RELIGION, ETHNICITY AND GROUP IDENTITY: IRISH ADOLESCENTS VIEWS

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1 Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 12: , 2006 Copyright C Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: print DOI: / RELIGION, ETHNICITY AND GROUP IDENTITY: IRISH ADOLESCENTS VIEWS KATRINA McLAUGHLIN, KAREN TREW, and ORLA T. MULDOON Queen s University Belfast The article examines aspects of religious identity for young people living along the border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland in terms both of religious and ethno-national content and encompassing personal as well as collective components. Religion is seen as both positive and negative. It is constructed as strengthening family bonds, providing a sense of belonging and history and fostering tolerance and acceptance. Paradoxically it is also seen as fuelling extant intergroup hostilities. Social or ethno-national identity lies at the heart of the Northern Irish conflict. The conflict can be viewed as arising from competing social identities between two ethno-national groups, with religion acting as a socially determined boundary. However, religion is only one dimension of the conflict in Northern Ireland. The two main protagonists to the conflict differ on a range of dimensions, including religion, nationality, political aspirations, and economics. The question is how these dimensions interrelate, how permeable they are, and how far each contributes to conflict. Whilst undoubtedly purely religious identities exist, religious labels may also encompass more than just religious or theological components. Some see the conflict-generating potential of religion lying not in the purely religious identity but in its role as marker of ethno-national difference. 1 However the complete separation of theological or religious components from ethnonational identities associated with religious groupings has been questioned by others. 2 For instance recently Mitchell argues that religious rituals and ideas based in the relevant religion are key components of ethnic identity construction. 3 Our article aims to Address correspondence to Dr. Orla Muldoon, School of Psychology, Queen s University Belfast, David Keir Building, Malone Rd, Belfast BT9 5BP, Northern Ireland. o.muldoon@qub.ac.uk 599

2 600 K. McLaughlin et al. examine these issues in greater detail by exploring young people s views of religion and religious identity. In Northern Ireland a history of grievances related to conflicting senses of ethno-national identity, violent conflict, sectarian tension, and opposing understandings of history combine to deepen the sense of difference into which individuals are socialized. 4 Religious segregation of housing and education means that Catholic and Protestant young people grow up with those of the same religion, having their identities shaped by indirect rather than direct involvement with other groups. 5 Many young people interact with those around them and become involved in activities associated with their local community, church and school. As a result daily events within segregated schools and communities serve to reinforce exclusivity and difference rather than inclusivity and cohesion. 6 Nevertheless, recent research reveals considerable diversity in the nature and meaning of religious identification for young people. 7 For example, Bloomer and Weinreich found that over half the Catholic young people in their sample, but only a third of the Protestants reported a clear overlap between religious and political identities. 8 This sense of overlap was associated with the young people who identified strongly with their own community. The remaining young people showed considerable variation in their patterns of identification with their communities including a sizeable minority who were alienated from both Catholic and Protestant communities. The causes of this variation remain unclear. Although it is assumed that parents and family have a major role in the socialization process, it is not known to what extent identity is deliberately passed on from generation to generation or whether it is learned through everyday observation and daily practices. 9 This article extends previous research by using adolescents own accounts firstly to examine how religious identity is defined and constructed by young people who are growing up in the border area and secondly to elicit their views on the role of the family in the transmission of identity. Religion and Religious Identity in Young People The importance of religious identity to young people has been explored in a number of surveys. In one of the first studies of

