change has taken place. Nine in ten Buddhists (90%) believe that people of all religions are treated equally in the government job market, compared to 66 percent of Muslims and 45 percent of Hindus. Over two thirds (66%) of Sri Lankans feel religious leaders are most active in working to ensure that the rights of religious minorities are safeguarded, while only 2% feel local officials or national politicians are the most active. Roughly twice as many Hindus (50%), Muslims (41%), and Catholics (41%) than Buddhists (21%) strongly believe that government should enact special initiatives to protect the land and assets of minorities. A majority feel the country is vulnerable to violence stemming from extremist religious views. When it comes to violence in the country, while Sri Lankans perceive the majority of it to be related to either criminal activities or political operations, 15 percent cite religious or ethnically inspired violence and this rate increases to a quarter among Muslims and Hindus. Furthermore, 51 percent of all respondents feel the country is vulnerable to violence related to extremist religious views. Muslims are divided regarding the existence of intra religious conflict in their community. While relatively few Muslims outright agree (12%) with the assertion that there are differences of opinion among Muslims on matters of religion that are leading to conflict, less than half (45%) disagree with the assertion and a further 43 percent are neutral or do not answer. Ten geographic areas of Sri Lanka consistently show high levels of inter religious tension and support for the use of violence to achieve religious or political objectives: Mannar Island, Akurana, Kaluthara Beruwala, Puttalam, Southern Vavuniya, Trincomalee, Ampara, Batticaloa, southern Nuwara Eliya, Badulla. In these areas the survey revealed: o Intolerance is high for certain forms of religious expression. Sixty four percent of Sri Lankans believe attempts to convert people from one religion to another should not be tolerated, a perception that is relatively consistent across the four surveyed religious groups. Erecting religious statues or places of worship in public places continues to be divisive between and within all religious groups. Forty two percent of Buddhists believe religious statues or places of worship should be allowed in public places compared to 30 percent of Muslims and just 23 percent of Hindus. At the same time, nearly equal proportions within each group believe statues or places of worship should not be allowed in public places. While most Sri Lankans, including religious minorities, say they feel free to express religious opinions in their local area, a noteworthy 13 percent of Muslims and 23 percent of Hindus do not feel free to express themselves anywhere or only amongst friends and relatives. Muslims feeling restricted are largely concentrated in Puttalam, Batticaloa, and Ampara. o Government sponsored displays of religion are a source of tension. Significantly more minorities than Buddhists believe government organizations should not display religious symbols or signage. Sixty seven percent of Muslims and 66 percent of Hindus oppose 3

5 government use of religious symbols and signage compared to 46 percent of Buddhists. More than twice as many Buddhists (38%) as Muslims (15%) believe government should be allowed to display religious symbols or signage. o A sizable minority of Muslims and Hindus do not reject the use of violence as a means to achieve religious or political ends. Philosophical views on the use of violence are mixed and vary by religious group. Approximately one out of every five Muslims (19%) believes that violence is necessary to make a point or be heard. Roughly 1 in 3 Muslims and Hindus believe violence is acceptable to settle political rivalries. Forty percent of Hindus and 34 percent of Muslims believe violence is acceptable for punishing those whose actions offend their religious values. Fifty three percent of Hindus and 35 percent of Muslims believe violence is acceptable to uphold moral standards. While most Sri Lankans believe terrorism cannot solve problems, a notable minority of Muslims and Buddhists do not outright agree with the notion Twelve percent of the Buddhists and 6 percent of Muslims believe to at least some degree that terrorism can solve problems. METHODOLOGY *See Annex II for full methodology report The survey questions and structure were developed by The Asia Foundation and administered by Nielsen Lanka Company (Pvt) Ltd between August 2 and September 23, The survey was administered across nine provinces, and included 5553 face to face interviews yielding an overall margin of error of +/ 1.3% at 95% confidence level. The sample is comprised of respondents from Muslim, Buddhist, Hindu and Roman Catholic 1 communities in Sri Lanka, and is designed primarily to provide an understanding of each of these four religious communities at the national level. The sampling plan provides a wide spread across the country, covering all provinces for Muslims, Buddhists, and Hindus. For Catholics, who constitute a relatively low percentage of the Sri Lankan population, a group of provinces were targeted that contain over 80 percent of the total Catholic population in the country. Additionally, to allow for analysis of some religious groups in selected provinces, oversamples were done as follows: Muslims, Hindus, and Buddhists in the Eastern Province; Muslims and Hindus in the Northern Province; and Muslims in the Western Province. Overall, margins of error at the national level for the four religious groups are as follows: Muslims +/ 2.2%; Buddhists +/ 2.7%; Hindus +/ 2.7%; Catholics +/ 3.5%. All samples were split 50% 50% by gender. 1 Roman Catholics were selected to represent the Christian community as whole because they constitute approximately 90% of the Christian population. 4

