Inger Helen Midtgård, Høgskolen i Bergen/ Bergen University College, Bergen, Norway.

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1 Inger Helen Midtgård, Høgskolen i Bergen/ Bergen University College, Bergen, Norway. The resistance movement against nuclear developments in Lindaas municipality in 1974, a case study including narratives about organisation, mobilizing and participation, 40 years later. Introduction: In 1973/74 the movement against nuclear developments in Lindaas municipality started. Two locations for the potential developments of nuclear plants were identified by Norges Vassdrags and Energiverk (hereafter referred to as NVE), the authorities for power plants and central power grid. These were in Lindaas municipality at Hodneland and Ostereidet. In , the planning of several nuclear power plants was made in Norway. The resistance to this in the municipality of Lindaas was determined in scrapping these plans (Åsgard (1994). A person from Lindaas and the surrounding areas of Bergen is referred to and known as a Stril. The resistance movement is therefore known as the Stril resistance and later as the Stril war. The Stril war is a unique example of how local resistance and the people s voice can win ground with politicians. It is an example of how people unite and fight when their livelihood and daily living is under threat. The Strils had what it took and used their local resources and the empowerment created by standing together in the face of a common threat. The Stril war is therefore a lesson in direct democracy and a shining example to others, hence the case study. I have a great personal interest in local civil movements; how people organize, mobilize and participate in these. I live in the municipality of Lindås and the described movement is part of my local history. Close ties to my case study has both positive and negative consequences. Local knowledge and understanding give me insight and closeness to my study. As a known member of our local community I have been met with great trust and open arms. On the other hand, my enthusiasm for and identity with my area, can weaken my ability to take a critical stance to the events. It involves the familiar, but demanding role of intertwining familiarity and distance (jfr. Kalleberg & Holter, 1996 s. 45). This exercise or role needs both insight and taking a view from outside ( jfr. Gilje & Grimen, 1993 s ). I use a narrative method in my study, as groups and movements use storytelling to mobilize others and personal perspectives to foster a sense of belonging. Personal storytelling fosters 1

2 political activism and engagement (Riessman, 2008). I have chosen to portray people who were central to organizing the resistance movement and others who were more peripheral to the movement. So far 5 people have told their story, and I am just in the beginning of the research. As the events happened more than forty years ago, several of the people central to the movement are no longer with us. I have used the only book about the Stril war as a reliable source (Åsgard, 1994) These are the stories from people participating in the events and the locations described. The Stril War against nuclear power has been soul stirring in people s lives, it has left lasting impressions as told by this informant: This nuclear power plant business was a soul stirring experience for me, I must confess. A couple of years back, (2010) I visited Sæveråsvåg (very close to Hodneland). I was asked to give a speech on the theme. I did so, and realized then that so many young people knew nothing about what had happened nearby in The listeners found it incredible that what I told them had actually taken place. I did nothing to inform people afterwards about what had happened. I was just relieved that I did not have to do anything more about it, that is because the whole business had been so painful to me. This research project makes it necessary for me to give a historic review; I must do so to understand the context in which the resistance took place. The energy crisis was a paramount problem in those days, left to the politicians to deal with. One answer to the crisis seemed to the politicians to be nuclear plants. Åsgard (1994). In 1974, Lindås was a growing industrial society due to several bridges making communication and travelling easier, and of course the oil refinery at Mongstad was important. This created optimism in the villages, a belief that the young generation did not have to move elsewhere to work, but could settle down and find work in Lindås. Why would I research on the Stril War against nuclear power? Knowledge can be seen as cumulative one survey joining the ranks of many others and together they can give a true picture of reality ( Løchen (1993 s. 49). But knowledge can also be seen as an acknowledgement that touches the perceiving and changes the latter into a different human being (Løchen, 1993 s. 49). Here lies an important part of social science s significant contributions, as it has been used to make visible the invisible. Knowledge like this can give those involved an important insight, not only into their own situation, but also let them realize how their situation is tied to and a part of the situation of the society they belong to. This insight can later cause the individual to do constructive actions Løchen (1993 s. 50). This event is part of the history belonging to the local society I live in, and which caused a massive participation from the members in the area. It is rather unusual for the Strils to write the agenda in this country, and even less so when these events took place. And, looking back being wiser after the Tsjernobyl nuclear catastrophe, we can be relieved that no nuclear power 2