3 Irish Adolescents Views 601 ethno-political identity in Northern Ireland Cairns and Mercer found that only three per cent of year-olds from Northern Ireland failed to classify themselves as Protestant or Catholic, and this identity was viewed as more important to these young people than any of the other four socio-political identities (e.g. such as unionist/nationalists; republican/loyalist, gael/planter and celt/anglo-saxon) which were included in the questionnaire. 10 Although most of these young people viewed gender, social class and age categories as more important than these categories, one in 20 respondents saw the Catholic/Protestant category as the most important identity among the possible 18 alternatives. Cassidy and Trew also found that the identities of friend, student, and family member were generally more important to this student population than either their religious or national identity. 11 Young people generally see religion as an important feature of society in Northern Ireland as shown by the findings of the annual Young Life and Times Surveys (YLT) which have been administered each year since 2003 to all 16-year-olds in Northern Ireland. In 2003, 2004 and 2005, four out of five of the YLT respondents agreed that religion will always make a difference to how people in Northern Ireland feel about each other. In 2003, 70 per cent of young people from a Catholic background and 59 per cent from a Protestant background also considered that their own religious identity was important to them; two years later, although there was some sign that the young people were less identified with their religion, over half of both Catholic and Protestant respondents (59 per cent of Catholics; 52 per cent of Protestants) indicated that religious identity was either very important or quite important for them. A more nuanced account of religious identification resulted from one of the few studies that surveyed Catholic students from both the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland. Stapleton and Northover suggest that the distinction between the Republic of Ireland s increasingly modernized and globalized society and the traditionally conservative society in Northern Ireland is reflected in the more orthodox attitudes towards religion and higher levels of identification with family demonstrated by the students from Northern Ireland. 12 These findings are echoed by the report that almost half of the respondents in the Young Life and Times survey

4 602 K. McLaughlin et al. in Northern Ireland considered that their families are central to their views of the other religious community. 13 The importance of context for identity has been further underlined by a number of studies that have focused on identity change. Cassidy and Trew found changes in the religious identification of young people who moved from a single religion school to a university environment with people of many different religions. 14 Sinclair and Milner found that beginning a new job brought about a heightened awareness of identity for young British Jews and showed how this new social context prompted them to redefine themselves. 15 However, much of the research undertaken in Northern Ireland can be criticized for an overreliance on quantitative methods. 16 Certainly, as Marshall and Woollett suggest, quantification alone cannot adequately capture the complexity of identification and the intricacies of interactions between individuals. 17 Ewart et al. employed the talk-shop approach, in which young people are actively engaged in discussion and exercises in order to consult 16 and 17-year-olds about their experiences of sectarianism and to complement the Young Life and Times surveys. 18 National and religious identities were the most controversial issues discussed at the meetings with 194 young people. Although the majority of participants considered that the conflict in Northern Ireland was associated with differences in religious beliefs and religious denominations, most felt that the conflict related more to differences in national rather than religious identity. However Ewart et al. concluded that there was some confusion among the young people about the role religion played, or should play, in the conflict. The Essay Study The current article extends this work by examining young people s own views of religion and religious identity. We contacted eight schools along the border; six agreed to participate in the study, whilst two declined. Parents of all young people in the target year of the schools were then contacted and parental consent was obtained for each child that participated in the study. Then on a pre-arranged day, two researchers attended each school to undertake the data collection. 261 adolescents aged between 13

5 Irish Adolescents Views 603 TABLE 1 Residential Jurisdiction and Religious Affiliation of Participants Roman Catholic Protestant Other Males Females Males Females Males Females Total Northern Ireland Republic of Ireland young people did not state their gender Total and16yearsold(mean= 14.26) from both urban and rural areas participated in the study, which involved an essay-writing task. The entire exercise lasted between 30 and 40 minutes, and the same researcher was available to answer any questions. 115 of the participants lived in Northern Ireland whilst the remaining 146 resided in the Republic of Ireland (see Table 1). Essay questions are a relatively new, yet efficient means of data collection. Young people wrote two essays, one of which directly related to religion. The results presented here relate to the question on religion as well as instances where religion was mentioned in relation to nationality or the border. The essay question relating to religion was: Families often influence children s views and beliefs on religion. Say whether or not you agree with this statement using any personal experiences which you have had. Young people were then given the opportunity to express their opinions and ideas without the pressure associated with interviews or the potential distractions that come with focus groups. Participants were encouraged to write as much as possible and to provide personal experiences where possible. The resultant data was then subjected to a grounded analysis. 19 The results highlight four broad related themes within the data relating to religion namely; (1) The nature of religious identity; (2) Religion: tolerance and intolerance; (3) Family and religion; (4) Perceptions of intergenerational transmission of religious identity.

