APPENDICES. Candidacy Presidency Campaign Speech of Senator John F. Kennedy. New York Coliseum, New York City, November 5, 1960

Transcription

1 APPENDICES Candidacy Presidency Campaign Speech of Senator John F. Kennedy New York Coliseum, New York City, November 5, 1960 This is a transcription of this speech made for the convenience of readers and researchers. A copy of the text of this speech exists in the Senate Speech file of the John F. Kennedy Pre-Presidential Papers here at the John F. Kennedy Library. In less than 60 hours the polls open--and there is still much work to be done. I ask your help in finishing the work of this campaign. No other task is more important. For remember that the polls will not open next Tuesday, or any other day in any real sense, in Moscow or in Peiping--or in Mr. Castro s Cuba--or in the so-called satellite nations where I found no satellite peoples. We must vote on behalf of those peoples next Tuesday as well as ourselves--on behalf of all those who want to vote for the cause of freedom but lack the freedom to vote. And for their sake as well as ours, let us vote to get this country moving again. And let us remember, when the last hurrah is over and the confetti is swept away, that this is a solemn decision. We are not engaged in a name calling contest--we are not voting for an image--or a team--or a protégé. We are choosing a President of the United States. Tonight, as this campaign comes to a close, I want to talk about the central issue I discussed when it opened--the Presidency. For the last 3 months in outlining the programs I believe this country needs, I have in effect answered the question why I want to be President. I hope I have made it clear that I want to be President--not because that will be an easy task in the '60 s--on the contrary it will, in many ways, be more difficult than at any time since Lincoln--but because after 14 years in Washington I know this office must provide the main force in moving this country ahead in these critical years. Tonight, instead of repeating why I want to be President, permit me to discuss what kind of President I want to be. Should I be successful next Tuesday, I want above all else to be a President known-- at the end of 4 years--as one who not only prevented war but won the peace--as one of whom history might say: he not only laid the foundations for peace in his time, but for generations to come as well. If I am elected next Tuesday, I want to be a President known--at the end of four years--as one who not only held back the Communist tide but advanced the cause of freedom and rebuilt American prestige--not by words but by works--not by stating great aims merely as a good debater, but by doing great deeds as a good neighbor-- not by tours and conferences abroad, but by vitality and direction at home. My opponent promises, if he is successful, to go to Eastern Europe, to go perhaps to another Summit, to go to a series of meetings around the world. If I am successful, I am going to Washington, D.C. and get this country to work. 83

2 I want to be a President who will regain that office for the people. I have no wish to be known as a narrowly partisan President, or as a private-interest President,--I want to be President of all the people. But I do not intend, if successful, to ignore party leadership or party responsibility-- and I do not intend to forget that I am a Democrat. I want to be a President who has the confidence of the people--and who takes the people into his confidence--who lets them know what he is doing and where we are going, who is for his program and who is against. I hope to set before the people our unfinished agenda--to indicate their obligations--and not simply follow their every whim and pleasure. I want to be a President who acts as well as reacts--who originates programs as well as study groups--who masters complex problems as well as one-page memoranda. I want to be a President who is the chief executive in every sense of the word--who responds to a problem, not by hoping his subordinates will act, but by directing them to act--a President who is willing to take the responsibility for getting things done, and take the blame if they are not done right. For I am not in this campaign merely to win an election--i seek election in order to carry out our program. I am not promising action in the first one hundred days alone--i am promising you one thousand days of exacting Presidential leadership. For I know what happens to a Nation that sleeps too long. I saw the British deceive themselves before World War II, as Winston Churchill tried in vain (main, in original) to awaken them and while England slept, Hitler armed; and if we sleep too long in the sixties, Mr. Khrushchev will bury us yet. That is why the next President must be more than a mere bookkeeper, getting the numbers on the balancesheet to come out even--he must be commander-in-chief of the grand alliance for freedom. If I am successful next Tuesday, I want to be a President who believes in working full-time when millions of men and women are forced to work part-time. I want to be a President who cares, not only about the Nation s loss of gold, but about 4 million men losing their jobs and income. I want to be a President who is concerned, not only about the Government balancing its budget, but about the housewife balancing hers. I want to be a President who recognizes every citizen s rights as well as his obligations--particularly when one stroke of the pen on an executive order could assure all citizens that every door will be open--in Government employment in Federal jobs and to Federally financed homes. 84