3 plants were built in Norway. It is important to inform and to make this particular part of the local history known to its inhabitants, both to the surviving participants, their relatives and to the younger generation. The resistance was brought to a successful end with no violence involved. This is about making this particular event visible and empowering the local societies and the county in which the Stril War took place. It is about roots, identity, belonging and to take pride in what people here were able to accomplish, to spread information about the resistance and to learn from it. I know we have a lot to learn from the resistance, the values the participants shared and their procedures. The knowledge may contribute to a wider understanding of the term democracy. This information may also contribute knowledge to other groups grappling with similar challenges. It can also give us concepts to comprehend the world. This research may also have a dimension of value and usefulness both nationally and internationally since it is about how people, collectively, take responsibility to achieve a better world. In the world at large people are mobilizing in great numbers for an increase in democracy and social justice. The Arab spring is one example, and later - movements in the Ukraine. Such movements can be extremely dangerous for the participants, and can be widespread and powerful. It is not easy to understand the various movements, and to see who is good or bad, and the chaos that normally follows is equally difficult to interpret. The party that has the media on its side will often have the ownership to how the story will be told. How can good movements succeed in achieving their long-term goals? Moral obligation Moral responsibility comes to us as an uninvited guest. Without reason, promises or a prospect of neither advantages nor honour, without information about what to do and how to do it, the responsibility is there. It is given, and that is it. The rest is up to the receiver to deal with: assessment of the situation, decision, action and consequences. (Henriksen & Vetlesen, 2006 s. 226).It is about democracy and quality of life (jfr Stenstadvold (1999). I feel a moral obligation to write about the resistance against nuclear plants in Lindaas, because it has not been done, and I regard it important for the identity of the local people to document the movement. Being involved is often connected with an action which is the visual symbol for others to see that one believes in something and is also fighting for something. Society depends on moral forming cycles to maintain a common public morality.to enable the circuits to function, civil society needs open channels they can float in and organizations they can be conveyed through. Common traits for these moral circuits are strong binding ties between the individual and the community Lorentzen (2007 s. 139). Lorentzen points out that those strong and engaging local movements among people is something of the past, as is their function of creating moral development.i regard the Stril War as a local movement created by the people, where action and morality were closely knitted to a strong engagement and a willingness to fight for what they held high. Movements like the resistance against nuclear power in Lindås, may provide some answers. The power in the local movement is decisive to succeed in common processes of change. 3

4 Answers about real democracy, living local societies and a good quality of life. Nowadays, an important national emphasis is on public health. The paper on public health introduces the word empowerment, meaning the way each individual and the local community grasps control through a mobilizing of their own strengths. What does this mean? What is needed to make a community mobilize? What is necessary to strengthen one s own recourses? And where does the power and strength come from? The resistance against nuclear power plants in Lindås that I am going to study can give us interesting information about the strength in any local society. What happens when many people join together and fight for what they love? How do they manage to work as one and show the world a unity? What is necessary to make that happen? Is a White paper from the Norwegian Storting enough? The Stril War against nuclear power is an interesting case, and it may be useful to other popular mobilizations trying to create a better world. Stories: Individuals and groups construct their identity through storytelling. Identities are narratives, stories people tell themselves about who they are and who they are not. Identity is afloat and produces itself through the process of to be and to become, to belong and a longing for belonging. Personal narratives can also encourage others into action. To narrate invites to political mobilization and change, as evidenced by the ways stories invariably circulate in sites where social movements are forming. In other words, narratives are strategic, functional and purposeful. Groups use stories to mobilize others, and to create an experience of belonging. Narratives perform political work Riessman (2008 s. 8). The stories seem in themselves mobilizing when they are related to others and when they are told through media. It is about the little man against the overwhelming power. Courage and strength seem empowering and they awaken others into participation. Location: Ostereidet (Eide): The 27th of June 1974 Mr. Dag Roti, commissioning engineer from NVE knocks on the farmer Mr Sigurd Smaadal s door, at his farm at Eide, Ostereidet. These are Mr Sigurds Smaadal s own words: I was upstairs in bed with a fever when I heard a knock on the door. I felt unwell and weary. I got up and went down to answer the door; no socks on and in just my vest and jeans. There, on the doorstep, stood a guy with long hair tied up in a ponytail, round spectacles and what looked like an old lady s jumper with leather patches on the elbows. He wore rubber boots. He introduced himself as Mr Roti and showed me a warrant to inspect the grounds on my property. This was on a Thursday and he said he would be back on the following Monday to start the ground testing, using dynamite. That s what he said. I invited him in and we sat down in the living room where I read through his paperwork. I phoned the local teacher Mr Fossdal, in order to have a witness to the conversation and he came around promptly. I claimed I had the right to a three week s appeal in the case but Mr Roti was clear; ground 4