6 604 K. McLaughlin et al. The Nature of Religious Identity There was much individual variation in the young people s views of religion and religious identity. Often when asked if they believed that families and parents had an effect on children s religion, they revealed differing accounts of religious identity. On some occasions religion was expressed in terms of faith, morality and worship. For example, one Roman Catholic boy living in Northern Ireland exemplifying the importance of worship wrote: I agree with this statement because families and parents would like to have their children brought up the way they are supposed to. As a Catholic I should go to Mass every Sunday at least and try to act in a better way like a Christian. My family and parents would like me growing up in a way that I am not a bad person, but am mannerly and not getting into trouble for doing the wrong thing (No. 212, male, 15-year-old, Roman Catholic, Northern Ireland). Another, focusing more on the faith-based and moral aspects of religion wrote in reply to the same question, It helps them to become who they are if they believe in Christ... If you believe in God you will live a good life (No. 128, female, 14-years-old, Roman Catholic, Northern Ireland). However on other occasions, religion was seen as a collective identity, in terms of an individual s religious affiliation, intrinsically related to the divisions in Ireland rather than anything spiritual. Typical statements included, We go to a Catholic Chapel every Sunday morning. I also go to a Catholic school five days a week. When I was younger my Mum and Dad told me that there was two divisions: Catholic and Protestant. We were Catholics and we get Holy Communion in a chapel every Sunday morning or Saturday night. (No. 136, female, 15-years-old, Roman Catholic, Northern Ireland). Similarly another participant, exemplifying the collective aspect of religious identity again as well as the oppositional nature of the two main religious groups, stated: I got baptism when I was a baby and as a Catholic. And in primary seven I had confirmation. I also live in a Catholic area. And have been taught most

7 Irish Adolescents Views 605 things and know loads of things about being a Catholic. Being a Catholic is good because if you were a Prodistate [sic] you would have to march with the orange men which would be boring. (No. 20, male, 14 years old, Roman Catholic, Republic of Ireland). A collective orientation towards religion was also evidenced in comments about relationships between the two groups (as the previous quotation). Whilst there was evidence of personal liking for out-group members, there was also intolerance of the group as a whole; a position frequently popularized as the Some of my best friends are out-group members approach to tolerance. For example one young person wrote: There is nothing wrong with being a Prod because they are very nice people and most of my friends are Prods. But the only thing I don t like about them is that they march in bands and start fights which I don t like. (No. 134, female, 14 years old, Roman Catholic, Northern Ireland). Similarly it also became evident that in certain public contexts out-group members were more likely to be accepted and tolerated. Highlighting the perceived overlap between national and religious identity for many young people, one young person stated 20 : I am a Catholic and I am very proud of it. I like my religion and would certainly not want it changed. I grew up as a Catholic and would be offended if I was referred to as a British person. Although if I was working with British people I would have no objection in working with them (No. 28, female, 14 years old, Roman Catholic, Republic of Ireland). The public nature of this acceptable interaction is in sharp contrast to the acceptability of segregation evident in the more private spheres. For instance one young person stated: I got to a Catholic school and a Catholic Church, and we are taught lots of things about our religions in school and learn a lot about it. I live in a Catholic Estate. I was baptized and when this happened I became a member of the Catholic Church (No. 255, male, 15 years old, Roman Catholic, Northern Ireland).

