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1 INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy subm itted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. ProQuest Information and Learning 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Ml USA

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3 SAUNTERING INTO NEW FIELDS: HENRY DAVID THOREAU AND THE SOCIOLOGICAL IMAGINATION by Shawn Chandler Bingham submitted to the Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of American University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree o f Doctor o f Phi losophy in Sociology Chair: X Russell An< ie, Ph. renner, Michael Tkacik, PhjD. Dean of the College /> < 2401 Date 2003 American University Washington, D.C AMERICAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

4 UMI Number: Copyright 2003 by Bingham, Shawn Chandler All rights reserved. <8> UMI UMI Microform Copyright 2003 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest Information and Learning Company 300 North Zeeb Road P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml

5 COPYRIGHT by Shawn Chandler Bingham 2003 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

6 Write with Jury, correct with phlegm. Henry David Thoreau How many a man has dated a new era in his life from the reading o f a book. Henry David Thoreau, Walden

7 SAUNTERING INTO NEW FIELDS: HENRY DAVID THOREAU AND THE SOCIOLOGICAL IMAGINATION BY Shawn Chandler Bingham ABSTRACT Theorists have argued that the canons within sociology are socially constructed and function to legitimate a certain type of sociology (Lengermann and Niebrugge- Brantley 1998). Sociology needs to examine the formulation and application of canonical criteria and consider the costs of excluding relevant thinkers from sociological dialogue. This project attempted to apply current canonical criteria to a thinker whose works have been considered by economics, philosophy, natural history, environmental studies and literature, but not sociology -- Henry David Thoreau. Using C.W. Mills (1959) concept of sociological imagination and Peter Berger s (1963) motifs as criteria latent content analysis was conducted on Thoreau s writings to determine his relevance to sociology. Analysis of Thoreau s writings found that he addressed the questions Mills believed were asked by those possessing the sociological imagination, which focused on the structure of society, the place of a particular society in history, and the people that i! I prevail in a particular period. To answer these questions, Thoreau explored how

8 capitalism, government and modem definitions of economic, technological, political and scientific progress enslaved the individual. Thoreau s works demonstrate that his approach to analyzing society correspond to Berger s motifs. Thoreau attempted to look beyond commonly excepted social goals and meanings behind human activity (the debunking motif)- He was distasteful of provincialism and was aware of how the American economic system was producing certain type of individuals (relativization motif). He made an effort to explore other cultural value systems and experimented with new ways of living (cosmopolitan motif). Finally, he recognized a variety of social classes by hosting visitors from all walks of life, and exploring a number of non-mainstream arenas, including the jail cell (unrespectability motif). Like Mills and Berger, Thoreau recognized the dangers of abstracted empiricism and the mechanical dryness of science. His ability to integrate empiricism with a more humanistic approach demanded by Mills and Berger needs to be explored by sociology. Current canonical criteria need to be deconstructed and applied to thinkers who have not been considered relevant to sociology. Further analysis o f Thoreau s work to determine unique contributions he might make to sociology needs to be conducted.

9 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS As a student of sociology, I have been taught to recognize the part that biography and environment play in determining life chances. In my case, the role of family, teachers and peers could not have been more nurturing and hospitable to intellectual opportunity, growth and risk. During the first meeting of every Introduction to Sociology course that I teach, I make the argument that my success up until this point cannot be attributed to my intellectual ability, nor to my work habits (to which those close to me can attest). There are many who are responsible for getting me to this point and their recognition is an important segue into this document. First, my family has provided me with an environment of creativity, experimentation, stimulation, service and love. They raised me to truly know that to those who have been given a lot, much is expected. You have socialized me well! The debt I owe can never be repaid. Even a lexicographer, like me, cannot put my thanks into words. Second, there are a number of folks outside of my family who have nurtured my intellect: my instructors at the Academy of the Holy Names, Jesuit High School, Flagler College, The University of Maryland at College Park, and American University. A particular thanks to the Jesuits for teaching me that intellect is fruitless without service for others. I am extremely grateful to several extended families. My new family (the Moss and Maloney clans) provided much support through letters o f encouragement that iv

