In the name of God most gracious and most merciful

Transcription

1 In the name of God most gracious and most merciful Statement: by Hashim A-Shami The occasion we are celebrating is indeed very important for Afar, as Sultan Hanfari Ali Mirah takes the reins of the Afar Sultanate after the departure of his father, His Highness Sultan Ali Mirah Hanfari, may God have mercy on him, on 24th April, this year. Accordingly, we ought to revisit some important events in History and bring up relevant topics. Afar Sultanate is considered the extension of the Adal Kingdom (an Afar Kingdom), which arose around 1120 AD 1 and where Afar used to gather. Other Afar Kingdoms such Dankali and Ankala kingdoms existed even before the end of the seventh century to the eleventh century AD ( AD) and assembled Afar. In fact, the Kingdom of Ankala coexisted with the Kingdom of Adal within the Afar Triangle in a given period of time ( AD) 2 until the kingdom of Adal prevailed. 3 A large number of tribal chiefs and princes within the Adal Kingdom had autonomous governance. th By the 15 century AD, this number had already reached 24 chiefs and princes. 4 Thus, centralised governance systems were common in the Afar region throughout history. Many of the Afar and the non-afar who are familiar with the history of East Africa and southern Arabia 5 (Yemen and Oman) know the influence of the Adal Kingdom in the Horn of Africa in general, and the west coast of the Red Sea in particular during the period AD, an influence that reached it s peak, and there is actually no need to go into this subject. The most important thing I wish to highlight in this occasion is simply that the Sultanate and Monarchy systems in the Afar region, according to both written and oral history extend from the seventh century to this date (10/11/2011). It is not quite a short period, I reckon. I wish to note that the importance of the inauguration ceremony of Sultan Hanfari Ali Mirah, as a Sultan for the Afar people, emerges primarily and inter alia, from the continuous historical extension over more than 1300 years. The Afar region, known geographically as the Afar Triangle, is well-known to every body and it is not necessary to go into it and identify it in this statement. We only wish to mention what was written in history books (i.e. written history) concerning the coastal side of the triangle, which extends from the extreme northern point of Dahlak archipelago (Nora island) to the southern borders of the city of Zeila. 6 1 Al-Manhal,p 329, 326 and Al-Manhal,p See AL-Manhal Fi Tarikh Wa Akhbar AL Afar (Al-Danakil), (The source on History and Narrative of the Afar (Al-Danakil), By Jamal A-Shami and his son Hashim A-Shami p Reference: Al-Manhal page 236, and also the book of Father Francisco Alvarez, Narrative of the Portuguese Embassy to Abyssinia during the years , Translation of Lord Stanley of Alderley, Burt Franklin Publisher, N.Y. page Through history, there was a continuous relationship of cooperation and communication between Yemeni and Afar people. These two nations were the most active when it comes to navigation in the Red Sea, the Arabian Sea and the Indian Ocean up to Ceylon Islands (now Sri Lanka), since ancient times B.C. and until the nineteenth century. See: The Travels of Marcopolo, The Venetian, edited by Thomas Wright, published in London, G.Bohn, York Street, Covent Garden 1854, page 435. Also A-Shami, Arabic translation of Al-Manhal page 183, and Amharic translation of Al-Manhal, by A-Shami, published in 2007, page This was quoted from Ibn Said, in a book entitled: Takweem Al- Buldan(Countries Calendar), by Sultan and King Al-Moayad Imad-A-Deen Ismail son of King Noor-A-Deen Ali Ben Jamal-A-Deen Mahmoud, Governor of Hama, and this author is 1

2 It is known that the kingdom of Adal was subjected to many setbacks after the middle of the fifteenth century AD. This reduced its influence and importance. Such days (of varying fortunes) We give to men and men by turns as stated in the Holy Qur'an. 1 Another translation of this verse is And these days [of varying conditions] We alternate among the people. This is actually how life and the laws of creation are. In fact, Afar witnessed a period of weakness before and after World War II. However, this does not necessarily mean that the Afar nation must bear injustice and marginalisation but on the contrary it is supposed to work hard and take the means to uphold their situation on the economic, social and political levels through institutions created within human and social developments (and particularly in the frame of decentralized systems; for example, the federal system in Ethiopia) and within systems inherited across history in the framework of the Sultanate. Both of the new system (the Federal State - the local government) and the inherited system (the Sultanate) should jointly work in parallel and harmony, first and foremost, for the benefit of the Afar people. And according to the wish and aspiration of the Afar people, as supposedly both the Sultanate system and the Afar State within the federal system receive their legitimacy from the Afar people. These two systems are meant to serve the Afar people and not vice-versa. Between the seventh decade of the nineteenth century and first decade of the twentieth century, Sultan Muhammad Hanfari emerged on the Afar scene. He was known as Ellalta, a title equivalent to "Emperor" and / or Chief of sultans and princes,". The extended control of Sultan Muhammad Hanfari was effectively accomplished through communication, constructive engagement, wisdom and artfulness with Afar princes and leaders from Dahlak to Zeila in the coastal strip of the Afar triangle and to all Afar regions. 