8 606 K. McLaughlin et al. Religion: Tolerance and Intolerance Issues related to tolerance were very much evident throughout the essays. The contradictory nature of religious identity was frequently alluded to; the extent of one s religiosity was believed to correlate to inter-group attitudes. Just enough religion was seen to have a positive impact, whereas in other cases too much was perceived as divisive and dangerous. Further to this, being brought up to respect and tolerate others was often attributed to having Christian values. Thus being a Christian was viewed as a basis for acceptance of the other group. One Protestant female from Northern Ireland wrote, Not everyone is like me, some people hate the sight of Catholics which I don t think that s right, as God said, love everyone as I love you. (No. 76, female, 14 years old, Protestant, Northern Ireland). Paradoxically, in the same way that religion was seen to promote acceptance, it was also perceived as directly responsible for intergroup hostilities and conflict. Typical statements reflective of this viewpoint included, Personally I think religion is a stupid thing and that people are getting killed or badly injured by what they belief in and for what they are and it is a stupid thing that people do to others that they think is different, when they only believe in different (things). I think people should be treated equally. (No. 55, female, 15 years old, Protestant, Northern Ireland). This apparent paradox is in part explained by the fixed views on religion some young people adopted. A sizeable proportion of participants believed that their religion was the only true religion. One female from the Republic stated, I am a Catholic. I don t like the way that people have different religions. In my opinion I think we should all be as one. People believe that there are many different Gods but I don t. I believe that there is only one God. My parents have taught me that there is only one God and that is what I believe. (No. 7, female, 14 years old, Roman Catholic, Republic of Ireland).

9 Irish Adolescents Views 607 Others believed that their religion was superior to other types of religion. A Roman Catholic female stated, I don t believe in all the religions... They are rubbish. (No. 122, female, 15 years old, Roman Catholic, Republic of Ireland). In direct contrast to this stated exclusion of religious diversity, a small proportion of young people expressed frustration and anger at the division which they believed was caused by religion. For instance one 14-year-old Catholic expressing a more inclusive and accepting opinion stated: Why cant people just accept that there are different religions and beliefs and we all have to live with each other Catholic or Protestant. We go to a school where there are both religions. We work with each other and are friends with each other. Why can t people accept that there are different religions and beliefs and we all have to live with each other and are friends with each other, catholic or protestant. (No. 5, female, 14 years old, Roman Catholic, Republic of Ireland). Similarly a second young person from the Republic, though clearly distancing herself from the conflict in Northern Ireland, stated: Holy Cross. It disgusted me the way in the North of Ireland people are fighting over religion Catholic and Protestant. The way the little girls had to go to school every day listening to people shout terrible things at them. I can remember nearly crying seeing those girls the way they had to live. It was terrible. Why can t Catholics and Protestants get on like civilized people and stop all the trouble in the North of Ireland. (No. 1, female, 14 years old, Roman Catholic, Republic of Ireland). Family and Religion Religious identity gave respondents a sense of belonging and purpose and was highly reified for young people. Young people stated that religion could be seen as part of a guide or map for life. One respondent stated: If families influence children from an early age it will show the children what is right or wrong...i agree with this because your religion is kind of

10 608 K. McLaughlin et al. like who you are and what you do in your life. (No. 130, female, 15 years old, Roman Catholic, Northern Ireland). Not only was religious identity seen as a source of support but it also served to strengthen familial bonds. Often it was described as a unifying entity that all of the family would engage in, handed down from generation to generation. One female residing in the Republic of Ireland explained, My father is not a strong believer in religion, but the rest of my family are. I love to go to Mass because of my Granny, its lovely to be able to confide in God. I think praying to God is just a good way to tell him whats bothering you. He helps you if he can. My Granny has persuaded Dad to go back to Mass to be a part of the family of God again. (No. 4, female, 15 years old, Roman Catholic, Republic of Ireland). Interestingly, even when the religious practice itself did not seem particularly valued, religion was still valued for weaving generations together. For instance one young person wrote: I am a Catholic. My parents influenced me on my religion and told me the difference between other religions. I don t really like going to mass but I d still rather be a Catholic rather than any other religion. My family have all been brought up as Catholics and has always been like that. My Granny was a very religious woman and she was another person who influenced us. (No. 150, female, 15 years old, Roman Catholic, Republic of Ireland). Whilst religion was outlined as strengthening family bonds, it also created particular pressures when members acted outside social norms. This was most clearly illustrated when young people discussed incidences within their family that had caused conflict. One Protestant female described how her sister having a relationship with someone of the other religion caused problems in their family. She reported, I know this from my own family, it can cause problems between family members. As my sister is going out with her boyfriend which is a different religion and they had a child together. Both families want her to be brought up in different ways. (No. 55, female, 15 years old, Protestant, Northern Ireland).