10 included coupons, money for entertainment, and pep talks. I am particularly appreciative of their patience during all of the times they came to visit or called on the phone and I was holed up in my room typing away on the computer. My other family, the Tkaciks - Suzy, Michael, Charles, Ben and Samuel (my Godson) - have done quite a lot over the last six years to teach me what is most important in life. I am particularly thankful to Michael, for teaching me that the head is nothing without the heart, and for always being a loving ear about vocational, family and social issues. My dissertation committee offered me a tremendous amount of freedom to do a project that was somewhat unconventional. In a number of ways, each member of the committee has been a part of my journey during graduate school. I am grateful for their encouragement, guidance and patience. Thanks for putting up with my inability to proofread! Finally, I owe a great deal to my wife (my fourth dissertation advisor), who endured more than anyone could ever ask: cold dinners, canceled movie nights, books strewn all over our antique furniture, the task of hauling overdue library books to the library at her school because I reached the limit on my library card, and having to hear all of my sermons about social problems. Her patience, friendship and unconditional support and love throughout the last eight years have been amazing. If it weren t for her, I would have quit school and moved to Minnesota to be a luthier. This paper is as much hers as it is mine. permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

11 TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT...ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...iv CHAPTER I: SOCIOLOGY S OMMISSION OF HENRY DAVID THOREAU...I Background... 2 Purpose of the Study... 5 Conclusion CHAPTER II: LITERATURE REVIEW The Branches of Thoreau s Intellectual Lineage The Fruit of Thoreau s Lineage...21 How the Fields Treat Thoreau Canonization within Sociology Conclusion CHAPTER HI: METHODOLOGY The Research Questions...49 Content Analysis of Written Text...58 Design o f this Project...63 Conclusion...67 CHAPTER IV: THOREAU S SOCIOLOGICAL IMAGINATION Thoreau as a Public and Prophetic Voice...69 vi

12 Thoreau and Mills Criteria The American Economic System...85 The American Government Progress Conclusion CHAPTER V: THOREAU AND BERGER S MOTIFS Berger s Motifs and Sociological Consciousness Thoreau s Religious Ideals and Berger s Motifs Conclusion CHAPTER VI: IMPLICATIONS Dogmatic Theory and Sociology Fetishism of Methods Resisting Empiricism Thoreau as an Archetype Conclusion CHAPTER VII: CONCLUSION Thoreau's Challenge to Sociology Future Research Conclusion APPENDICES Appendix A: Coding Categories and Definitions Appendix B: Analytic Memo REFERENCES

13 CHAPTER I SOCIOLOGY S OMMISSION OF HENRY DAVID THOREAU Over the last century, sociology has developed into a field with a canon of seminal works and a collection of founding thinkers. For example, virtually all introductory sociology textbooks discuss C. Wright Mills concept of the sociological imagination, as well as functionalism, interactionism and conflict theory and theorists (Anderson and Taylor 2000; Henslin 2003; Kendall 1998; Komblum 1999; Macionis 2001; Newman 1997; Sullivan 2001; Thio 2003; Thompson 2002). More in-depth texts which cover the history and evolution of sociological thought contain a core group of thinkers and schools, criteria for their inclusion, and often the author s own argument for the inclusion of additional thinkers (Ritzer 2000a).1Some theorists make the point that canons are not only socially constructed, but that they also function to legitimate a certain type of sociology (Lengermann and Niebrugge-Brantley 1998). Sociology is a field that continually scrutinizes the concepts of normalization, categorization and labeling (Becker 1963; De Cecco 1985; Foucalt 1965; Oliver 1962). Therefore, it is important for sociologists to examine how canonical decisions and criteria are formulated and applied, to determine the costs o f excluding relevant thinkers from sociological texts and 1These core thinkers include Auguste Comte, Karl Marx, Max Weber, Emile Durkheim, George Mead and George Simmel, among others. Criteria for inclusion, as well as trends of the sociological canon will be discussed more fully in Chapter 2. 1