6 Sample Size and Margin of Error by Religious Group Population above Sample Size 18 years Percentage Margin of error % Buddhist 8,592,000 69% Hindu 1,755,000 14% Muslim 1,185,000 10% Roman Catholic 898,000 7% Total 4 groups 12,430, % 5553 na Respondents were randomly identified from citizens living in households (own/rent etc.) in all the provinces during the survey time, aged between 18 70, and belonging to the targeted religions Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam, and Roman Catholicism. All nine provinces were included in the survey however some parts in the Northern Province were not included due to accessibility issues. A stratified random sampling technique was utilized with the 5553 sample split by province and the province sample further distributed across all districts. The sample in each district was again split in order to cover the various Divisional Secretariats (DS divisions). In each DS division GN divisions were selected as clusters using SPSS software random number generation process. For 5553 interviews, the total number of sampling points was designated at 556, however 563 sampling points were taken to compensate for areas in which interviews were not completed due to security related issues. Quotas were kept for each religious group, and urban rural split was maintained based on actual proportions. In each selected sampling point, 10 interviews were targeted and broken into two sets by starting the interviews from two separate starting points to enhance the representativeness of the sample. Five interviews were conducted in each starting point in every GN until 10 interviews were completed. Popular landmarks were selected as starting points for household identification and the interviewers used the right hand rule of field movement while selecting the households. In urban areas every 3 rd household was selected while in rural areas every 2 nd household was selected. Within households, respondents were selected using a Kish Grid. GPS handsets were used by field staff to mark the coordinates of the 563 sampling points across the country where the clusters of 10 interviews were conducted. The GPS coordinates of the sampling points serve to provide a reliable reading of the location and an indication of whether certain viewpoints are geographically related. Maps demonstrating the geographic dimensions of opinions from the four religious groups have been included in this report. Overall, 22 percent of interviews were subject to quality control checks, and 10 percent of interviews were accompanied by supervisors from the field partner organization. 5

7 NATIONAL MOOD A sizable plurality of Sri Lankans believes the country is moving in the right direction, however religious minorities and respondents in the near North and East are less positive. Overall, 43 percent of Sri Lankans feel the country is moving in the right direction, while just 15 percent feel it is moving in the wrong direction. A quarter of the country (26%) takes the middle ground, indicatingg that some things are goingg in the right direction but others in the wrong direction. Fewer religious minorities than Buddhists feel the country is moving in the right direction. Forty nine percent of Buddhists compared to 38 percent of Muslims and just 22 percent of Hindus say the country is moving in the right direction. Nearly twice as many Muslims (21%) and Hindus (23%) as Buddhists (12%) believe the country is moving in the wrong direction. A clear geographic trend also emerges, specifically respondents whoo feel the country is moving in the wrong direction reside almost exclusively in Mannar, southern Vavuniya, Trincomalee, and Batticaloa. Infrastructure improvements and the ending of the war are seen are the main reasons for those who feel the country is moving in the right direction. Respondents who indicated thatt the country is moving in the right direction or said some things right/some things wrong were asked why they felt things were going in the right direction. The two most commonly cited reasons are infrastructure improvements, cited by 35 percentt of respondents, and that the war hass ended which is mentioned by 30 percent of respondents. Increases in the price of goods and an increasee in corruption and bribery are the main reasons for those who feel the country is moving in the wrong direction. More than half of respondents cite either increases in the price of goods (33%) or increasee in corruption and bribery (20%) as reasonss they believee the country is going in the wrong direction. Interestingly, while at the time the survey was conducted several highly publicized incidents involving random attacks mainly on women had taken place throughout the country by so called greased devils, relatively few respondents cited increases in crime (6%) or increases in harassment or issues related to the security of women (6%). An exception to this trend can be seen in Muslim and Hindu communities,, where about one in six cited increases in harassment/threats to security of women as a reason for believing the country is going in the wrong direction. 6