5 tests would start Monday ( ). We talked for a while and Mr Roti used my phone to call head office in Oslo. He talked on the phone for a long time. When he left, I could tell that he felt uncomfortable. He said he would be back in the morning with the Chief Inspector of the police. I told him to send him my regards and tell him he better bring his deputy, too! The leader, Vidar Lehmann, talking about Smådal and his way of doing resistance now: And then, we were quite certain that Eide was the first place they would turn to. They had already been there and bothered Sigurd, and he had told them to get lost. This was known through media, and he was the ideal person to front the case, looking, should we say like a giant. Yes, he looks very strong Yes, and with his dungforks (laughter and smile). He was very determined, and all credit to Sigurd Smådal for his attitude. He wanted to save his farm. It was situated right in the middle of the planned nuclear power plant. He was very determined and also a smart guy, because he made sure he had someone to witness what happened, and was eager to play by the rules. Location Hodneland October 1974: To cars drive up the road to Hodneland and park up in the woodlands off the road. The two guys arriving are not alone in the woods. Local people from the area and neighbouring villages are there to meet them. The atmosphere is one of war. The day is 16th October 1974 and the time is 10am. There is a nervous feeling among the local men there. The two men in the cars are Mr Dag Roti from NVE and Mr Terje Aasen from the company Blom surveyors. They have brought a small rowing boat with them, strapped to the roof of one of the cars and start carrying it down towards the Austevatn( Lake) nearby, when they are met by a human wall; dozens of local men form the wall and block their path. Mr Roti and Mr Aasen put the boat down to change grip when three men step forward and climb onboard the boat and take a seat. These were Mr Harald Hodneland, Mr Olav M. Hodneland and Mr Nils Hodneland. No words are exchanged but after a while Mr Olav Hodneland stands up, puts a heavy hand on Mr Roti s shoulder and says: Do you now understand that we are serious about this? The NVE representative understands the seriousness and does at this point loose his faith in the project he has been commissioned to carry out in the municipality. A story told now about what happened then by the leader: And then, in the afternoon when the incident where he put his hand on the shoulder and said now you understand that we are serious had happened.. It was an excellent performance from those old men, quiet and sensible; he just sat down in the boat and put his hand on Mr Roti s shoulder. That is great behavior and I am very proud of them all (his voice cracks and he is clearly moved.) Two narratives about organization and strategy today, they had quite a sense of dark humour in the midst of the great seriousness, which helped them to maintain both courage and willingness to fight on: 5

6 But you know, we had been aware that Eide would be first (ground testing) we would have had a great plan in place. There are two things we would have done: Firstly we would have let them drive their cars in to start the ground testing and block them in with our own cars and tractors. Secondly, Mr Sigurd Smaadal would have got his manure spreader connected and positioned towards the meadow where we knew they would do their tests (roaring laughter). We would then start the spreader (laughter) and you can just imagine the (laughter) headlines in the media; men covered in manure! (laughter) (change to a serious tone)we were so angry and decided we would rather get fined and imprisoned than having the tests go ahead! An important and evident principle in all they did was to abhor from violence, a principle they all held high: At this point we had to be firm and clear; they were not to carry out the ground tests and we had to stop them the people s way. We did not want to be violent but we were prepared to go ahead with civil disobedience, to get in their way, but no violence. We were all clear on that ( ) and you know the local furniture factory - the workers all got time off work to participate. They all rallied around and we had to look out for them (about NVE).They( local people) had walkie-talkies, you know no mobile phones in those days. So we knew that poor Mr Roti s every step, where he drove and which hotels he stayed in our surveillance was impeccable. The stories about participation and different forms of participation The Stril War seems to be a resistance movement with a broad participation, everyone joined in, in different ways. The participation was massive, and people were given jobs to perform and roles to play according to the individual s abilities and interests. Some were just being appointed to certain positions, and decisions were taken above peoples heads. The trust in the leaders in the AU seems total; people act and do as they are asked to. In peacetime this may sound dictatorial. Participation is carried out in the Old Norwegian way - voluntary; people do as they are told, work their hours and do their part of the work, in this which has become a commonly owned project. To take part when you are told to do so, was regarded as obvious. Everybody took, in trust, orders from people they knew and relied on. It may also be a motive that the farmers had a strong wish to participate; they all knew that their future and their homes were threatened. The contexts in which this happened was close to wartime and the way things were run seemed logical to everyone: Were you asked to be a member of the AU or did you offer your service? I got a message saying that I was chosen (laughter) And you did as told? Yes, I did.(.) I guess the reason was that I was a member of the local government. The others were not. The job did not depend on my participation, but I joined in. 6