11 Irish Adolescents Views 609 The pressure to conform to the norm seemed to be particularly an issue for some Protestants living in the Republic of Ireland perhaps because of their minority position. For example one Protestant female residing in the Republic explained: I personally hate living here and being a Protestant because practically everyone is a Catholic and I get judged for being a Protestant. I play gaelic and go to a lot of Catholic things but people will still ask me what religion I am. This really upsets me! (No. 109, female, 14 years old, Protestant, Republic of Ireland). However this was not the view expressed by all of the Protestants living along the border. For some, rather than viewing their circumstances in a negative light, being in the minority was seen as positive as it encouraged interaction with those from the Catholic community. In this context, living in this area and being a member of the minority group was seen as assisting in broadening horizons and outlook on life. Typical statements within this theme included, I am living in North Monaghan which is mainly Catholic but there is some Protestants but very few. I think living in an area like this is good for us so we can mix with other people e.g. different religions, races. Most of my friends are Roman Catholic and I am a Protestant. (No. 112, female, 14 years old, Protestant, Republic of Ireland). Perceptions of Intergenerational Transmission of Religious Identity Young people s views of the transmission of religious identity across generations were also apparent in their essays. The significance of the parental role in shaping their children s beliefs and opinions was often acknowledged. Respondents described how influential parents are and because of this, how careful they should also be. Sometimes transmission of identity was referred to implicitly, almost as if it was inevitable; other times young people seemed to be interpreting and subsequently reconstructing their identity; whilst more rarely transmission was seen as a proactive or explicit undertaking on the part of parents. Similarly, some models of parenting are perceived as setting the tone, maintaining the direct transmission of beliefs from one generation to another. 21 In line with this view, many

12 610 K. McLaughlin et al. young people recounted tales that they had heard from their parents that informed their views. For instance one young person wrote, My father told me stories of when he was younger he bricked da prods (British) now it has passed down through the generation to me and my brothers and sisters. (No. 117, female, 14 years old, Roman Catholic, Northern Ireland). Familial influence can be described as being both overt and covert. An example of overt influence is parents reported purposeful and direct attempts to teach adolescents about their ethnicity. Typically examples of transmission of attitudes perceived as negative were only recounted in relation to other families and included examples such as, I often see sometimes parents looking out their windows shouting unsuitable names at Protestant/Catholic people while their children sit beside them and either take it all in or shout it with them. Young children do this because they are either told to do it or learned how to. Children now start to hang out flags on purpose to annoy people, like union jacks and tri colors. (No. 233, male, 15 years old, Roman Catholic, Northern Ireland). Others reported parents not permitting young people to interact with those from the other group. One female Protestant living in the Republic stated: My Dad s best friend is a Protestant like us and he makes sure that his children don t go out with Catholics. (No. 110, female, 14 years old, Protestant, Republic of Ireland). When covert/implicit influence was identified, parents were not intentionally trying to teach their children about religion or ethnicity; however everyday activities assisted in inadvertently reinforcing difference and division. A statement highlighting this implicit transmission came from a Roman Catholic female living in Northern Ireland who explicitly denied her family influenced her views related to religion: My family doesn t influence me because I already know that I am a Catholic as I go to a Catholic school and a Catholic Mass. I also live in

