Minutes of the conversation between Comrade Erich Honecker and Comrade Fidel Sunday, April 3, 1977 between 11:00 and 13:30 and 15:45 and 18:00

Size: px

Start display at page:

Download "Minutes of the conversation between Comrade Erich Honecker and Comrade Fidel Sunday, April 3, 1977 between 11:00 and 13:30 and 15:45 and 18:00"

Amberly Singleton
6 years ago
Views:

Minutes of the conversation between Comrade Erich Honecker and Comrade Fidel Sunday, April 3, 1977 between 11:00 and 13:30 and 15:45 and 18:00 Participants: Comrades Hermann Axen, Werner Lamberz,

1 Minutes of the conversation between Comrade Erich Honecker and Comrade Fidel Sunday, April 3, 1977 between 11:00 and 13:30 and 15:45 and 18:00 Participants: Comrades Hermann Axen, Werner Lamberz, Paul Verner, Paul Markowski (with Comrades Edgar and Karlheinz Mobus as interpreters), Carlos Rafael Rodriguez, Osmany Cienfuegos, Raul Valdez Vivo, Jose Abrantes Comrade Honecker warmly welcomed Comrade Fidel Castro and his Cuban Comrades to this internal conversation on behalf of the Central Committee. We are very pleased about your visit to the GDR and the opportunity to exchange views about the result of your visit to several African and Arabian countries. On behalf of the Politburo I want to repeat our appreciation and respect for your visits to these countries. I'd ask Comrade Fidel Castro to take the floor... (...) next day I flew on to Ethiopia. We had earlier agreed that there would be no great reception for me, since at the time they were still fighting the civil war. Shots constantly rang out. Mengistu took me to the old Imperial Palace and the negotiations began on the spot. I found the information that I already had to be confirmed. We continued our negotiations on the following day. Naturally we had to take extensive security precautions. The Ethiopians had requested a division, and I had brought a company of Cuban soldiers with me. The day of my arrival there were rumors of a coup. It did not happen. I developed the impression that there was a real revolution taking place in Ethiopia. In this former feudal empire, lands were being distributed to the peasants. Each farmer got 10 hectares. There were also reforms in the cities. It was established that each citizen could only own one house. Plots were made available for housing construction. There is also a strong mass movement. In the capital, 500,000 people can be rapidly mobilized. Our study delegation, after inspecting the army divisions, had determined that of 100 generals, but two should be out The NCOs over leadership. At the same time, the leadership is considering a Party. There is a harsh country. The

2 2 Siad Barre had arrived in Aden that morning. Mengistu arrived in the afternoon. I had a conversation with Siad Barre which bared his claws. He told me that if Mengistu was a real revolutionary he should do as and withdraw territory. Siad Barre took a very hard position. I asked him whether he felt that there had no real revolution in Ethiopia and that Mengistu was not a real leftist leader. told me that there had been no revolution in While in Mogadishu he had me a map of Greater Somalia in which half of Ethiopia had been annexed. After this, I told Mengistu about the substance of his and him to remain quiet. I personally felt that I had invited Mengistu to Aden while there was still a powder keg situation back in his country and that in such a tense situation should only hear out the Somalis' territorial demands. With regards to my question about the situation of the Ethiopian army, Mengistu said that there were still difficulties but that he didn't think that there was an extreme danger of a collapse. As the meeting Siad Barre immediately began is a general who was educated under colonialism. The Somali revolution is led by who all became powerful under colonial times. I have made up my mind about Siad Barre, he is above all a chauvinist and chauvinism is the most important factor him. Socialism is just an outer shell that is supposed to make him more attractive. He's received weapons from the socialist countries and his socialism is just for the masses. The Party is there only to support his personal power. In his case there is simply a symbiosis of military dominance: those who studied together under colonialism and those of the same social circle. Something about socialism appeals to him, but overall there is still a lot of inequality and unfairness in his country. His principal ideas are nationalism and chauvinism, not socialism. His goal is old fashioned politics: sweet, friendly words. Siad Barre speaks like a wise man, but he speaks alone. He is different from the many political leaders that I know. Sadat, Boumedienne, Machel, Neto and many others are strong characters, but they can also listen and don't have a dogmatic attitude. One can speak with them. Siad Barre really thinks that he is at the summit of wisdom. Until now everything has gone smoothly for him. The Italians and the British him a a shot. He Soviet Union. His country is is flis socialist

leadership" with a mandate from the Politburo and of need to consult with them on all matters. After a brief recess for consultations with delegation he proposed direct talks between Mengistu and...,.