2 Sultan Mohammed Hanfari was the last leader who gathered Afar under one universal Sultanate. He signed treaties with colonial countries and gave orders to local Afar sultans and princes to sign some treaties with some colonial powers (countries) for commercial purposes such as bunkers. Unfortunately, these tiny enclaves did not only remain the focal points for colonialism, but these treaties paved the way for further colonisation, occupation, and division of the Afar region according to the influence positions of each colonialist! At the height of Sultan Muhammad Hanfari reign, Afar region was independent and was not part of Ethiopia. Yet, things changed at the end of his days. However, in the context of his struggle against colonial powers and before and while signing some of the treaties, Sultan Muhammad Hanfari preserved the independence of Ethiopia during the reign of King Menelik. The passage to the Ethiopian plateau was actually free and easy if Sultan Muhammad Hanafari wanted to give way to colonial powers. 3 the one known as Abu Al-Fida. In this book, page 371, Afar (Danakil) are mentioned. Ibn Said wrote:..." Swakin is a small village/dwelling in a small island nearby the coast, accessible by land. In these dwellings and their perimeter Beja reside. Behind these dwellings and up to Al-Mandeb, black people known as Danakil are found up to the regions beyond Zeila. Historian Ibn Said lived in the period AD. 1 The Holy Koran, Part IV, Surat Al-Imran, verse (140) 2 Reference: Sheikh Gamal-A-Deen A-Shami and his son Dr Hashim Gamal-A-Deen A-Shami, Al-Manhal Fi Tarikh Wa Akhbar Al Afar (Al-Danakil), (The Source on History and Narrative of the Afar (Al-Danakil), page Sultan Hanfari son of Aydahis, father of Sultan Mohammad Hanfari, died on 27 Ramadan 1277 H, in March 1860 AD. It is estimated that Sultan Muhammad Hanfari took the reigns at the end of April 1860 AD, after a dispute with his brother Alo over the throne. He ruled until 1900 AD, i.e. for around 40 years. 3 Sultan Muhammad Hanfari did not allow the passage of the colonial powers to Ethiopia. Thus, Italy and France did not make any attempt, of fear of defeat. Egyptians, however, under the leadership of Munzinger Pasha, gave it a try, but were defeated by the Sultan in the battle of Adoumi, during the months of Ramadan and Shawwal in 1292 H, October 1875 AD (see Al-Manhal Page 260 and also Abdeen document / Egypt: No. 3/5/4 Cairo, of the Egyptian army). Emperor Haile Selassie used to appreciate the role of Afar in protecting the kingdoms of the Ethiopian plateau from colonisation and external invasions, as stated in a number of his speeches. 2

3 Sultan Muhammad Hanfari is a great Afar figure, whose mother was an Afar from Desi island in the region of the Afar Bouri Peninsula and He is the grandfather of Sultan Hanfari Ali Mirah, 1 whose inauguration ceremony as Afar Sultan is about to be performed and/or being performed. Here, and for the second time, we wish to emphasize the importance of this event, as the Afar Sultanate created a universal Afar State or Sultanate over a long period of the reign of Sultan Muhammad Hanfari. I am confident that mentioning such historical facts neither detract from any country where Afar nationality does exist nor affect the stability of any country concerned with the Afar affairs. Every nation or ethnicity has, above all, the right to preserve its cultural and historical heritage as an integral part of preserving its identity. Sultan Hanfari succeeds his father, Sultan Ali Mirah Hanfari, who fought a great struggle against the Ethiopian regimes, of which the latest was the one of Mengistu. In the first stage, Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie I, helped the Sultan consolidate his rule, yet, he engaged in a relentless war with him in the subsequent period because the ambitions of Sultan Ali Mirah Hanfari did not appeal to him. Again and in the third stage of their relationship, Emperor Haile Selassie I concluded a truce and better relations with the Sultan. This was due to the great reasonableness, foresight and the leadership qualities of the Ethiopian Emperor. Also His Majesty Haile Selassie I was equally aware of the strategic location of the Afar Triangle. However, the Ethiopian government and its provincial authorities clandestinely tried to marginalise Afar and deliberately and systematically minimize the role of the Sultan. Nevertheless, it should be also noted that the Emperor Haile Selassie I has a glorious record in resisting the Italian occupation and liberating his country. He also played a very important role in the establishment of the Organization of African Unity, a role highly appreciated by all African nations, including Afar. Former Ethiopian President Mengistu fought against the Sultan with arms. The Sultan then went to Saudi Arabia through Djibouti and continued his struggle from there. 