14 2 dialogue, and to consistently apply updated criteria for inclusion to past and present to determine the costs of excluding relevant thinkers from sociological texts and dialogue, and to consistently apply updated criteria for inclusion to past and present thinkers who may or may not have been considered for inclusion (Ritzer and Goodman 2002; Lengermann and Niebrugge-Brantley 1998). This project attempted to do the latter of these three tasks. Using the work of Mills (1959) and Berger (1963) as a lens, particularly their definitions of sociological consciousness as criteria, latent content analysis was conducted on the writings of Henry David Thoreau to test the relevance of his thought to the field of sociology. Since both Mills and Berger s concepts are seen as reliable and pertinent criteria by most introductory sociology textbooks (Anderson and Taylor 2000; Henslin 2003; Kendall 1998; Komblum 1999; Macionis 2001; Newman 1997; Sullivan 2001; Thio 2003; Thompson 2002), if Thoreau s work withstands application of these criteria, an argument can be made for using Thoreauvian thought in sociology. Such application of canonical criteria, which continually evolves to thinkers outside the current sociological cannon, is necessary to keep sociological thought and dialogue from remaining stagnant (Gorak 2002; Journal of Classical Sociology 2001; Ritzer 2000; Ritzer and Goodman 2002; Tucker 2001). Background Henry David Thoreau is one of the more well known American transcendentalist writers o f the 19th century. Along with Ralph Waldo Emerson, Thoreau popularized the

15 3 transcendentalist movement, which espoused individualism, a reliability in the human conscience and the indwelling of God in the soul of every individual (Richardson 1986; Tauber 2001; Witherall and Dubrulle 1999). Thoreau s writings, most notably the American classic Walden (1854), are recognized by the general public as classic travel and nature expositories, and as such, are most often classified as literature within libraries and bookstores. His descriptions of autumn foliage and the patterns of winter snowflakes are seen as the quintessential literary descriptions of nature, so much so that environmentalists have embraced Thoreau as a guiding spirit and the father of the environmental movement. Environmentalists have long seen Thoreau s work as environmental text and as a new way of understanding humanity s relation to nature (Botkin 2001; Buell 1995; Foster 1999; McGregor 1997). However, Thoreau s writings are also regarded as a critical and radical exemplar of American political thought (Abbott 1985; Beck 1986; Neufeldt 1989; Tauber 2001; Walker 1998). His works, including Civil Disobedience (1849), Walden (1854), Slavery in Massachusetts (1854), A Plea for Captain John Brown (I860), The Last Days of John Brown (1860), and Life without Principle (1863), as well as countless journal entries and a number of speeches, speak to issues of class, poverty, race, work and leisure, progress, world commerce, democracy and autonomy, the individual and society, and government and slavery. For example, in two of his most well known works, Civil Disobedience and Walden, he explored the issues of slavery, the Mexican- American War, the role of government, the duty of citizens who disagree with

16 4 government policy, the nature o f work, problems with the modem economy and the nature of humans. These and other of Thoreau s writings have been recognized for their significance in literary, philosophical, political, economic and ecological thought (Abbott 1985; Buell 1995; Tauber 2001; Walker 1998).2 His explorations of such issues as the character of the self, the grounding of moral agency and the nature o f knowledge, have gained attention in the field of philosophy (Tauber 2001). Within the field of economics, Thoreau s works have been mined not only for his discourse on work, leisure, slavery and government, but also for the historical fact that a great deal of transformation of public economic thinking and behavior took place during Thoreau s lifetime (Bodily 1995; Diggins 1995; Neufeldt 1989). Historical economists have been particularly interested in Thoreau s response to these widespread public economic changes.3 In addition to his profound impact on the environmental movement, several 20th century thinkers and social activists, including W.E.B. Dubois, Mahatma Gandhi and Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., have named Thoreau as a substantial influence (Beck 1986; Condry 1971; Editors of the Seven Arts 1962; Flaxman 1971; Hendrick 1959; Mukheijee 1971; Paul 1962). Several o f Thoreau s works, such as Civil Disobedience, have been instrumental in formulating the peaceful resistance ideology behind the movements of Gandhi, King, and other national political reform and resistance movements in countries such as Bulgaria, Holland, England, India and the United States. 2 Treatment of Thoreau by these disciplines will be addressed in chapter two. 3 Thoreau saw a number of social changes in his time, including broad increases in commerce, the expansion o f the railroad and urban development, and an increase in scientific technology.