13 Irish Adolescents Views 611 a Catholic area where Catholics. I have also been baptized and I have also made my Holy Communion and that is a Catholic thing and protisins [sic] don t make it. I have also made my confirmation and these are things that Catholics do and not Protisins as it is an event in the Catholic Church. (No. 132, female, 14 years old, Roman Catholic, Northern Ireland). In some cases therefore it can be said there was an unquestioning adoption of parent s attitudes and identities. This assumption of parental attitudes was viewed as common, inevitable and in the ultimate interests of the children. For instance a Protestant male stated, Parents should bring their children up in their own beliefs. This means if their children don t know something, then they can always turn to their parents for advice. If they don t then the family could be split up because of fights about their beliefs. (No. 64, male, 14 years old, Protestant, Northern Ireland). Interestingly, the latter comment suggests that the transmission of beliefs is integral to family cohesion; a theme that has resonance with the value placed on the intergenerational continuity of religion outlined previously. Further, in a violent and conflicted society, deliberately transmitting opinions and beliefs from one generation to the next was often construed as a form of protection and aimed at maximizing family safety and security. Certainly many of the participants believed this to be the case. One Protestant female in the Republic of Ireland explained, It is what your family tells you and they will not tell you anything wrong they will try and keep you safe from anyone or anything bad. They now [sic] the best better than anyone. They will try their hardest to keep you from bad things. (No. 152, female, 14 years old, Protestant, Republic of Ireland). Finally, in line with the notion that children and young people are actively constructing their social identities, some respondents appeared to actively negotiate their religious identity rather than adopt it blindly. 22 For instance one young person wrote: What a parent or grandparent thinks is good or bad you automatically as a child think the same. But as I have started to take up my own ideas and

14 612 K. McLaughlin et al. opinions as my knowledge of the world has increased, I have begun to question things more and to give my own answers and opinions. Everyone I think goes through these stages. It s only natural as a child to believe everything you are told but through teenage and adolescence you begin to pick up your own thoughts. (No. 13, 14 years old male, Roman Catholic, Republic of Ireland). Other young people actively reinterpreted their parents experiences to inform their view of the conflict and history as well as their current views of the out-group (in the case below labeled as British) and their willingness to move on from the past. This position is exemplified by the following quote whereby one young person wrote: It would be very hard for our parents to forgive the British as they grew up when the troubles were at their worst so when people they knew were killed in bombs or shootings they cant just forgive the British...but it is getting better the troubles have calmed down and with that we have slowly but gradually started to forgive them. (No. 131, female, 14 years old, Roman Catholic, Northern Ireland). Conclusions Overall our findings suggest that religion continues to play a central role in the public and private lives of young people growing up in the border areas of Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. Rather than religious identity being fixed and static, our study reveals how young people shift from personal to collective, theological to cultural religious identities. Undoubtedly, religious identities for these young people are about more than purely religious issues such as theology and religious practice. Although these elements were evident in young people s writings, young people spontaneously referred to ethno-national issues and inter-group relations when they were questioned about religion. Indeed often the religious and national labels were confused. Although tolerance was frequently espoused and there was a discourse of acceptance often apparent in the young people s essays, adherence to religious practice and pressure to retain some social distance from the other tradition was evident. It is interesting that religious identity is no longer viewed as salient in relation to employment or workplace behavior by these young

15 Irish Adolescents Views 613 people, but is seen as relevant to schooling, family and choice of spouse/partner. It is no coincidence that this reflects the reality of young people s social worlds. Religious discrimination in employment has been illegal in both jurisdictions for many years. However segregated school systems and same-faith marriages remain the norm in both jurisdictions. Whilst many of the young people s views relating to religion emphasized the faith-based and moral or essentially private aspects of religion, religion was also acknowledged as having a public role in creating division in Ireland. Religious identities were often depicted as exclusive, with some participants expressing very intolerant views. Whilst some young people argued that religion provided a toolkit to overcome intolerance, others by asserting their religious views attested to the divisions that religion can create. Other young people referred to the contradictory effects of religion, whereby on the one hand religion was perceived as instrumental in embracing tolerant inter-group attitudes, whereas on the other hand it was acknowledged as a catalyst in ethnopolitical conflict and hostility. However, religious identity also affords young people a sense of belonging and support, and has created boundaries as well as providing continuity with previous generations. Participants described how parents pass information concerning religious differences. Many young people viewed the transmission of religious identities, both private/moral and public/cultural as inevitable and were largely accepting of their parents views. Others appeared to negotiate, interpret and reconstruct their identities and related views from a range of sources, though parents were again acknowledged as a key influence. Overt transmission of negative attitudes from parents to children was only written about by young people in relation to another family (rather than one s own) in which it had been observed. Whilst this finding may represent a self-presentation bias, it is perhaps because of an inability on the part of adolescence to see their own parents as negative actors, or indeed their own parents attitudes as negative, that parents are such powerful sources of identity-related information. Interestingly, and in line with some theories of identity development, young people saw a functional element to the transmission of religious identity. 23 Some believed that parents transmit their views out of concern for their children s physical