3 I want to be the President of a country which raises the farmer s income instead of his costs--which sends more children to college and fewer oldsters to the poor house- -which provides higher pay for our teachers and lower interest rates for small business. In short, I believe in a President who will formulate and fight for his legislative policies, and not be a casual observer of the legislative progress. A President who will not back down under pressure, or let down his spokesmen in the Congress--a President who does not speak from the rear of the battle but who places himself in the thick of the fight. But I also believe in a President who fights for great ideals as well as legislation--a President who cares deeply about the people he represents--their right to a full-time job with full-time pay--to raise their children in a decent neighborhood--to send their children to a good school--to share in the benefits of our abundance and our natural resources--and to retire to a life of dignity and health. And above all I believe in a President who believes in the national interest--who serves no other master--who takes no instructions but those of his conscience--who puts no personal interest, no public pressure, no political hopes and no private obligation of any kind ahead of his oath to promote the national interest. If I should be successful next Tuesday, I want to be that kind of President. I want to try to set as my standard the day Abraham Lincoln called his war-time cabinet together to read to them his draft of the Emancipation Proclamation. They represented a coalition of differing interests and views--but Lincoln knew that only he had the final responsibility. I have gathered you together, he said, to hear what I have written down. I do not wish your advice about the main matter--that I have determined for myself. And later, as he went to sign it, exhausted by several hours of ceremonial handshaking, Lincoln remarked: If my name goes down in history, it will be for this one act. My whole soul is in it. If my hand trembles when I sign this proclamation, all who examine the document hereafter will say: He hesitated. But Lincoln s hand did not tremble. He did not hesitate. For he was not only the chief executive of the land. He was the President of the United States. And if I am successful on Tuesday, it is my intention to be, in the fullest measure of the word and office, the next President of the United States--and I shall, without hesitation or reservation take a solemn oath of the 20 th of January, 1961 to solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution..so help me God. 85

4 Inaugural Address by President John. F. Kennedy January 20, 1961 Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice president Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens: We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end as well as a beginning--signifying renewal as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago. The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe-the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God. We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world. Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty. This much we pledge--and more. To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedomand to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside. To those peoples in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich. 86

5 To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house. To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction. We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war. So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate. Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us. Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations. Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths and encourage the arts and commerce. Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to "undo the heavy burdens... (and) let the oppressed go free." And if a beach-head of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved. 87

6 All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin. In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe. Now the trumpet summons us again-not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need- -not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"- -a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease and war itself. Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility--i welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world. And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country. My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man. Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own. Note: The President spoke at 12:52 p.m. from a platform erected at the east front of the Capitol. Immediately before the address the oath of office was administered by Chief Justice Warren. 88

7 Table 1: The classification of speech act and illocutionary function in Kennedy s Presidency Candidacy Campaign Speech. No Utterances Speech Act Classifications Illocutionary Functions 1 Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice president Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens: 2 In less than 60 hours the polls open--and there is still much work to be done. 3 I ask your help in finishing the work of this campaign. Declarative Representative Expressive Directive Commissive Competitive Convivial 4 No other task is more important. 5 For remember that the polls will not open next Tuesday, or any other day in any real sense, in Moscow or in Peiping-- or in Mr. Castro s Cuba--or in the socalled satellite nations where I found no satellite peoples. 6 We must vote on behalf of those peoples next Tuesday as well as ourselves--on behalf of all those who want to vote for the cause of freedom but lack the freedom to vote. 7 And for their sake as well as ours, let us vote to get this country moving again. 8 And let us remember, when the last hurrah is over and the confetti is swept Collaborative Conflictive 89