17 5 Natural historians have focused on lesser-known aspects of Henry David Thoreau s intellectual life, such as his knowledge and use of science (McGregor 1997; Walls 1995). These historians point out that Thoreau had an extensive understanding o f science, including botany, engineering, phenology, zoology, geology and meteorology. Thoreau was not only an ardent observer of nature, but was also very adept at meticulously recording these observations in journals, as he developed and employed a working scientific methodology over the course o f his lifetime (Walls 1995). Purpose of the Study This section will state the underlying principles, logic and rationale of the proposed research. I will begin by stating the research problem, a disparity in the coverage and use of Thoreau. This will be followed by a discussion of the primary and secondary hypotheses. A brief discussion of canonical criteria, including suggestions from George Ritzer (2000a, 2002) and Mills (1959), as well as arguments against strict canonical adherence, will follow. Finally, specific rationale and implications of carrying out the research, including the need for a more active application of canonical criteria to non-sociologists, an infusion of new theoretical life into sociological dialogue and the exploration of Thoreau as a social thinker who linked Romanticism and Positivism, will be discussed.

18 6 The Research Problem Despite wide coverage and use of Thoreau s writings by a range of academic disciplines, such as philosophy, political science, economics, environmental studies, and American literature, sociology is dubiously silent about Henry David Thoreau. His writings strike at the heart of socio-structural issues, such as work and leisure, equality, individualism, the nature of humans and government. Additionally, his influence can be traced to several modem social reform movements.4 Though his works seem to demonstrate links to sociology, there has been no systematic exploration o f Thoreau's writings from a sociological perspective to test the relevance o f his work to the field o f sociology. Hypothesis In order to systematically test Thoreau s relevance to sociology, two hypothesis have been formulated. First, Thoreau possessed what C. Wright Mills called the sociological imagination. Mills (1959) suggested several criteria to help us identify the classic social analyst. The classic social analyst not only recognized the relationship between history and biography, but was also concerned with the structure of society, its components and their relation to each other, how particular societies differ from other varieties of social order, and the meaning of social features for continuance and social change. The classic social analyst also questioned what types of men and women prevail in a particular society and in a particular period, as well as how these people were 4 Outside the U.S. and India, Thoreau is associated with other social movements, including Bulgaria, labor party movements in England and environmental movements in the United States.

19 7 formed, liberated and repressed, made sensitive and blunted (Mills 1959, 7). These analysts focused on what kinds of human nature were revealed in the conduct and character that are observed in society. If Thoreau was a poet, society was his muse. Kis writings speak to issues that are core concerns of sociology, such as class, poverty, race, work and leisure, progress, world commerce, democracy and autonomy, the individual and society, government, social forces, and slavery. He was not only concerned with the intersection between history and individual biography, but also focused heavily on components of society, such as government, slavery and commerce, and the effects these components had on shaping the types of people who existed in his time. The second hypothesis is that Thoreau also possessed a particular approach to social analysis. Thoreau engaged in an early form of evaluative sociology, injecting moral concern in his societal analysis. He believed that the reason for social analysis was to uncover rights and wrongs. This meant that social analysis was done with particular goals in mind. In Thoreau s approach, knowledge (gained from social analysis) and action were inseparable. He believed that society had negative effects on humans and that if individuals observed society and understood how it created barriers to our individual development, they could understand themselves better and behave differently and more productively in society. Such an approach is similar to Berger s four motifs, which entail skepticism and exploration o f different classes and cultures.