7 More than half of the inhabitants in Lindas signed the second petition. No matter whom you asked, you got the person to sign. We organized the signing of the petition by using village men. A list was sent to one person in each village, and he organized the signing. This worked excellently. And the people signed? Yes, they sure did. We drove round to each village and collected the lists, and I was given the job to go to Oslo and hand over the signed petitions. About participating through petitions: You could ask anyone, every grown up signed I walked around asking people to sign. People in holiday cottages were particularly happy to sign and thus participating in the War. Stories about participation now and the reason for participating. In this interview the lady calls herself a cheer supporter: We were cheer supporters. We talked with everybody all the time. Bergens Tidende (newspaper) and all others. We supported the work as well as we could and as well as we understood. Of course we did.. We spoke pro the resistance work to everybody we met, no matter who. We understood that the plans for this area was madness, we know more today about how wrong this is. We have, since this event happened, seen more and more evidence of it, in the whole world. We are talking about something very dangerous. Nothing had been left of Ostereidet if their plans had succeeded. No one could have lived here. We were quite. (angry) We found it funny also, at times (laughter) An important strategy to involve the local politicians in the resistance, the AU-leader speaks: Yes, one of the first decisions we made in our first meeting (AU Ostereidet) was how important it was to include our local politicians into our group. Not a harsh word about any of them, although they had their own plans the 3-4 of the politicians who were involved in the plans of the nuclear power plant at an early date. Our aim was not to criticize and wage war against them; we wanted them to join our group. And they would join us as soon as they realized what the inhabitants meant about the plans. It the best thing to leave them alone and let them learn about the people s will instead. The strategy turned out to be very smart, if I can say so myself. We should not make enemies of the local politicians, but on the contrary involve them on our side. This is an advice I have given others when they have been in such a dilemma. I have been a consultant for many troublemakers later (in a laughing voice). With positive experience from this war? Yes, with positive experience. But then I was very particular that we should stay on friendly terms with our local politicians, although the opposite was easier. Because, much was revealed as time passed, secret meetings, inspections, people being muzzled, in strict confidence and so on. And we can understand them, they knew what lay ahead. What everybody said was that they were taken completely aback by the resistance and that it had come quite unexpected. And that they thought the Stril was a peaceful group of people, and it is the truth, we are peaceful. 7

8 Organizing the cooperation, is happening. Due to coverage in the media, the leader at Ostereidet, and AU Ostereidet,Vidar Lehmann, are looked upon as the center of the organizing and coordinating of the resistance in all of Hordaland. The two working committees in Lindås had cooperation with the other actual sites in Hordaland county: So we became more and more shocked as we realized the power involved. They did not give in and they did not listen to us. We had sent petitions, and then I had a call from Fusa, Os and later from Hodneland. They had seen the petition, and at one time we agreed upon the fact that we had to form a coordinating group. Only through such a group could we speak with one voice, perform identically and behave peacefully towards each other. We had a meeting in our home in Bergen, and each group sent a member. They copied our work with petitions and I was appointed general for the coordinating group. I realized that I had to accept the responsibility. I realized that I was able to formulate myself both orally and in writing. I could write logical letters and had a certain understanding of how the people in power worked, and that I would be able to avoid the most visible traps. We agreed that when people came to do ground surveys, people from other areas should come and join the protest. We had a few coming to Hodneland. Thoughts about the nuclear plant resistance 40 years after. Au s role as a channel for indignation: This was a collective reaction. The members of the working group at Ostereidet had mainly one job: receive the indignation that people sent us, plan what actions should be taken, write down the plans. And then, we must realize that this was not a job done by a few people. Some mean that the resistance work deserve a gold medal. But then, a gold medal for people? Afterwards we were happy as long as no one talked about what had happened here. But then we had the catastrophe in Tsjernobyl. It was nice to be us then, for a short while. Yes, this is how it was. Stories about mobilization: And I worked at Viken ( factory producing furniture ), and there we were in a way mobilized. Guards were posted. And there were rumors that they (meaning NVE) would appear this or that day. I cannot remember the day, but all through that week we were all on tiptoe. When we were informed that the NVE-people were arriving, we all left work and went to Hodneland. I filled my car with fellow workers. As far as I recall now, we met up near the house where Olav Hodneland an elderly gentleman lived. There were lots of cars and people. Also workers from Asgard (The other furniture factory) joined in. Reason for participating and the experience afterwards: People from Eastern Norway should come and build something as dangerous as a nuclear power plant in our village, and 99,99% of all the people, both in the factory and elsewhere, 8