8 away, that this is a solemn decision. 9 We are not engaged in a name calling contest--we are not voting for an image-- or a team--or a protégé. 10 We are choosing a President of the United States. 11 Tonight, as this campaign comes to a close, I want to talk about the central issue I discussed when it opened--the Presidency. 12 For the last 3 months in outlining the programs I believe this country needs, I have in effect answered the question why I want to be President. 13 I hope I have made it clear that I want to be President--not because that will be an easy task in the '60 s--on the contrary it will, in many ways, be more difficult than at any time since Lincoln--but because after 14 years in Washington I know this office must provide the main force in moving this country ahead in these critical years. 14 Tonight, instead of repeating why I want to be President, permit me to discuss what kind of President I want to be. 15 Should I be successful next Tuesday, I want above all else to be a President known--at the end of 4 years--as one who not only prevented war but won the peace--as one of whom history might say: he not only laid the foundations for 90

9 peace in his time, but for generations to come as well. 16 If I am elected next Tuesday, I want to be a President known--at the end of four years--as one who not only held back the Communist tide but advanced the cause of freedom and rebuilt American prestige--not by words but by works--not by stating great aims merely as a good debater, but by doing great deeds as a good neighbor--not by tours and conferences abroad, but by vitality and direction at home. 17 My opponent promises, if he is successful, to go to Eastern Europe, to go perhaps to another Summit, to go to a series of meetings around the world. 18 If I am successful, I am going to Washington, D.C. and get this country to work. 19 I want to be a President who will regain that office for the people. 20 I have no wish to be known as a narrowly partisan President, or as a privateinterest President,--I want to be President of all the people. 21 But I do not intend, if successful, to ignore party leadership or party responsibility--and I do not intend to forget that I am a Democrat. 22 I want to be a President who has the confidence of the people--and who takes 91

10 the people into his confidence--who lets them know what he is doing and where we are going, who is for his program and who is against. 23 I hope to set before the people our unfinished agenda--to indicate their obligations--and not simply follow their every whim and pleasure. 24 I want to be a President who acts as well as reacts--who originates programs as well as study groups--who masters complex problems as well as one-page memoranda. 25 I want to be a President who is the chief executive in every sense of the word--who responds to a problem, not by hoping his subordinates will act, but by directing them to act--a President who is willing to take the responsibility for getting things done, and take the blame if they are not done right. 26 For I am not in this campaign merely to win an election--i seek election in order to carry out our program. 27 I am not promising action in the first one hundred days alone--i am promising you one thousand days of exacting Presidential leadership. 28 For I know what happens to a Nation that sleeps too long. 29 I saw the British deceive themselves before World War II, as Winston 92

11 Churchill tried in vain (main, in original) to awaken them and while England slept, Hitler armed; and if we sleep too long in the sixties, Mr. Khrushchev will bury us yet. 30 That is why the next President must be more than a mere bookkeeper, getting the numbers on the balance-sheet to come out even--he must be commanderin-chief of the grand alliance for freedom. 31 If I am successful next Tuesday, I want to be a President who believes in working full-time when millions of men and women are forced to work part-time. 32 I want to be a President who cares, not only about the Nation s loss of gold, but about 4 million men losing their jobs and income. 33 I want to be a President who is concerned, not only about the Government balancing its budget, but about the housewife balancing hers. 34 I want to be a President who recognizes every citizen s rights as well as his obligations--particularly when one stroke of the pen on an executive order could assure all citizens that every door will be open--in Government employment in Federal jobs and to Federally financed homes. 35 I want to be the President of a country 93