16 614 K. McLaughlin et al. safety. Indeed Smyth argues that parents bringing up children in a dangerous and violent environment have to deal with a daunting challenge. 24 In line with this position Ward, based on her study of motherhood in Northern Ireland attested that in a deeply divided society mothers may not intentionally be reproducing the cultural norms that emphasize difference. 25 However, in an attempt to protect their family they may provide explanations of the situation, which are instrumental in maintaining divisions between communities. Our research supports both these positions to a degree; however it also adds to the existing research. Previous research has generally found that family relations and role identities are seen as more salient identities than religious or national identities related to the conflict in Northern Ireland. 26 However, these findings have been based exclusively on quantitative or survey studies. Existing qualitative research attests to the role of family influence on young people s views, as does this research. 27 Importantly, however, this study also highlights that family and religious identities are intrinsically related in Northern Ireland, religion being seen as part of the fabric that weaves generations together. Thus whilst religion may be explicitly denied as being of great importance to many, the continuing and attested importance of family serves to maintain the value of religion. 28 Previous qualitative and quantitative studies highlight the strong degree of overlap between religious and national identities, as well as the penetration of religious identity into the economic, political, and historical arena. 29 Indeed it is this permeability of religion in such rich and diverse domains that is likely to underpin it as the continuing source of division that it is in Northern Ireland and the Republic. Notes 1. John McGarry and Brendan O Leary, Explaining Northern Ireland: Broken Images (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1996). 2. Joseph Ruane and Jennifer Todd, The Dynamics of Conflict in Northern Ireland: Power, Conflict and Emancipation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996). 3. Claire Mitchell, Behind the Ethnic Marker: Religion and Social Identification in Northern Ireland, Sociology of Religion (Spring, 2005).