8 RELIGIOUS BELIEFS AND PRACTICES Sri Lankans overwhelmingly perceive their society to be more religious today than five years ago. Nationally, approximately two out of every three Sri Lankans believes that people are more religious today than they were five years ago. Just 9 percent feel people are a little or much less religious than five years ago. Broken down by religion, the data reveals that in all groups a majority perceive society to have become more religious to at least some degree. By a significant margin, more Buddhists (70%) than other religious groups indicate that people are much more religious. Muslims fall second behind Buddhists in perceived increase in religiosity with over half Do you think people are more religious today than five years ago? (53%) claiming to have become much more religious. Hindus show the lowest level of perceived increase in religiosity with 39 percent saying they are much more religious, while Catholics fall in the middle with 44 percent much more religious. Notable is that more Hindus and Catholics also claim to be less religious than other religious groups, although the proportion is still low at 13 percent each (9% a little less religious, 4% much less religious). Most Sri Lankans prefer local religious leaders as their main source of guidance on religious matters with the exception of Muslims who prefer holy books/quran. Respondents were given the opportunity to select multiple sources from which they obtain guidance on religious matters, and the results show that more than three quarters (77%) consult their local religious leader, while 37 percent utilize holy books, and 22 percent other religious literature. Muslims deviate from other religious groups in that holy books are the preferred source (76%). This Most often sought source of guidance preference may be explained by the high literacy rate in Sri Lanka which allows for direct immediate access as well as the reality that that it is not customary for Muslim women to interact with Islamic leaders, making holy books the default option for essentially half of all Muslims. 7

9 Observance of core Muslim practices is very high among Sri Lankan Muslims. In Islam, two important indicators of religiosity are how many times per day people pray and how often they fast during Ramadan. Nearly all Muslims pray five times a day. A Observance of core Islamic practices similar rate of Muslim respondents (95%) indicate that they fast during Ramadan, while a slightly lower but still substantial proportion claim to recite the Holy Quran everyday (72%. ). The rate of performing Haj or Umrah is 18 percent. While performing haj may be seen as an indicator of religiosity, it is not obligatory for those who are either physically or financially unable. Three quarters off Muslim women in Sri Lanka now cover representing a marginal increase compared to five years ago, however most only cover partially and primarily as a matter of personal choice. Currently, 75 percent of Muslim women in Sri Lanka cover, a 13 percent increase compared to five years ago.. While a large majority of Sri Lankan Muslim women cover, the survey revealed that most only wear abaya (62%) rather than fully covering with abaya and niqab (13%). Interestingly, the data also shows that the increase in covering that has occurred during the past five years has almost entirely involved adopting abaya only (partially covering), with the percentage of women fully covering with abaya and niqab staying essentiallyy the same (11% current vs. 9% five years ago). Whether women are/were wearingg abaya/niqab? CURRENTLY WEAR FIVE YEARS AGO Femalee Muslim respondents who cover were asked why they do so, and correspondingly male Muslim respondents were asked why the women in their house cover. The responses of males and females closely match, with the most common response by both genders that covering is done as a matter of personal choice (female 49% male 45%). The second most cited reason, again for both females and males, is that that Islam requires that abaya/niqab must be worn (female 27%, male 30% %), followed by in accordance with culture (femalee 7% male 8%) ). Interestingly, only 4% of women indicated that they wear abaya/niqab because their husband or father insists they do so. 8

10 Most Muslims prefer to consult the Holy Quran to determine whether or not a certain action is against the teachings of Islam. Respondents were asked if somebody were to tell them that a certain action was against the teachings of Islam who or what they would consult for validation. Just over half (51%) of Muslims would consult the Holy Quran, while roughly one quarter (26%) would consult their local imam. The preference for consulting the Holy Quran versus imams or other Islamic leaders does not necessarily reflect selective bias against local religious leaders for such matters. Rather preference might be largely influenced by several factors relating to accessibility. First, while in many countries with Muslim populations rates of literacy are low and the Holy Quran is only available in Arabic, in Sri Lanka literacy rates are high and Tamil language versions of the Holy Quran are widely available and therefore convenient references. Second, women do not customarily approach imams or other types of Islamic leaders for advice, leaving the Holy Quran or other holy books as the default option for validating teaching of Islam. If somebody were to tell you that a certain action was against the teachings of Islam, who or what would you consult for validation? Agree or disagree: Some traditions and practices of Islam in Sri Lanka are different from those of Muslims in other countries. A majority of Sri Lankan Muslims believe that at least to a certain extent traditions and practices of Islam in Sri Lanka are different from other countries with Muslim populations. While Muslims don t feel strongly that their traditions and practices of Islam are different than other countries, they generally agree with the notion, with 43 percent saying they somewhat agree and 18 percent strongly agree. Only 18 percent disagree that Sri Lanka s brand of Islam differs from other countries. 9