2 Any way, the great role played by His Highness Sultan Ali Mirah Hanfari had a significant impact in enabling Afar to obtain advanced autonomous governance the Afar State within the federal system in Ethiopia, through the alliance of the Afar Liberation Front, led by the Sultan, with the Ethiopian Peoples Democratic Revolutionary Front (EPDRF) under the leadership of Meles Zenawi. The EPDRF envisaged the formation and establishment of a relatively advanced and voluntary federal system, based on ethnicity (within nationality s geographical borders). This political decision was indeed correct, judicious and positive as it contributed to the establishment of public participation in decision making for citizens from all ethnicities, as well as democracy in Ethiopia, to a reasonable extent. It also helped speed the pace of development, as the country achieved an annual GDP growth rate that increased by 10% annually in the last three years ( ), in addition to political stability. Sultan Ali Mirah resisted Ethiopian policies related to lands exploitation in the central region of the Awash River, as such policies were trying to marginalize Afar and turn them into unskilled workers with the establishment of agricultural settlements for some individuals from the Ethiopian plateau, as well as large scale farms for European companies, especially British and Italian. The Sultan 1 Hanfari, son of Sultan Ali Mirah Ben Hanfari Ben Aydahis, son of Sultan Muhammad Ben Hanfari. 2 The moral and material assistance that Kingdom of Saudi Arabia provided to Sultan Ali Mirah Hanfari had indeed a positive impact on the success of his struggle and the implementation of a Federal State for Afar within the federal system in Ethiopia. In this regard, Afar are immensely grateful to their brothers in Saudi Arabia (Arabian Peninsula) and their Saudi leadership. Sultan Ali Mirah received support from all the elements of Djibouti people as well as Djibouti authority; a position worth respect and recognition. Hence, we would like to express our gratitude to the government and people of Djibouti for their positive role in the period between April 2011 and this very date. 3

4 particularly resisted policies adopted by the Awash Valley Authority in the sixties and early seventies of the twentieth century, on the instructions and under the guidance of the technocratic wing related to Emperor Haile Selassie I. in fact, without the efforts and tremendous resistance of Sultan Ali Mirah and Afar leaders then against these Ethiopian policies in the central region of Awash Valley, Afar in this region would have had the same fate of indigenous tribes in Australia and Indians in the United States. Despite difficult and sometimes bloody confrontations with the Ethiopian authorities, Sultan Ali Mirah Hanfari continued, throughout his life, to emphasizes the importance of the unity of Ethiopia in words and deeds, as long as Afar had autonomous region while maintaining and benefiting from the resources of their land. The Sultan stepped up his contacts with Afar leaders in the Afar Triangle and helped them in their struggle and in restoring their rights. He also tried to trace means of education abroad for Afar students. 1 In discretion, Sultan Ali Mirah played a crucial role in the independence of Djibouti, due to his full conviction that the accession of Djibouti to Somalia or Ethiopia will create tension and conflict which are not in the interest of Afar and will contribute to an almost totally devastating regional tension. 2 He also contributed, especially in Ethiopia, to the dissemination of the moderate Islamic 1 Sultan Ali Mirah Hanfari was able to obtain scholarships to Afar students from the Arab Republic of Egypt, in And although they continue to this date, they are modest in terms of the annual number of students with scholarships. Yet, they are beneficial and considered one of the external higher education channels for Afar. Egypt also responded to the request of the Sultan concerning the establishment of a cultural and news radio program in Afar language, from Cairo. We would like, accordingly, to express our thanks to Egypt for this generosity. 