3 leadership" with a mandate from the Politburo and of need to consult with them on all matters. After a brief recess for consultations with delegation he proposed direct talks between Mengistu and...,.. ~,.. Mengistu, who had grown progressively more insulted and mistrustful during the speech, said that he was to do so, but at a later date. First the question of the commission had to resolved. adjourned at 3. in the morning. Siad Barre had prepared the of an agreement which the idea of the commission was accepted but which directed that its main purpose should be to solve the outstanding territorial questions between Somalia and Ethiopia. The commission would take this approach from the start. How were the Ethiopians supposed to react to such a provocative proposal? During the break I had spoken with Mengistu, who did not hide rejection of Siad Barre's proposal. I also spoke with Siad Barre and asked him whether he was really interested in finding a solution, he said Mengistu would have to answer that. He went on with his revolutionary rhetoric, about how real socialists, revolutionaries and Marxists could not deny realities. He that Mengistu was in fact a drastic man, one who has taken drastic measures: why could he not decide right here and now to resolve the question? In this setting I was faced with the complicated question of either speaking my mind about Siad Barre's position or keeping it to myself. I concluded that I had to speak out for the following reasons: 1. Keeping quiet would have meant endorsing the chauvinistic policy of Somalia, and its consequences. It would also have meant supporting the rightists in Somalia. Not responding to Siad Barre' would mean that any subsequent aid from socialist countries to Ethiopia, no matter how small, would be seen by Siad Barre as a betrayal. 3. Under what circumstances would the PDRY, being right there, support Ethiopia with tanks, trucks and artillery, conveyed with the help of Soviet ships?

4 would be a very serious thing. I do not believe that are people who would provoke a war between the peoples. Immediately after my speaking so frankly, Siad Barre took the floor.

4 4 would be a very serious thing. I do not believe that are people who would provoke a war between the peoples. Immediately after my speaking so frankly, Siad Barre took the floor. He said that he would never want war and that as a socialist and revolutionary he would never allow such a war. If the socialist camp wanted to cut off Somalia then that was the affair of the socialist camp. I had put on Siad Barre, but not on Mengistu to come to this meeting. Now, I pointed out that I had supported the summit between Siad Barre and Mengistu but didn't talk about Siad Barre's insults vis a vis Mengistu. I said that Cuba had no intention of cutting itself off from the Somali Revolution and that, rather, we supported This whole meeting ended without any results. If we now our aid to Ethiopia, Siad Barre will have no moral right to accuse us of betrayal, etc. I told him very clearly that there was a revolution in Ethiopia that we had to help. In any case I had detected during my meetings with Siad Barre a certain irritation on his part with the Soviet Union. He was agitated that the Soviet Union was not delivering spare parts or tractors and that oil came too late, in spite of repeated promises. The Soviet ambassador had explained the state of affairs to us. The Somalis were constantly changing their minds about their requests, which had meant repeated delays. In addition there had unfortunately been an accident with a Soviet oil tanker on its way to Somalia. As I told Siad Barre this he called the Soviets liars. He said this was not the position of the Soviet politburo, but rather the result of sabotage by bureaucrats. His irritation and criticism of the Soviets also showed at other times. He went on to say that there was little drinkable water in his country and that cattle were dying because the pumps provided by the Soviets did not work. Because of these statements by Siad Barre I see a great danger. That is why I considered it appropriate to give you my frank impressions directly, without euphemisms. I want to discuss my point of view frankly. The socialist countries are faced with a problem. If they help Ethiopia, they will lose Siad Barre's friendship. If they don't the Ethiopian Revolution will founder. That was the most important thing about these matters. We an old

took correct positions, but only in internal conversations and things remained up in the FRELIMO took good positions during the liberation struggle in Angola.