20 8 Rationale - Canonical Criteria and Omission The broader rationale for testing the above stated hypotheses pertains to the inclusion of thinkers in sociological thought and the use of particular criteria at the expense of omitting certain other thinkers. Over the last century sociology has developed into a field with a canon of seminal works and a collection of founding thinkers. It is important to look at how such decisions are made. Some academics have proposed criteria for deciding whom to address in the texts of sociological history and thought (Gorak 2001; Journal of Classical Sociology 2001; Lengermann and Niebrugge-Brantley 1998; Mills 1959; Ritzer 2000a; Ritzer and Goodman 2002; Tucker 2001 ;).5 In his classic work. The Sociological Imagination (1959), Mills defines not only the promise of sociology as a discipline, but also the archetype of the classic social analyst. These individuals possess unique abilities to grasp the interplay of man and society. Through the use of their sociological imaginations, they can understand their own experiences and the experiences of others by locating themselves within their own period. They are atuned to how individuals, in the welter of their own daily lives, develop a false consciousness o f their own social positions (Mills 1959, 5). These classic social analysts are concerned with the structure of a particular society as a whole, including its key components and how it may differ from other societies. They are also interested in where a society stands in human history, as well as the mechanics by which it is changing. Classical social analysts also want to discover 5 Patricia Lengermann and Jill Niebrugge-Brantley have challenged a traditionally male dominated canon and criteria in their text The Women Founders: (1998). Likewise, in their introduction to the reader The Blackwell Companion to Major Social Theorists (2002), George Ritzer and Douglas Goodman invite readers to share in developing a new, ever-evolving canon.

21 9 what types of men and women prevail in a particular period. This includes asking what kinds o f human nature are revealed in the character observed in human society. These questions, according to Mills (1959), are the ones that the best social analysts have asked. Others have proposed similar criteria in deciding whom to address in the texts of sociological history and thought. Ritzer s (2000a) criteria for including theorists in his text Classical Sociological Theory include those whose ideas have a wide range of applications and who have played a central role in the development of sociology in general, and sociological theory in particular. He also includes theorists who dealt with centrally important social issues and who continue to be relevant to, and read by, contemporary sociologists (Ritzer 2000a).6 In his book, Ritzer focuses on both sociologists and non-sociologists whose works meet these criteria. However, he devotes chapter nine to early female theorists, about whom he states: Because their contributions are now only being recognized, they do not fit fully the profile of classical sociological theory outlined in the last few paragraphs.... they are classical thinkers who worked in the same time frame as the male theorists previously mentioned....their theories have a wide range of applications and address centrally important issues....they were either sociologists or non-sociologists whose work is coming to be seen as important in sociology....one cannot say their work has stood the test of time as a result o f discrimination, they were not widely read or influential in their time, let alone ours Nevertheless, they are included because of the belief that as their work is rediscovered [emphasis mine] and read their influence will grow in future years. (Ritzer 2000a, 5) By using new criteria and exploring other theorists who have been overlooked, Ritzer, along with other writers, has opened the canons o f sociology for reconsideration. Indeed, 6 These theorists include Auguste Comte, Emile Durkheim, Karl Marx, Max Weber and George Simmel, among others.