11 Muslims generally view foreign influence on their religious teachings positively, while Buddhists view it negatively. A plurality (38%) of Muslims view foreign influence on their religious teachings positively, while 18 percent say it is neither good nor bad and 33 percent view it negatively. This compares to just 9 percent of Buddhists who believe foreign influence is a positive force on their religion and a substantial 65 percent of Buddhists who feel it is bad or very bad. Is it a good thing for their religious teachings to be influenced by other countries or international trends? Muslims cite Saudi Arabia, India, and Pakistan as the countries having the greatest influence on their religious values and practices. For Sri Lankan Muslims, Saudi Arabia is perceived as having the greatest influence on their religious values and practices. The second most commonly cited country(s) of influence for Muslims is Pakistan (18%) and India (18%). Meanwhile, 27 percent of Buddhists cite India, and 20 percent the United States. Regarding influence by the United States, given the absence of a commonly Which countries have the greatest influence on religious values and practices in Sri Lanka? shared religion with the vast majority of Sri Lankans, it is likely that respondents considered the influence of the United States on their religious values in the context of general cultural influence/international trends (movies, television, etc), and perhaps negatively so. 10

12 ROLE AND INFLUENCE OF RELIGIOUS LEADERS Muslims are relatively split in terms of who they consider to be their local religious leader. Just over half of Muslims (52%) consider Maulvis to be their local leader while a nearly equal proportion (43%) identifies Imams. Rather than indicating internal disagreement, this split in perception among Muslims likely reflects the fact that in many communities Maulvis who are primarily religious scholars also often play the role of Imam, leading prayers and providing spiritual Who do you consider your local religious leader? guidance. Among other religious groups, Buddhists consider monks (99%) as their local religious leader, Hindus point to priests (86%) and Catholics to priests (67%) and bishops (27%). Local religious leaders are by far the most respected leaders in the country for Sri Lankans of all faiths. Respondents were asked to gauge the level of respect people have for a range of local leaders in their GN division. A substantial 80 percent of respondents say their local religious leaders are very well respected. This compares to 32 percent for GN officials, and just 12 percent who say politicians are very well How well respected are the following leaders in your GN division? respected. Only 2 percent say religious leaders are little respected or not respected compared to 55 percent who say politicians are little or not respected. Perceptions are relatively similar across each of the 4 religious groups. Respondents were asked to identify which leaders they believe are most active in taking steps to safeguard the rights of minorities. Across all religious groups, religious leaders are unanimously (66%) viewed as being most active, while local Who ranks first among those taking steps to safeguard the rights of religious minorities? and national politicians are seen as highly inactive in safeguarding religious minority rights, cited by just 2 percent of respondents. *Buddhists responding considering religious minorities. Others considering their own religious community. 11

13 A large majority of Sri Lankans believe that religious leaders should abstain from involving themselves in politics, however nearly half of Muslims believe religious leaders should have some role in politics. Overall, more than two thirds (66%) of respondents believe that religious Should religious leaders be involved in politics? leaders should have no role to play in politics, while 20 percent say they should have a small role and just 8 percent a large role. Muslims stand out with more (42%) believing religious should have at least some role to play in politics (30% small role, 12% large role), while Buddhists are the most averse to involvement of religious leaders in politics (16% small roll, 6% large roll). Should religious leaders have a role in the development of neighborhood amenities? While Sri Lankans strongly believe local religious leaders should stay out of politics, a staggering 84 percent think that religious leaders should be involved in the development of neighborhood amenities. This unanimous view is shared among Muslims, with 81 percent saying religious leaders should have either a major or at least a small role in local development efforts. Consistent with the belief that religious leaders should be involved in local development efforts, respondents also strongly feel that politicians should consult local religious leaders in problem solving. Eight in ten respondents agree (41% strongly, 40% somewhat) that if religious leaders are not consulted on the problems facing an area, political leaders will make mistakes. If religious leaders are not consulted on the problems facing an area, political leaders will make mistakes 12