2 See the Amharic version of Al-Manhal Fi Tarikh Wa Akhbar Al Afar (Al-Danakil), (The Source on History and Narrative of the Afar (Al-Danakil), published in 2007 AD, by Sheikh Gamal- A-Deen A-Shami and his son Dr Hashim Gamal-A-Deen A-Shami page The following is mentioned: Afar leader Mr. Ali Arif Burhan played a very important, undeclared role, in preparing for the independence of Djibouti. This was during his presidency of the local governance authority (autonomous governance), in the sixties of the twentieth century, as he was in constant contact, through private channels, with the Egyptian government, in order to obtain the independence of Djibouti, instead of accession to the Republic of Somalia (as desired by a large portion of Djiboutians of Somali origin), and also instead of accession to Ethiopia (as desired by a small number of Afar in Djibouti). However, President Ali Aref Burhan publicly supported the continuation of the French presence for a certain number of years before independence. This is actually normal in the case of such a skilful politician like Ali Arif Burhan, with the inevitability of independence in the range of his sight. For several reasons, the Egyptian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, was convinced of the importance of Djibouti accession to the Somali Republic, as opposed to the opinion of the Department of African Affairs in the Presidency, headed by Mr. Mohammed Fayek, that supported the independence of Djibouti, for many considerations, including the demographic distribution of the country which consists mainly of 2 totally different ethnicities: Afar and Somali. Therefore, any attempt to make Djibouti part of the Republic of Somalia would have inevitably turned Afar to be in favour of the accession to Ethiopia. This might have eventually led to a hassle and possibly another war between Ethiopia and the Republic of Somalia concerning Djibouti. Being more powerful than Somalia at the time, Ethiopia could have eventually had control on region. Egypt s conviction of the importance of Djibouti independence grew stronger. Mohamed Fayek point of view gained ground particularly when Sultan Ali Mirah Hanfari, Afar Sultan, visited Egypt in the mid-sixties of the twentieth century (1967 AD), and explained to the Egyptians in a clear and explicit way that Afar, wherever they are; prefer the option of the independence of Djibouti. In this regard, there was a lucid coordination between Sultan Ali Mirah Hanfari and Mr. Ali Arif Burhan, President of local governance authority (autonomous governance) in Djibouti. In some aspects, coordination between Egypt and Ali Arif Burhan was carried out with the participation of Mr. Barkat Kourat, member of the French Senate, as a representative of the colony of Djibouti, and who later became Prime Minister after the independence of Djibouti. 4

5 culture, a culture free of harshness and extremism that believes in peaceful coexistence between different communities, nations and religions on this planet and gives importance to values like justice and equality between people regardless of their sects or origins. Sultan Ali Mirah s reign extended over 67 years ( ), during which he worked tirelessly and with high flexibility to adapt to different situations without prejudice to basic values and objectives. He died at the age of 91 years. In fact this figure is relatively high for a ruling period, it corresponds (67 years) to the reign of Ramses II in Egypt. Based on the above mentioned, I would like to note that Sultan Hanfari Ali Mirah derives his legitimacy, according to succession systems in monarchies and sultanates, from a great father who played a historical role in upholding Afar, using available potential in given circumstances. This legitimacy did not come to Sultan Hanfari out of the blue, or from weakness or just to maintain meaningless ancient tribal ritual. Having said that, I wish to emphasize, for the third time, the importance of this event. History, either modern or ancient, is certainly a source of valuable moral lessons, a part of the intellectual and cultural stock of each nation, and a beacon for guidance in the struggle for survival, stability and comprehensive socio-economic development. But we all know that the rhythm of history and the glory of ancestors do not lead alone to the development and advancement of any nation. Hard, persistent and fruitful work is necessary to reach comprehensive development, and in this context a given nation can maintain its identity, culture and land. Everyone also knows that Sultan Hanfari Ali Mirah takes the responsibility in more complex timing and situation, given the multiple determinants, than those of his father Sultan Ali Mirah or his grandfather Sultan Muhammad Hanfari (the later ruled a totally independent state). The extent of resources, opportunities and available authority is different. Moreover, differences are attributed to the role of external non Afar factors, including central, regional and international governmental factors, from qualitative and quantitative perspectives. I know that Sultan Hanfari Ali Mirah is perfectly aware of that. Yet the importance of the responsibility entrusted to him by Afar is no less than the responsibility that was worthily carried by his grandfather or his father to uphold Afar and their unity. While studying at the university in Egypt, during the period , the author of these lines, Hashim Gamal-A-Deen A-Shami (co-author of this book) was a witness to the coordination and agreement (undeclared) between Egypt (represented in the person of Mr. Mohammed Fayek and his office manager) and Afar leader Ali Arif Burhan and Sultan Ali Mirah Hanfari. This