22 10 sociological curriculum examines the writings of many non-sociologists, social philosophers and critics as precursors to the classic social analyst. For example, such thinkers as John Locke, Thomas Hobbes, Jean Jacques Rousseau, Baron de Montesquieu, and Karl Marx, are used to explore the development of classical and modem sociological thought. Despite the inclusion o f these individuals within the historical canons of sociology, many other thinkers remain unexamined. One reason for such inconsideration may be pigeonholing or labeling. Mills (1959) has made an argument against those who he claims do not deserve a place in this canon. He stated that the qualities of the sociological imagination are regularly demanded of the novelist and the artist. In fact, he admits that literary men as critics and historians have made attempts to characterize societies as a whole and to discern their moral meanings (Mills 1959,17). Were [Alexis de] Toqueville and [Hyppolyte Adolphe] Taine [a French critic and historian] alive today, he asks, would they not be Sociologists (Mills 1959, 17). In the absence o f an adequate social science, novelists and poets were often the only formulators of private troubles and public issues, Mills believed. Yet, he argued that these individuals still remained literary figures. Mills (1959, 17) attributed this fact to the public s inability to recognize facts or adequate means o f knowledge in their works. Mills states: Art does not and cannot formulate these feelings as problems containing the troubles and issues men must now confront if they are to overcome their uneasiness and indifference and the intractable miseries to which these lead. The artist, indeed, does not often try to do this. Moreover, the serious artist is himself in much trouble, and could well do with some intellectual and cultural aid from a social science made sprightly by the sociological imagination. (Mills 1959,18)

23 Such an argument demonstrates the need for the second hypothesis in testing the relevance of Thoreau s work to sociology. Many literary men and women have been discounted from inclusion in the historical canons of sociology due to arguments similar to Mills. In his discussion of the promise of the sociological imagination he does not address the utility of work that has been considered literature, nor does he engage in any further analysis o f the work of specific literary figures. Flexible and Inflexible Canons in Sociology Criteria, such as that which has been laid out by Mills, Ritzer and Berger, has allowed sociologists as an academic community to decide who merits the title of classic social analyst or precursor to such an analyst. However, a number of scholars have issued caveats against inflexible use of criteria. They warn that what is considered tradition changes over time as new ideas emerge and old ideas are rediscovered (Cain 2001). The risk of a rigid canon selection, or a timeless list of social theorists, is that it can lead to intellectual stagnation or a theoretical straightjacket (Hawthorn 2001; Ritzer and Goodman 2002). The introduction of the Blackwell Companion to Major Social Theorists, for example, states that it is a text meant to be used as canon fodder in an open, contestable process of theory construction and reconstruction (Ritzer and Goodman 2002, 2). Clearly, some sociologists are aware of the risks of dogmaticism. Since many within sociology are aware o f the unveiling nature of the discipline, a number of scholars and students are employing the necessary strategies to minimize the intellectual dangers that a strict canon can encourage.

24 12 Patricia Lengermann and Jill Niebrugge-Brantley (1998) make a strong case for why methods of canonization must be scrutinized. They argue that the history of sociology and its theories is not only told as a history of white male agency, but that this history is a social construction arising out of the discipline s power arrangement and reflects ongoing conflict between exclusionary and inclusionary values and practices (Lengermann and Niebrugge-Brantley 1998, 2). They also make the case that inclusion in the canon, or even in the syllabus, is more than an activity of selection (Lengermann and Niebrugge-Brantley 1998, 13). The result of selecting some theorists (white males) and de-legitimating others (females engaged in applying social science to social activism) leads to a trend of scientism, power arrangements within the sociological community or a politics of knowledge, patriarchal marginalization, and a reworking of sociology s intellectual record that created a clear patterning in sociology (Lengermann and Niebrugge-Brantley 1998). An expansion of the canon has several effects: The inclusion of the women founders within the canons of sociology s history expands the possibilities for sociology s future, giving us examples of what Lemert (1995) has called extramural sociologists, that is, social theorists outside the academic professional code. Accepting this practice and possibility in our history makes it possible and practiceable for our present sociological community to relinquish its rigid adherence to the traditional disciplinary standards and reach out to the contemporary extramural theorist....what the extramural social theorists, both past and present, most have in common is the ability to convey that that are actively engaged with the problems that matter to people in their immediate everyday lives. (Lengermann and Niebrugge-Brantley 1998, 310) Reconsidering the canon and adopting a less rigid approach may result in new possibilities for the future directions o f sociology, a diversity o f methodologies and