14 However, only a quarter say that religious leaders participate in local development efforts on a regular basis, and the rate is even lower among Muslims. Despite overwhelmingly believing religious leaders should be involved in community development efforts, just 26 percent say religious leaders in their GN are How often do religious leaders participate in development in your GN division? actually participating on a regular basis. This gap between desired involvement and actual involvement of religious leaders is even greater among Muslims, only 17 percent of which say their leaders regularly (12% frequently, 5% all the time ) participate in local development efforts. Nearly three quarters of Muslims respondents or their family are currently attending or have attended a religious school, and the rate is even higher among Buddhists. Respondents were asked whether or not Are you or members of your immediate family currently attending or have you/they attended a school providing religious education? religious education is more important today than 5 years ago, and virtually all Sri Lankans (89%) confirm that religious education is more important. This belief is consistent across all groups, including over 90 percent of Muslims and Buddhists who confirm increased importance. The perception that religious education is more important today than five years ago is supported by actual reported rates of attendance in schools providing religious education. Rates are highest among Buddhists, with nearly nine in ten (87%) confirming current or past attendance. Attendance is also high among Muslims, with nearly three quarters (73%) confirming, and only slightly lower among Catholics (70%). By a significant margin, Hindus (42%) report the lowest rate of attendance. Religious education among Sri Lankan Muslims is almost always pursued domestically, with only a miniscule proportion (4%) indicating they have studied abroad, the vast majority having done so in Saudi Arabia. In addition to asking Muslim respondents if they have travelled abroad to pursue religious education, the survey also asked respondents to Which countries would you prefer to go to for religious education? specify which countries they would hypothetically prefer to go to for religious education Muslims overwhelmingly point to Saudi Arabia (62%), followed distantly by India (5%), Pakistan (4%), and Egypt (4%). 13

15 INTER-RELIGIOUS RELATIONS A majority of respondents feel that the end of the war has not brought an end to ethnic conflict in the country but that it has been reduced. Over half (53%) of Sri Lankans feel that the conclusion of the war has not ended ethnic conflict in the country but that it has been reduced, while a third (32%) believe that the conclusion of the war has indeed brought an end to ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka. Just 7 percent believe the end of the war has not changed anything. Views are consistent across ethnic groups with the marked Has the end of the war in Sri Lanka brought an end to the ethnic conflict in the country? exception of Hindus, among whom fewer believe that the conclusion of the war has brought an end to the conflict (21%) and more believe that nothing has changed (16%). Sri Lankans believe that the rights of minorities have improved at least to some degree compared to five years ago, however Buddhists believe the improvement has been much more substantial than minorities themselves. Just under half of all respondents (47%) feel the rights of minorities are much better now compared to five years ago, while a third (32%) believes they are only somewhat better. Fifteen percent feel rights are unchanged, while just 4 percent feels they are How are the rights of minorities now compared to 5 years ago? worse. Breaking the results down by religious group, it can clearly be seen that religious minorities, especially Hindus and Muslims, are markedly less positive than Buddhists in evaluating trends in minority rights. Thirty four percent of Muslims feel the rights of minorities have become much better compared to 56 percent for Buddhists, while a notable one in four Muslims feel the situation has not improved or has become worse compared to just one in ten Buddhists. 14

16 A majority of Sri Lankans believe people of all religions are treated equally in the government job market, however a significantly larger proportion of Buddhists feel this way than minorities themselves. While Are people treated equally or do some face discrimination in the government job market? over two thirds of Muslims (66%) believe that people of all religions are treated equally in the government job market, this proportion is still markedly below the 90 percent of Buddhist who feel the same. Highlighting the gap in perceived discrimination between Buddhists and minorities most starkly, only half as many Hindus (45%) as Buddhists (90%) believe people of all religions are treated the same in the government job market, and roughly one in five Hindus believe they face discrimination. Religious minorities feel much more strongly than Buddhists that the government should make extra efforts to protect their interests, including land and assets. While overall, a majority from all religious groups including Buddhists support special government protections for minorities when it comes to land and assets, the intensity of support varies considerably by group. Specifically, roughly twice as many Hindus (50%), Muslims (41%), and Catholics (41%) than Buddhists (21%) strongly feel the government should take extra steps to protect the land and assets of minorities. Furthermore, markedly more Buddhists disagree (29%) that government should provide special protections compared to minorities (Hindus 7%, Muslims 11%, Catholics 16%). Government should make extra efforts to protect the land and assets of religious minorities. 15