12 which raises the farmer s income instead of his costs--which sends more children to college and fewer oldsters to the poor house--which provides higher pay for our teachers and lower interest rates for small business. 36 In short, I believe in a President who will formulate and fight for his legislative policies, and not be a casual observer of the legislative progress. 37 A President who will not back down under pressure, or let down his spokesmen in the Congress--a President who does not speak from the rear of the battle but who places himself in the thick of the fight. 38 But I also believe in a President who fights for great ideals as well as legislation--a President who cares deeply about the people he represents--their right to a full-time job with full-time pay- -to raise their children in a decent neighborhood--to send their children to a good school--to share in the benefits of our abundance and our natural resources--and to retire to a life of dignity and health. 39 And above all I believe in a President who believes in the national interest--who serves no other master--who takes no instructions but those of his conscience-- who puts no personal interest, no public 94

13 pressure, no political hopes and no private obligation of any kind ahead of his oath to promote the national interest. 40 If I should be successful next Tuesday, I want to be that kind of President. 41 I want to try to set as my standard the day Abraham Lincoln called his wartime cabinet together to read to them his draft of the Emancipation Proclamation. 42 They represented a coalition of differing interests and views--but Lincoln knew that only he had the final responsibility. 43 I have gathered you together, he said, to hear what I have written down. I do not wish your advice about the main matter--that I have determined for myself. 44 And later, as he went to sign it, exhausted by several hours of ceremonial hand-shaking, Lincoln remarked: If my name goes down in history, it will be for this one act.my whole soul is in it. If my hand trembles when I sign this proclamation, all who examine the document hereafter will say: He hesitated. 45 But Lincoln s hand did not tremble. 46 He did not hesitate. 47 For he was not only the chief executive of the land. 48 He was the President of the United States. 95

14 49 And if I am successful on Tuesday, it is my intention to be, in the fullest measure of the word and office, the next President of the United States--and I shall, without hesitation or reservation take a solemn oath of the 20 th of January, 1961 to solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution..so help me God. Table 2: The illocutionary functions in Kennedy s Inaugural Address. No Utterances Speech Act Classifications Illocutionary Functions 1 Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice president Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens 2 We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom-- symbolizing an end as well as a beginning--signifying renewal as well as change. Declarative Representative Expressivtivmissivpetitivvivial Direc- Com- Com- Con- 3 For I have sworn before you and Collaborative Conflictive 96

15 Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago. 4 The world is very different now. 5 For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. 6 And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe-the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God. 7 We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. 8 Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world. 9 Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of 97

16 liberty. 10 This much we pledge--and more. 11 To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. 12 United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. 13 Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. 14 To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. 15 We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. 16 But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedomand to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside. 17 To those peoples in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. 18 If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who 98

17 are rich. 19 To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds-- in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. 20 But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. 21 Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. 22 And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house. 23 To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support-- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. 24 Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned 99

18 or accidental self-destruction. 25 We dare not tempt them with weakness. 26 For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. 27 But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war. 28 So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. 29 Let us never negotiate out of fear 30 But let us never fear to negotiate. 31 Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us. 32 Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms-- and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations. 33 Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. 34 Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the 100

19 ocean depths and encourage the arts and commerce. 35 Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to "undo the heavy burdens... (and) let the oppressed go free." 36 And if a beach-head of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved. 37 All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. 38 Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. 39 But let us begin. 40 In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. 41 Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. 42 The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe. 43 Now the trumpet summons us again-not as a call to bear arms, though arms we 101

20 need--not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease and war itself. 44 Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? 45 In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. 46 I do not shrink from this responsibility--i welcome it. 47 I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. 48 The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world. 49 And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country. 50 My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of 102

21 man. 51 Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. 52 With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own. 103

