Tocqueville s observations of religion in Democracy in America are similar

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1 143 Emily Hatheway Religion as a Social Force Tocqueville s observations of religion in Democracy in America are similar to the issues pertinent to Weber s Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, yet Tocqueville is not listed among the founders of the sociology of religion (V, 395). Lack of recognition aside, the authors found that Tocqueville and Weber both allowed that ideology plays a role in social change (V, 405). The progression towards individualism is the main consequence of this role, which, according to both, stabilizes society (V, 405). As it turns out, Tocqueville focuses on the family unit as a stabilizer based in faith and morality, where all are virtuous for the sake of being virtuous, while Weber expands on religion s social role and applies its influence to small groups, rather than the family, based not necessarily on faith, but in morality, where virtue is defined more externally. Tocqueville and Weber both recognize the importance of Protestantism in particular to their arguments about the social role of religion. Despite its negative elements, according to Weber, Protestantism, more so than other religions, fosters an environment which allows its influence to be focused in small groups, which stabilizes the society. For a Protestant, the particular church attended is critical, as the small groups formed become the people with which faith and morality is discussed and influenced. If a Protestant were to move from one state to another, a new church, and therefore a new small group, would need to be found. Catholicism, on the other hand, does not have this; if a Catholic were to move to another state, the church would remain the same. The structure of the faith is such that regardless of location, the service will be the same across the world. Rather than having these small groups, the focus is less on the individual and more on the Catholic community as a whole. Because Protestantism has these church divisions into small groups, it allows for closer associations within different sects and churches. In these groups, the individual s morality and faith is heavily emphasized. The consequence of these small groups is that an individual s faith is regulated as it is checked by a close

2 144 community. Tocqueville also recognizes this shift, yet describes it less explicitly, as he focuses on the family unit. Both Tocqueville and Weber recognize the emphasis on the individual in a community in Protestantism, and because of this they are able to understand its social role. In contrast to Weber, however, Tocqueville focuses his explanation of religion s social role on the family unit which is based on faith and a particular moral code. In the Americas, as Tocqueville immediately recognizes, state religion does not exist, yet religion s influence on politics goes without argument (T6,8). Religion aids in giving the people a moral compass and with this comes freedom, as in Tocqueville s view, The reign of liberty cannot be established without that of morals, nor can a foundation be given to morals without beliefs (T11). There is thus, according to Tocqueville, a direct tie linking religion to liberty, and with that, the stability of the state. But how can this arise in a government with a separation of church and state, i.e. no state religion? Tocqueville points to the family unit. Americans, more so than their European counterparts, take marriage as a sacred bond that unites two families under one roof (T132). With this union, plus children, the family becomes the picture of order and peace and with that comes stability, since families are permitted to freely practice their religion of choice (T133). Tocqueville claims that women accordingly have the power to oversee and regulate the family s belief system from the home (T132). Within this environment, those in the household are able to freely express opinions and build a moral code through religion, learning from each other (T133). In regulating the family on a basis of religious morality, families collectively regulate the state (T132). This is the indirect influence that Tocqueville claims is even more powerful than religion directly influencing politics, and the reason that the United States could not function properly without freedom of religion (T132). The stability of the democratic government naturally stems from a moral family unit, but when the freedom to exercise religion is extinguished, the family unit is undermined, which, in turn, creates instability in the government. Unlike Tocqueville, Weber expands on religion s social role and applies the idea to different Protestant sects, as well as to small groups without faith. By sects, Weber means religious faith-based small groups and by small groups,