17 RELGIOUS EXPRESSION AND TOLERANCE While respondents from all religious backgrounds generally believe that Sri Lanka is a country for all ethnic and religious groups and everybody lives freely, the sentiment comes with notably more reservations among religious minorities than Buddhists. Over two thirds of Buddhistss (69%) say they strongly agree with the notion that Sri Lanka is a country for all ethnic and religious groups and everybody lives freely. Less than half of respondents from each of the three religious minority groups strongly agree, with respondents more inclined Sri Lanka is a country for all ethnic and religious groups and everybody lives to say they somewhat agree here freely or neither agree nor disagree. Forty four percent of Muslims strongly agree, 37 percent somewhat agree, while 12 percent express neutrality. Virtual with ly no Buddhist the notion, ts disagree however roughly one in five Hindus (18%) disagree. Inter religious/inter ethnic The survey sought to examine the issue of construction of prominent religious symbols or tensionn related to religious expression is high in specific geographic areas of the country. places of worship in public areas given thatt it is increasingly common in multi religious localities across Sri Lanka, i possibly exclusivity and strength. Responde whether disagree statement in some cas as a show ents were ask they agree statues worship should not allowed to come up in public places. Nationally, the data reveal a near split opinion, with a combined 43 percent agreeing (17% strongly, 26% somewhat) that it should not be allowed, versus 38 percent who disagree that it should not be allowed (22% strongly, 16% somewhat). In terms of the geographic location of respondents expressing a strong opinion on the matter, as seen in the accompanying map respondents with strong opinions are concentrated in a number of areas in the country. Two locations of particular note are Batticaloa and Ampara, ass they possess a concentration of Sri Lankans with Religio and places ses of ked or the ous of be 16

18 both strongly for and against allowing statues and places of worship to be erected in public places (See Annex I for description of these geographic locations as well as others mentioned in this report). Interestingly, the data reveal that within each of the four religious groups, a similar lack of consensus on the matter exists. At the same time, a clear trend emerges whenn cross comparing the four groups among religious minorities, more respondents are against allowing statues or places of worship in public areas than are for it. In the case of Muslims, 45 percent agree while 300 percent disagree that statues or places of worship should not be allowed in public spaces. Conversely, among Buddhists more believe it should be allowed (42%) than not (41%). Additionally, more Buddhists strongly disagree (26%) with banning religious statuess and places of worship than minorities, especially Hinduss (10% stronglyy disagree). Government sponsored displays of religion are also a source off tension. Significantly more minorities than Buddhists believe government organizations should not display religious symbols or signage. Sixty seven percent of Muslims and 66 Government organizations should not display any symbols or signage that percent of Hindus oppose is religious in nature government use of religious symbols and signage compared to 46 percent of Buddhists. Additionally, more than twice as many Buddhists (38%) as Muslims (15%) believe government should be allowed to display religious symbols or signage. Several areas of the country possesss concentrations of citizens that believe government organizations should not display symbols or signage that is religious in nature. The map shows sampling locations where at least 60 percent of respondents eitherr strongly agree or strongly disagree with government organizations displaying religious signs/symbols. This issue can potentially serve as one indicator for tension between some Buddhist communities (and pro Buddhist government organizations) and minority religious groups with whom they share public spaces. Geographic locations showing the strongest opposition to government displaying religious signage or symbols include Ampara, Batticaloa, southern Vavuniya, Mannar island, southern Nuwara Ellya, and Jaffna. 17

19 Inter religious tension and conflict resulting from attemptss at religious conversion has been highly publicized in recent years, particularly in the aftermath of thee 2004 Tsunami. The survey sought to gauge current feelings about conversion, and accordingly respondentss were asked whether they agree or disagree with the statement, Converting people from one religion too another should be tolerated. Two thirds (64%) of Sri Lankans disagree with the idea thatt attempts to convert people from one religion should be tolerated (47% strongly disagree, 17% somewhat disagree) ). This anti conversion feeling is relatively consistent across religious groups, with only Catholics slightly less adamant. Just 18 percent of Sri Lankans agree that religious conversion should be tolerated (9% strongly agree, 9% somewhat agree). Geographically, while opposition to conversion is widespread throughout the country, the same locations indicating tension regarding public displays of religion again appear to reveal religious tension, this time on the issue of conversion. Overall, while most Sri Lankans (91%) feel free to express religious opinions almost everywhere in their local area, a noteworthy minority of Muslims and Hindus feel restricted. About one in eight Muslims (13%) and one in four Hindus do not feel free to express themselves anywhere or only amongst friends and relatives. Muslims feeling restricted are largely concentrated in Puttalam, Batticaloa, and Ampara. 18