22 BIOGRAPHY OF JOHN F. KENNEDY John Fitzgerald Kennedy was born on May 29, 1917 in Brookline, Massachusetts, a few miles outside of Boston, Massachusetts. His father, Joseph Patrick Kennedy, was a successful businessman. At home, he commonly called as Jack. All eight of his great-grandparents were immigrants. They left Ireland during the potato famine and traveled by ship to Boston, hoping for a better life. When they came to the United States, it was hard for them to find jobs. They discovered that people from Ireland were not always treated fairly or with respect. But Jack s grandparents were determined and talented. They worked hard and his grandfathers became well-known politicians in Boston. Growing up, Jack was often sick. He even had scarlet fever, a dangerous disease which could have ended his life. Reading helped him pass the hours he spent in bed, trying to recover from his many illnesses. He became an excellent reader as he learned about history through books. He also discovered many things about people and places around the world. From kindergarten to the beginning of third grade, Jack went to the Devotion School, the public school near his house. He then attended private schools: first Dexter, then Riverdale, and for eighth grade, the Canterbury School. Jack then went to the Choate School, as did his brother Joe. Jack was very smart and well informed. He read the newspaper every day as a high school student. After high school, Jack went to Princeton University first, then to Harvard College. He studied government and history and earned a B average by his senior year. While Jack was in college, his father became ambassador to England. Jack spent part of his college years with his family in England. World War II changed Jack in many ways. He never forgot his war experience and the bravery of his crew. His brother Joe also died during the war. Jack wanted to make a difference. He decided to be a politician. In 1946 he won his first election. He became a Democratic congressman for Massachusetts and served for six years. Then he was elected to the United States Senate. As a congressman and senator, John F. Kennedy worked to pass laws that would help people in the United States. In 1953, he married Jacqueline Bouvier. Their daughter Caroline was born in 1957 and their son John Jr. was born in In 1960, John F. Kennedy ran for president of the United States. He traveled around the country, meeting people, and giving speeches about what he would do as president. The Democratic Party chose him as their candidate for president. The election was very close. Just over 100,000 more people voted for him than his opponent, Republican candidate Richard M. Nixon. At 43 years old, he became the youngest man elected president of the United States. On January 20, 1961, John F. Kennedy became the 35th president of the United States. He was the youngest man to be elected president, and was optimistic and ready to take action. Great desire to fight for freedom and liberty always burned him to never give up. He also has ever fought to stop the tyranny and human destruction. Shouting to stop the war and helping jobless people were kinds of struggles he ever made too. His inaugural address encompassed the major themes of his campaign and would define his eventual presidency during a time of economic prosperity, emerging social changes, and diplomatic challenge. In this first speech his Inaugural Address President Kennedy asked Americans to help their country. He said, Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your

23 country. Thousands of people wrote letters to the President, congratulating him on his speech and asking what they could do for the country. Creating the Peace Corps was only one of President Kennedy s important accomplishments. Every day he made important decisions, and met with powerful people. In 1963 he welcomed 82 leaders of other countries to the White House. President Kennedy was a leader who believed in fairness. He thought it was wrong that in some cities and towns, black people were not allowed to attend the same schools as white people. They had to sit in a different part of the movie theater and use separate restrooms. Many people, black and white, young and old, worked together to try to end this unfair separation, called segregation. President Kennedy wanted to end segregation, too. In June 1963, he asked Congress to make a new law for civil rights. He gave a speech on television and said that the United States stood for equality. He believed everyone deserved to be treated fairly and with respect. On November 22, 1963, President Kennedy traveled to Dallas, Texas. He was beginning his campaign for the 1964 presidential election. As he was riding through the city, shots were fired at him. Seriously wounded by the shooting, he was rushed to the hospital, but he did not survive. Soon after, people around the world gathered together for comfort as they listened to radio and television reports announcing the sad news that Kennedy has gone. People remember John F. Kennedy as a president who was young and energetic. But he is also remembered as a leader who made a difference. His words and actions made people want to help others and serve their country. His efforts to promote equal rights gave people hope and helped end segregation. He got people excited about exploring space and encouraged them to meet difficult challenges. He helped keep the United States safe and led the country to work towards peace with other nations. President Kennedy believed that if we all join together, we can make the world a better place.