coordination and communication (between the Sultan and Egypt) aimed at making the option of Djibouti s independence work and also included providing educational help for Afar. Starting from 1967, Egypt decided to support the independence option. Saudi Arabia followed the steps of Egypt in this regards, although, prior to that, the rest of the Arab States supported the accession of the Republic of Djibouti to Somalia. This did not appeal to the Government of the Republic of Somalia then. However, just before the independence of Djibouti, the Government of the Republic of Somalia, particularly the President, Mr. Mohamed Siad Barre, approved it. Thus, Djibouti obtained its independence with no worth mentioning obstacles. This option was appealed also to France, which colonised Djibouti for a long period. Undoubtedly, the alliance between the two Afar and Somali leaders, H.E. Ahmed Dini and H.E. Hassan Guled, respectively, in the few years prior to the independence, has accelerated the pace towards its accomplishment. Still, their efforts had been successful as a result of the above-mentioned efforts and orientations (i.e. the efforts and orientations of Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Afar leader Ali Arif Burhan and Sultan Ali Mirah Hanfari, the Afar Sultan). 5

6 Based on statistics, informed sources confirm that most of the scientific and technological progress and development in human history happened in the last seven decades of the twentieth century; transforming the world as such into a small village, as people say. This tremendous unprecedented progress resulted in the globalisation and its features consequences, of which one of the most important is the orientation of many countries towards the establishment of large economic blocs such as the European Union, and continental cooperation such as the Organization of African Unity and later the African Union Commission, etc. International security and peace were meant to be brought about through the establishment of the United Nations institutions and Human rights organizations. These are all positive steps, most of which indirectly enhance the centralisation of decision-making. However, humanity was not able to create a more just and equal; or more secure and peaceful human society so far, and the reasons are very simple. The world turned into a village as a result of the scientific and technological development (especially in communications) and found out that this village, turned into a jungle of international and special laws formulated, in many cases, by few but very powerful countries (a limited number of developed countries). International laws and decisions are not infrequently used to achieve justice and righteousness but narrow national interests. This resulted in further insecurity and deficient peace as well as a low global economic growth rate and continuous high rates of poverty in many countries. In spite of this bitter truth, we should put our trust in the international institutions and in the cooperation initiatives among nations to achieve security, peace and socio-economic development, characterised by social justice and real participation of public in decision making process. It is worth to mention, however, in this regard, that the world is indeed better than it was before World War II. Ironically, many Third World leaders in Countries, which were, for the most part, liberated from major States dominance or direct colonisation, did not themselves play a more positive role in terms of corruption, favouritism, and dominance of one powerful ethnic group on more vulnerable ethnic groups and communities within a country. Interestingly, recent events have proved that some of the leaders, advocates of the Unity, development, and social justice in the African continent, are themselves practicing injustice and discrimination within their own countries! The implementation of the democratic system inspired by Western experiences (in Europe and North America), through legislative or presidential elections (even with the integrity of the election) did not produce equality among ethnic groups within centralised systems in developing countries, as opposed to what happened in Western Countries, due to different values and uneven progress in development, and many other factors. We know or we can rather deduce from the above that progress and development will not be abundantly driven to a vulnerable nation (as is the case with Afar now) by leaders from centralised leadership countries, neither will potential (or desired) grants/aids flow from donor countries. Foreign grants and aids are surely appreciated when they achieve the interest of both the recipient and the donor. Furthermore, progress does not emerge from evident and glossy constitutional provisions calling for equality, the right of citizenship and social justice in countries where marginalised and vulnerable nations, ethnicities and groups live such as Afar. In fact, there is a huge gap between constitutional provisions and their implementation as well as a gap between the declared economic and social policies and