20 VIOLENCE AND EXTREMISM When it comes to violence in the country, while Sri Lankans perceive the majority of it to be related to either criminal activities (59%) or political operations (25%), a notable 15 percent cite religiously or ethnically inspired violence. The What types of violence are taking place in the country? frequency of reporting these two types of likely interrelated violence is even higher among Muslims and Hindus, totaling roughly a quarter of responses. Broken down, ethnically inspired violence is mentioned by 14 percent of Muslims and 15 percent of Hindus, while religiously inspired violence is cited by 12 percent of Muslims and 10 percent of Hindus. Even among Catholics, a combined 22 percent point to religiously (11%)) or ethnically inspired (11%) violence. Notably fewer Buddhists cite these two types of violence (ethnicallyy 7%, religiously 4%). Geographically, the accompanying map reveals that respondents citing religiously or ethnically inspired violence are concentrated in many of the same locations wheree tension relating to religious expression was suggested in maps presented in the previous section. Areas where both types of violence are cited include Batticaloa, Akurana, Trincomalee, and Kalutara. While religiously inspired violence was cited almost exclusively in areas where respondents also pointed to ethnically inspired violence, in some locations it is primarily ethnically inspired violence that is cited by large concentrations respondents. of These areas include Mannar, southern Nuwara Eliya and Ampara. While the question inferred a distinction between ethnically and religiously inspired violence, the results demonstrate that ethnicity and religion are often discussed interchangeably Lanka. in Sri (Note: because of location overlap for these two types of violence, dots have been slightly offset to ensure all resultss are visible) 19

21 Despitee perceiving most current acts of violence as either criminal or political in nature, a majority (51%) of Sri Lankans feel that their country Sri Lanka is vulnerable to extremist religious views and violence is vulnerable to violence stemming Sri Lankans indicating that the country is vulnerable to extremist views and violence are concentrated in many of the same areas where religious tension was implied in the previous section, including Mannar Island, southern Vavuniya, Ampara, Batticaloa, and Akurana. (See Annex I for description of these geographic locations) from extremist religious views. Among Muslims, 53 percent believe the country is vulnerable while just 21 percent say it is not vulnerable. Both Muslims and Hindus express stronger agreement (25% and 29% respectively) than the national average (20%) that the country is vulnerable. Muslims are divided regarding the existence of intra religiouss conflict in their community. Relatively few Muslims outright agree (2% strongly, 10% somewhat) with the assertion that there are differences of There are differences of opinion among some Muslims on opinion among Muslims on matters of matters of religion that are leading to conflict. religion that are leading to conflict. Yet interestingly, less than half (45%) choose to expresss disagreement with the assertion ( 26% strongly disagree, 19% somewhat disagree), and a further 43 percent are neutral (21%) or do not to answer (22%). One noteworthy geographic finding is that among the 12 percent of Muslims expressing agreement, a large proportion residess in Ampara and Puttalam. 20

22 Geographic areas of the country consistently suggesting high levels of religious tension are also likely to express support for the use of violence for religious or political ends, especially among Muslims and Hindus. Philosophical views on the use of violence are mixed and vary by religious group. Use of violencee to uphold moral standards, punish those offending religious values, or to settle political rivalries is largely eschewed, however a sizable minority of Muslims and Hindus in particular do not reject the use of violence in these circumstances. Roughly one in five Muslims agree (2% strongly, 17% somewhat) that it is sometimes necessary to use violence to make a point or be heard, while 15 percent of Hindus (3% strongly, 12% somewhat) feel the same. This compares to just 5 percent of Buddhists (2% strongly, 3% somewhat). As the accompanying map shows, Muslims who feel violence is sometimes necessary to make a point are concentrated in Mannar Island, Southern Vavuniya, Ampara, Trincomalee, and Puttalam. Furthermore, roughly 1 in 3 Muslims (31%) and Hindus (33%) believe violence is acceptable to settle political rivalries. Just 8 percent of Buddhists feel the same. Muslims expressing support for the use of violence to settle political rivalries are largely concentrated in Mannar, Vavuniya, Southern Trincomalee, Ampara, and Batticaloa. Hindus expressing support are concentrated in Batticaloa, Badulla, southern Nuwara Ellya, and Jaffna. 21