17 Irish Adolescents Views Joanne Hughes and Caitlin Donnelly, Ten Years of Social Attitudes to Community Relations in Northern Ireland, in A.M. Gray, Katrina Lloyd, Patricia Devine, Gillian Robinson, and Deirdre Heenan (eds.), Social Attitudes in Northern Ireland (London: Pluto Press, 2002), pp Ed Cairns and Miles Hewstone, The Impact of Peacemaking in Northern Ireland on Intergroup Behavior, in G. Salomon and B. Nevo (eds.), The Nature and Study of Peace Education (Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum, 2002), pp Karen Trew, Children and Socio Cultural Divisions in Northern Ireland, Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 60 (2004), pp Miles Hewstone, Ed Cairns, Alberto Voci, Ulrike Niens, and Masi Noor, Intergroup Forgiveness and Guilt in Northern Ireland: Social Psychological Dimensions of the Troubles, in N.R. Branscombe and B. Doosje (eds.), Collective Guilt: International Perspectives (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005). 7. Fiona Bloomer and Peter Weinreich, Cross Community and Interdependent Identities, in Owen Hargie and David Dickson (eds.), Researching the Troubles: Social Science Perspectives on the Northern Ireland Conflict (Edinburgh: Mainstream, 2003), pp Shirley Ewart, Dirk Schubotz, Damian Harris, Laura Montgomery, Ciaran Moynagh, Gavin Maguire, Scott Livingstone, Voices behind the Statistics: Young People s Views of Sectarianism in Northern Ireland (National Children s Bureau 2004). 8. Bloomer and Weinreich. 9. Jean Phinney and Victor Chavira, Parental Ethnic Socialization and Adolescent Coping with Problems Related to Ethnicity, Journal of Research on Adolescence, Vol. 5 (1995), pp Ed Cairns and Gillian Mercer, Social Identity in Northern Ireland,, Human Relations, Vol. 37 (1984), pp Claire Cassidy and Karen Trew, Identity Change in Northern Ireland: A Longitudinal Study of Students Transition to University, Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 60 (2004), pp Karyn Stapleton and Mehroo Northover, Ethnic Identity in Context: A Comparative Study of Catholicism and Nationalism in Northern and Southern Ireland, Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development, Vol.20 (1999), pp Paula Devine and Dirk Schubotz, Us and Them?, ARK Research Update,Vol. 28, (2004). 14. See Cassidy and Trew. 15. Jennifer Sinclair and David Milner, On being Jewish: A Qualitative Study of Identity among British Jews in Emerging Adulthood, Journal of Adolescent Research, Vol. 20 (2005), pp Orla Muldoon, Children of the Troubles: The Impact of Political Violence in Northern Ireland, Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 60 (2004), pp Harriet Marshall and Anne Woolett, Changing Youth: An Exploration of Visual and Cultural Identifications, in C. Squire (ed.), Culture in Psychology (London: Routledge, 2000), pp Ewart, Schubotz, Harris, Montgomery, Moynagh, Maguire and Livingstone.

18 616 K. McLaughlin et al. 19. Barney Glaser and Anselm Strauss, The Discovery of Grounded Theory: Strategies for Qualitative Research (New York: Aldine, 1967). 20. Katrina McLaughlin, Orla Muldoon and Karen Trew (under review). Adolescents Perceptions of National Identification and Socialisation: An Essay Study. 21. Jean Whyte, Changing Times, Challenges to Identity: 12 year-olds in Belfast (UK: Avebury Press 1995). 22. Paul Connolly and Paul Maginn, Sectarianism, Children and Community Relations in Northern Ireland (CAIN, 1999). 23. Luc Goossens, and Jean Phinney, Identity, Context and Development, Journal of Adolescence, Vol. 19 (1996), pp Marie Smyth and The Cost of the Troubles Study, Half the Battle: Understanding the Impact of the Troubles on Children and Young People (Londonderry: Incore, 1998). 25. Margaret Ward, Family Survival and Political Conflict: The Role of Motherhood in Northern Ireland, International Federation for research in Women s History Conference (Belfast, 2003). 26. Ewart, Schubotz, Harris, Montgomery, Moynagh, Maguire and Livingstone. 27. Trew, Children and Socio Cultural Divisions in Northern Ireland. 28. Ibid. 29. See Cassidy and Trew. Katharina Schmid, Orla Muldoon, John Kremer and Karen Trew (under review), Collective Identity, Perceived Threat and Overlapping and Conflicting Identity Choices: Multiple Identification and Multidimensionality. Karyn Stapleton and Mehroo Northover, Ethnic Identity in Context. Katrina McLaughlin is a research fellow in the School of Nursing and Midwifery in Queen s University Belfast. She completed her PhD in Queens in Her research interests relate to issues of roles and identities within families, balancing conflict in the family environment, and the construction and effects of gender and social class on life experience. Karen Trew is a reader in the School of Psychology at Queen s University Belfast. Her research interests are linked by efforts to relate academic scholarship with practice and policy especially in relation to children and young people, and she has published widely in this area. Orla Muldoon is a senior lecturer in Psychology at Queen s University Belfast. She was awarded her PhD in She has published widely on the impact of the conflict on adults and children in Northern Ireland. Recent projects have looked at children s negotiation of conflict related stress and effects of adults experience of the Troubles in terms of both mental health and social attitudes.