their actual results. Goals like progress, prosperity, development and participation in decision making can only be reached through efforts deployed by individuals themselves, and through the hard work of the institutions of underdeveloped, vulnerable and marginalized nations themselves. In the same time, these nations should be determined to preserve their heritage, culture and identity while demanding and realising further decentralisation on the legislations and implementation levels within effective and lawful judicial system. It is equally important that the Afar in Ethiopia and their federal state work genuinely towards effective contribution in socio-economic development of entire Ethiopia. The states (nationalities) have also obligations towards the central government in Addis. It is a two way road, like blood circulation in the body of a person. 6

7 Here I try, for the fourth time, to emphasize the importance of this event, as we celebrate the inauguration ceremony of Sultan Hanfari. Afar efforts and progress must continue, while they benefit from their land resources and take control of their fate through the implementation of a truly federal system. Top priority must be given to human development (and above all to education), with emphasis on the importance of preserving the identity. The Sultan should play an important role to achieve a number of well-defined goals, in this regard. Before concluding, I would like to express my salutations to the Afar people for they did not spare effort, either in the ancient or near past, to support their cause. They struggled using all legitimate means, despite prevailing poverty and marginalisation imposed by centralised dominant powers. I also call upon young Afar generations to focus on science and knowledge, common destiny and preservation of identity. Great hope lies particularly in the presence of the federal system in the largest Afar geographical spot (in Ethiopia) and which represents an important framework. In fact, we can see harbinger fruits in education and health with fair and reasonable achievement rates. Also there is a sound irrigation infrastructure represented by the Logya Damn, with the capacity of 2.2 billion cubic meter of water. However, what matters at the end of the day how much benefit of this project actually accruable to the local Afar community. Economic development, which is beneficial to the local Afar community, seems to be insignificant or nearly absent. There is also a clear deficiency in using the Afar language as a means of communication in governmental departments and institutions in the Afar region within the federal domain, although language is known to be one of the most important factors in preserving the identity and the most important factor in speeding up the pace of comprehensive socio-economic development. But at the same time, and in general, there have been a significant progress in the scope of federalism in the Afar State, and hence the people who worked hard over the past twenty years and those currently leading development affairs deserve all the appreciation for the efforts they deployed. In the mean time they should feel that they could have done better than what has been realised. It is known that hard work and diligence are sometimes accompanied by failure. Should one succeed, one is rewarded twice. Should one fail unintentionally and without corruption one is rewarded once. Also my gratitude and appreciation to His Excellency Meles Zinawi, leader and prime minister of Ethiopia as without his support, consent and dedication in establishing federal system, no achievement would have been realised in the Afar region of Ethiopia. It must be emphasized here that the Sultan plays an indispensable role in advocacy and support for Afar causes and other Afar issues that may not be and cannot be dealt with within the autonomous governance (the Afar State) system for several reasons, which need not to be mentioned in this statement. I also call upon Afar youth and officials in the Afar State to seriously contribute to the accomplishment of the desired objectives through the elaboration and implementation of development plans for their Afar region. This should be done while taking into considerations aspects like identity, culture and benefits accruable to Afar people. Additionally, serious effort must be deployed to establish a democratic and humanitarian society, where the rights of individuals are respected. Lastly, I must reiterate that Sultan Hanfari Ali Mirah has explicit legitimacy to succeed his father, because of his grandfather s shining history and especially due to the fact that the ruling family agreed on him to replace his late father. Sultan Hanfari Ali Mirah also has a long appreciative record of personal contribution and struggle in supporting Afar causes. In conclusion, let me express my sincere congratulations to His Highness Sultan Hanfari for taking over the reins of the Afar Sultanate. May Allah help him to the good of the Afar nation and Ethiopia as well as other countries concerned with and related to Afar affairs in East Africa. 7