3 145 he means groups that may or may not have a basis in faith. Tocqueville s family unit is a sort of religious small group, and because of this, Weber and Tocqueville s findings are comparable. Weber recognizes the tie between religion and the social life, as the question of religious affiliation was almost always posed in social life, yet sees the movement from faith-oriented sects to a question of moral character, as he notices the same question is also posed in these arenas of business life that depended on permanent and credit relations (W210). Weber recognizes that the rationale behind this question has shifted from one of faith to one for deciphering moral character (W214). Weber claims that in America, the kind of denomination [to which one belongs] is rather irrelevant (W213). This is different from Tocqueville, as Tocqueville s emphasis was strictly on faith-based family units. For Weber, it is not so much that a person belongs to your sect, rather that a person has a sect with which they can claim affiliation (W214). With this affiliation comes a determination of moral worth that does not require a religion (W214, 212). For Weber, the religious title does not matter as much for the person, or society, as the title itself. His description of an American group that wore badges in their buttonholes similar to the French Legion of Honor Badge is an example of a small group without a faith-base (W214). Small groups like this are relevant, as they set the foundation of the spirit of the area (W215). Both the sects and small groups have similar effects on society, as Weber points out that a small group like the Legion of Honor affects the society much like a religious sect does the ethic remains, even if the theology is gone from the small group (W (Kalberg)184). Within these different small groups, one could prove both his or her self-worth as well as gain a ticket of ascent, given their associations (W216). Those within the group aim to help each other in order to raise the group higher, socially or politically, and given the status of a particular group, others would judge a person s moral worth, and base business decisions on this information (W216,212). With each of these groups in a pseudo-competition, with each individual in many groups aiming at gaining more self-worth, the significance of the sects expands beyond the realm of religion. American democracy, for example, acquired its own dynamic form and unique imprint exclusively from them. (W231). Weber realizes that the small group associations

4 146 may not be grounded in faith alone or may not be grounded in faith at all, but have an external element; it is best to appear moral and honest, rather than the old focus on the individual s internalized virtue. Weber explains a negative result of this: the steel cage. One becomes so immersed in his or her own individualism, that he or she becomes incredibly isolated. The individual also becomes a slave to the material goods of the area. The moral worth is determined more and more externally, so one must follow the material trends in order to maintain their placement in society. Weber recognizes this negative consequence of Protestantism and the movement to a more externalized determination of moral worth (Weber, 177). One no longer pursues goodness and virtuous behaviors for virtue s sake, but the pursuit of gain externally becomes the end-goal (177). A shift is clear from Tocqueville to Weber s descriptions of religion as a social force; Tocqueville discussed the faith-based small groups focused on individuals with internalized worth for the sake of being virtuous, and Weber recognized the small groups focused less on faith, and more on gaining moral worth externally. Morality shifts to be less about true virtue, and more about perceived virtue. Weber brings us to Benjamin Franklin s words, a Deist, to describe this phenomenon; The most trifling actions that affect a man s credit are to be regarded He describes an instance where a man sees an indebted man playing billiards and asks him for money, where if he had seen the indebted man working, this makes him [wait to pay] easy six months longer. It is not so much that the indebted man has the money to pay him back, but if caught working, it shows, besides, that you are mindful of what you owe; it makes you [the indebted man] appear a careful as well as an honest man, and that still increases your credit (W78). As we see in the use of the word appear, it is the outward appearance of a man which determines his moral worth. Following the trend from Tocqueville to Weber, if this internal to external shift continued, the result would show a rather cynical world. The groups would still be foundationally moral, but the intent of the individuals may leave this morality behind. One s true beliefs do not matter to the group as much as the status gained by group association. Rather than entering into a group for the sake of virtue in any sense, one would enter into a group to get ahead. Moral-

5 147 ity would be lost if this shift were to continue completely; what consequences would this have on the stability of the society? If the focus becomes entirely external, how will those virtues that truly resonate with groups be distinguished from those who do not believe and just joined for their resume? Although Weber and Tocqueville do not predict the future, their discussions on religion s social role lead to an understanding of the shift from an internalized family unit to an externally focused small group that determines moral worth. In one sense the regulation of the family s morality aided in fostering true virtue in the individual, yet in another, these small groups allowed the individual to morph their sense of morality given other s opinions, and their worth became more externalized. The apprehension that Weber had of Protestantism, when referring to the steel cage, becomes remarkably plausible, as perceived morality is observed because of these small groups; if the trend were to continue, perhaps this perceived morality would completely replace true morality. Works Referenced T- Alexis de Tocqueville Abridged, with Introduction, by Sanford Kessler. Translated and Annotated by Stephen D. Grant. Democracy in America. Hackett Publishing Company: Indianapolis, Indianna, V-Dalton, Lisle, Hammond, Phillip E., Ingersoll, Julie, Machacek, David, Pullen, Elizabeth, Valdez, Roger, and Wilson, Brian. Bringing Tocqueville In: Remedying a Neglect in the Sociology of Religion Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion. Vol. 31, No. 4 December, 1992 pp W- The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism Revised 1920 edition by Max Weber, translated and introduction by Stephen Kalberg. Oxford University Press, New York, New York, Analects of the Core Aristotle: To be conscious that we are perceiving or thinking is to be conscious of our own existence.