23 Forty percent of Hindus and 34 percent of Muslims believe violence is acceptable for punishing those whose actions offend their religious values. Muslims who indicate that violence is acceptable are concentrated in Mannar, Southern Vavuniya, Trincomalee, Ampara, and Akurana. Hindus expressing support for violence to punish those whose actions offend their religious values concentrated in are the same areas as Hindus that indicated support for violence to settle political Badulla, southern rivalries: Batticaloa, Nuwara Ellya, and Jaffna. Fifty three percent of Hindus and 35 percent of Muslims believe violence is acceptable to uphold moral standards. Muslims who indicate that violencee is acceptable are concentrated in Mannar, Southern Vavuniya, Trincomalee, Ampara, and Akurana. Hindus supporting the use of violence are again concentrated in the same four areas identified in the previous three maps regarding support for violence: Batticaloa, Badulla, southern Nuwara Ellya, Badulla, and Jaffna. 22

24 While most Sri Lankans believe terrorism cannot solve problems, a notable minority of Muslims and Buddhists do not agree with the notion. Respondents were asked whether they agree or disagree with the statement, Terrorism cannot solve problems. The data reveal that the vastt majority of Sri Lankans agree that terrorism cannot solve problems. However, a notable 6 percent of Muslims say they disagree that terrorism cannot solve problems, and a further 6 percent neither agree nor disagree with the notion. Meanwhile, an even greater proportion (12%) of Buddhists disagree that terrorism cannot solve problems and a further 4% neither agree nor disagree. While Muslims respondents expressing support for the use of terrorism to solve problems are relatively few in number, some degree of geographic concentration among them can be discerned, namely in Mannar, Kandy Akurana area, Kalutara, and Trincomalee. Buddhists who believe terrorism can solve problems are concentrated in Gampaha, Kegalle, and Kalutara. 23

25 CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS Ten geographic areas of Sri Lanka were identified in which findings from the survey suggest the existence of ethno religious tension and potential for localized violence. Going forward, it will be important to triangulate the findings for each of these hot spots with secondary sources and to conduct in depth qualitative research to better understand key issues and concerns emerging from these areas. One step has already been taken through a qualitative study following the survey (see Annex 1) in 6 of the 10 hot spots identified, which examined unique factors in each location that may be fuelling conflict as well as common structural factors among all locations such as level of diversity and nature of segregation. Further research will also be necessary to determine the political economy of conflict in the ten hotspots, more specifically whether or not there are actors at the local level that are engineering tension and conflict for political gain. Finally, follow up surveys will also be required to track indicators of tension and violence in the hotspots, as well as to identify new areas that may be emerging. The survey also highlighted that religious education is very important for Sri Lankans of all faiths, and that the vast majority are currently attending or have attended a school providing religious education. Religious institutions play a critical role in delivering religious education. Going forward the Foundation would like to work with the Ministry of Religious and Cultural Affairs (MRCA), specifically the Department of Buddhist Religious & Cultural Affairs and the Department of Muslim Cultural Affairs, to develop a curriculum on religious tolerance with the aim of institutionalizing the curriculum as part of the regular training provided through religious institutions. This will involve the development of two curriculums: one for Buddhists and one for Muslims. The curriculum development process will be led by two national level religious institutions, representing the two religious communities, that will work closely with the MRCA and religious and social leaders from the 10 identified locations ( hotspots ). In addition, religious education is also being delivered through the formal public education system where it has been thoroughly integrated with secular curriculum and daily activities. Public schools are now largely segregated based on religious affiliation, and the central role that religion plays in formal education is likely a key driver of increasing religiosity and formation of more narrow or insular ethno religious identities. Accordingly, steps should be taken to introduce curriculum into the public school system that promotes religious tolerance. Lastly, the survey revealed that religious leaders are highly influential among all religious groups and there is a strong desire among the public for greater involvement of these leaders in improving local social and economic conditions. The desire for greater involvement is likely driven by the critical but ad hoc role the public has witnessed religious leaders playing in promoting reconciliation and mediating of new conflicts between ethno religious communities both during the war and in the current peace building process. Because religious leaders have been a moderating influence on deep ethno religious divisions that characterize many localities in the country, going forward it will be important that support be given to them to jointly work with local officials in such critical interventions on a more systematic level. 24

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