5 took correct positions, but only in internal conversations and things remained up in the FRELIMO took good positions during the liberation struggle in Angola. But in our opinion they were not sufficiently combative. For a time FRELIMO was close to Nyerere. Carlos Rafael had spoken to Samora Machel in Colombo. After we sent a Cuban delegation to Mozambique and were invited to visit FRELIMO accepted all of our suggestions for the visit: it would be discreet, which was convenient for me. Samora Machel was really a surprise for me. I learned to know him as an intelligent revolutionary who took clear positions and had a good relationship with the masses. He really impressed me. We spoke with each other for one and a half We support Mozambique. Machel asked us to send 300 technicians and was interested in Cuba's especially in economics. Before this we did not know for sure what influence the Chinese had on him. Today he is getting closer to the Soviet Union and other socialist countries. He got a loan from the Soviets for weapons of 100 million rubles. In addition the Soviets have delivered aircraft and anti-aircraft batteries. We were with our visit to Mozambique. I want to say that we consider it very important. Kaunda also wanted me to visit him. I had been in Africa for a long time, however, and did not want to extend my stay. Besides which the imperialist penetration has advanced far in Zambia. In the Angola matter, Zambia took a very wrong position, in spite of the fact that she was not forced to do so. We had agreed with Angola not to visit Zambia. A few days before my visit to southern Africa the Katanga battles had begun and N'Gouabi was murdered. I'd been invited to Madagascar, but did not want to stay in Africa any longer. During a press conference in DarEs Salaam I had categorically denied that Cuba was in any way involved in the Katanga battles. I explained that the situation in Angola was different from those in Zimbabwe and Namibia. I had answered all questions in very general terms. Things are going well in Angola. They had achieved good progress in their first year of independence. There's been a lot of building and they are developing health facilities. In 1976 they produced 80,000 tons of coffee. Transportation means are also being developed. Currently between 200,000 and 400,000 tons of coffee are still in warehouses. In our talks the UVJVlU

6 6 army and are not interested in helping in the fight against bandits. It is difficult for us to fight against the bandits on our own. Our comrades have had a lot of and have spent many bitter hours fighting them. The Cubans cannot do it alone. The state of the army unsettles us. In one region a brigade has been without a commander or of staff for a long time. Until now the Cuban units have been the only ones fighting the bandits. major effort must however be carried out by the Angolans themselves. The Cuban troops are above all concentrated in Cabinda and in the defense of the capital, Luanda. I spoke with Neto about the situation in the army and told him that things had to change. The Defense Minister is a good old fighter with the MPLA, but that hasn't helped. An army general does not really exist. The country may have 70,000 men under arms but the army is practically not organized. The Soviet advisers are primarily concerned with planning. Neto wanted us to take the entire army in hand. In practical terms that might have been the best solution, but not politically. The Soviet Union is the chief weapons supplier and the Angolans must speak directly to the Soviets. Neto himself must solve this problem. We also cannot commit our troops to the fight against bandits because women and children are being killed in these combats and we cannot take on such a responsibility. Neto made a very good impression. He is a very imposing man, very clever and decisive. He is increasingly the leading figure in the Angolan leadership. There are also opportunists in Angola however. Sometimes they try to approach us or the Soviets and to spread certain opinions. We are very clearly taking a line in favor of Aghostino Neto. There is also evidence of black racism in Angola. Some are using the hatred against the colonial masters for negative purposes. There are many mulattos and whites in Angola. Unfortunately racist feelings are spreading very quickly and Neto has taken an expected position here, naming both whites and mulattos as ministers. Neto is of course ready to intervene in this question decisively. He is open to suggestions and arguments. The Defense Minister is not as strong. He does not have high standards. Because of this a lot of cadres don't have the right attitudes. There are cases in which the military commanders have not visited their military district for five months. Many ministers were appointed because they were old war comrades Neto's. A the and are not overall are being developed well Angola, but the is the most important Things are with the of the army. of

7 helping Angola with the anti-bandit combats. The South African ANC is a serious organization. Its president, Oliver Tambo, is a serious politician.