9 were aware of the fact that this was lethal. People from the East did not want it, so they wanted to press it upon us. We decided that we would stop it. Such a plant was nothing for us. This is how it started and this is how it felt afterwards, that we had won over the central powers in Oslo. Network and key persons: A number of those in the AU were members of the Labour party (AP). This party was governing the country at the time. The local members were in contact with other members and used their network actively: Henriksen and the people at Hodneland, Henriksen knew Hallvard Bakke, and that turned out to be very useful for us. I talked with him when this went on. Bakke himself was no doubt skeptical to the plans. He has always been to the left in AP, a reason why many did not like him. Bakke accepted to be a mediator between us, the department and the government (AP). He performed reasonably well in this role. Anyway, he was an okay person, we informed him and he took the information to the government, and gave us information about what was going on. So he did a good job as a mediator. But he was very specific about his involvement: He did not want to interfere in the case itself, he was a mediator. Then the day came when we told Hallvard Bakke that we wanted information on the news that the plans for a nuclear power plant were put aside. He promised, and gave us information that what we wanted could come true. So in a way you had contact on the phone with Hallvard Bakke all the time through these hectic October days? Yes, and then we had a new message, from NVE this time. They would cancel the surveys they had planned provided that the leaders of the movements would sign a paper admitting that they had organized this uprising and that they were responsible for what had happened. I knew Norwegian law well enough to understand that such admittance would put all the leaders in jail. The police force in Bergen was alerted. And then we sat down, despairing, wondering how this would end. If we did not accept responsibility, we would let down all those who had joined in the movement. If we accepted responsibility, we d end up in jail. We ended up writing a letter saying the following: The people, who have assembled here, have done so out of their own free will. No one has asked them to come. On the other hand, we do have something in common: We agree that we are against this nuclear power plant in our village (Bangs his fist on the table, laughs). And they were very angry when they received the letter. I signed the letter, on behalf of all of us and passed it on. We all meant that this was well done and clever a Pauli word! We did not let anyone down, but at the same time we said that we all agreed and those participating did so because they wanted to. Then they (NVE) could not use the law, the paragraph of vigilante, against us. This was a good thing. And then we phoned Hallvard Bakke and told him what we had done and that we awaited good news on the radio. Our cup was full and we had had NVE on our backs for long enough. 9

10 At the 10 o clock news we heard what we had demanded: The surveys had been cancelled, due to the resistance or something like that. That was clearly directed from the government. There were no scenes of joy at all amongst us, nothing. We just leaned back in our chairs, saying: That was good. That was it. References: Gilje, Nils, & Grimen, Harald. (1993). Samfunnsvitenskapenes forutsetninger: innføring i samfunnsvitenskapenes vitenskapsfilosofi. Oslo: Universitetsforlaget. Henriksen, Jan-Olav, & Vetlesen, Arne Johan. (2006). Nærhet og distanse: grunnlag, verdier og etiske teorier i arbeid med mennesker. Oslo: Gyldendal akademisk. Kalleberg, Ragnvald, & Holter, Harriet. (1996). Kvalitative metoder i samfunnsforskning. Oslo: Universitetsforl. Lorentzen, Håkon. (2007). Moraldannende kretsløp: stat, samfunn og sivilt engasjement. Oslo: Abstrakt forlag. Løchen, Yngvar. (1993). Forpliktende fantasi. Oslo: Universitetsforlaget. Riessman, Catherine Kohler. (2008). Narrative methods for the human sciences. Los Angeles: Sage Publications. Stenstadvold, Halvor. (1999). Forskning for framtiden: strategi for norsk forskning og for Norges forskningsråd. Oslo: Norges forskningsråd. Åsgard, Bjarne. (1994). Strilekrigen mot atomkraft. Knarvik: B. Åsgard ; [Myking] : [Redaksjonsnemnd for kjernekraftboka i Lindås]. 10