7 7 helping Angola with the anti-bandit combats. The South African ANC is a serious organization. Its president, Oliver Tambo, is a serious politician. Three quarters of the Central Committee membership is communist. They have a very clear political position with regards to Angola, the Soviet Union and other socialist countries. The people taken up struggle in South Africa, in time the ANC will be a serious power. The situation is most complicated in Zimbabwe. The ZANU have 1,000 armed fighters. The Chinese and Nyerere are influential with the ZANU. The ZAPU, however, haven't had any military forces of their own. The best man the ZAPU, General Secretary Moyo, was murdered. During the Angolan war of liberation, the Angolan leadership could not give its support to the liberation movement in Zimbabwe. At the time Mozambique was leaning against Tanzania and supported the ZANU. Today things are different. Angola's influence is 14 increasing and Mozambique is growing closer and closer to Angola. The Patriotic Front in Zimbabwe is made up of both the ZANU and the ZAPU, but this is only a formality. N'komo is supported by Angola, the Soviet Union and the other socialist countries. N'Guabi is supported by Tanzania and the Chinese. Now there is the possibility of depriving the Chinese and the Tanzanians of their influence in Zimbabwe. Zambia is supporting the Zimbabwean liberation movement for the prestige factor that's involved and because it wants to counteract Angola's influence with N'komo. With the positive development of Angola and Mozambique the perspectives of the liberation movement in Zimbabwe can only improve. It is possible that Angola, Mozambique and Zambia will move forward together. The ZAPU must establish its own armed forces as soon as possible. There are today 6,000 ZAPU men in Angola, and one could make an Army out of them. That would facilitate uniting the ZAPU and the ZANU. I told Neto about this and he agreed. Above all that would be a way to roll back China's influence. N'komo also understands this. He is very intelligent and talks to Samora Machel a great deal. Unfortunately he is very fat, and so his health is not good. I told him and others that the personal safety of all the liberation leaders was in danger. The imperialists would be moved to try and murder them all They've already murdered N'Gouabi and Moyo. Because of this it is absolutely necessary to take steps to increase measures liberation struggle in Africa has a great future. From a historical perspective the are that The

8 units involved. Carlos Rafael Rodriguez is charged with speaking to the French and Belgian ambassadors to protest against countries' involvement and to pressure them to stop.

8 8 units involved. Carlos Rafael Rodriguez is charged with speaking to the French and Belgian ambassadors to protest against countries' involvement and to pressure them to stop. We want them to be worried, when they are organizing and to think that our troops are very near. Angola has a moral duty, and a desire, to support the Katanga liberation movement. They are angered by Mobutu 's Angola has asked us and the Soviets to give them weapons for delivery to the Katangans. We should wait for developments though. Mobutu is an incompetent and weak politician. It's possible that he will not survive this The frontal states are now in favor of supporting Katanga, while Angola direct aid. We don't want to be involved in order not to give the USA an excuse to intervene. As I mentioned we will try to put pressure on Belgium and France. It will be a great event if Mobutu falls. In the People's Republic of the Congo there is a confusing situation following N'Gouabi's murder. The interior and defense ministers are competing for the leadership. There are also pro-westerners military council It is practically certain that the rightists murdered N'Gouabi, although the left wing was also dissatisfied with him. In other words there was a relatively uncertain situation there. We sent Comrade Almeyda to the funeral, and hope that the situation will stabilize. We were also asked to send a military unit to Brazzaville. The internal problems of the country must be solved by the Congolese themselves however. We have stationed small military units in Pointe Noire and in Cabinda. There were several requests for military aid from various sides: Qadaffii, Mengistu and the Congolese leaders. During our stay in Africa we sent Carlos Rafael Rodriguez to Moscow to confer with our Soviet comrades and to Havana for consultations with our leadership. In order to find the best solution we must think through this question quietly and thoroughly and consider it in terms of the overall situation of the socialist camp. Above all we must do something for Mengistu. Already we are collecting old weapons in Cuba for Ethiopia, principally French, Belgian and Czech hand-held weapons. About 45,000 men must be supplied with weapons. We are going to send military advisers to train the Ethiopian militia in weapons-use. There are many people in Ethiopia who have joined with army. We are of a is are also progressive people in that liberation movement, but, objectively, they are playing a The movement is Sudan,

9 9 Angola is becoming closer to the socialist camp. It bought 1 billion rubles of weapons from the Soviets. Boumedienne thinks that Sadat is totally lost to us. In Syria is also no leftist movement any more, especially after the Syrians defeated the progressive powers and the PLO in Lebanon. Indira Gandhi gambled away the elections. In we can inflict a severe defeat on the entire reactionary imperialist policy. We can free Africa from the influence of the USA and the Chinese. The developments in Zaire are also very important. Libya and Algeria have large territories, Ethiopia has a great revolutionary potential So there is a great counterweight to Sadat's betrayal in Egypt. It is even possible that Sadat will be turned around and that the imperialist influence in the Middle East can be turned back. This must all be discussed with the Soviet Union. We follow its policies and its example. We estimate that Libya's request is an expression of trust. One should not reject their request. Cuba cannot help it alone

April 03, 1977 Transcript of Meeting between East German leader Erich Honecker and Cuban leader Fidel Castro, East Berlin (excerpts)

Digital Archive International History Declassified digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org April 03, 1977 Transcript of Meeting between East German leader Erich Honecker and Cuban leader Fidel Castro, East Berlin