25 13 approaches, and a return to issues which Mills (1959) and Lengermann and Niebrugge- Brantley (1998) believe are most important to sociology issues o f the immediate and everyday life. Conclusion What makes a work more literary and less philosophical, or even less within the realms of social science? Can a place be made for more literary writing within the canons of sociology? Unless such questions are asked and specific examples tested, the canons of sociology remain stagnant and thinkers who could provide new direction and ideas for sociology will remain overlooked. In other words, who else is waiting to be discovered" and what other women and men " had something "important to say about sociology and social theory and await our discovery to speak once more, adding to sociology s multiple meanings " (Lengermann and Niebrugge-Brantley 1998,312)?7 This section began with a review o f the research problem, a disparity in the coverage and use of Thoreau within sociology. Two hypotheses were presented. These issues were then placed within the larger debate over the use of a canon within sociology. Criteria suggested by a number of theorists, including Ritzer, Mills and Berger, were reviewed. The risks and benefits of rigid and inclusive canonical configurations were also discussed. Finally, specific rationale and the implications of carrying out this particular problem were suggested. Implications included a more active application of canonical criteria to non-sociologists, an infusion o f new theoretical life into sociological dialogue. 7 Emphasis mine.

26 14 The next section will review Thoreauvian thought and influences, and how several disciplines (philosophy, economics, ecology, social reform, science, literature and sociology) cover and use Henry David Thoreau within their field-specific literature,

27 CHAPTER II LITERATURE REVIEW This chapter will examine Henry David Thoreau s intellectual lineage as it is linked to thinkers used within sociological theory, and will review the use of Thoreau s work by several academic fields, including sociology. Beginning with schools of thought such as Romanticism and Transcendentalism, and individuals such as Immanuel Kant and Jean Jacques Rousseau, a link between Thoreau s ideas and sociology will be made. Thoreau s fusion of Romanticism and Positivism, through his Transcendental and scientific methods of knowing, will be discussed. A review and assessment of multiple disciplines coverage of Thoreau will follow. This will include an explanation of the ways in which the fields of literature, science, natural history, philosophy, political science, economics, social reform and environmental studies have used Thoreau s ideas. Specific discussion of how sociology has used Thoreau will be followed by an exploration of the issue of canonization within sociology. Based on Henry David Thoreau s clear intellectual lineage to thinkers used in sociology, a relation in his works to sociological topics evidenced by coverage of Thoreau in a number of other disciplines and the void in the available sociological literature, a case will be presented for why this project was conducted. 15

28 16 The Branches o f Thoreau s Intellectual Lineage Many of Thoreau s concerns, such as methods of knowing, the state of nature, the relationship of the individual to society, and the effects of society on the individual, can be traced to earlier thinkers within the development of sociological theory. He was profoundly influenced by the Romantic and Transcendental movements, which had their roots in Rousseau, Kant and David Hume (Richardson 1986). Thoreau also reacted to the works of Adam Smith, and much of his protest to the Wealth o f Nations (1776) can be found in the first, and longest, chapter of Walden. The links between all of these thinkers and Thoreau, including a focus on the individual, methods of deriving the characteristics of natural man, an interest in studying primitive people and a focus on self-realization, will be discussed in detail in this section. While Thoreau held steadfast to many of the tenets of the Romantic movement, he was intrigued by and experimented with the scientific methods that the Enlightenment had brought forth. He was impressed with the works o f Charles Darwin, and had an appreciation for measurement and mechanics (Richardson 1986). In fact, his use of social observation and note-taking demonstrates that he was almost there in terms of adopting a social science methodology. This section will also discuss in detail Thoreau s use of scientific methods in looking at both nature and society. Romanticism and its Forefathers Thoreau is most often considered a Transcendentalism but it is important to recognize that Transcendentalism was heavily influenced by Romanticism. As a

29 17 movement, Romanticism emerged in reaction to the Enlightenment s focus on rationality and order by espousing subjectivity, passion, imagination, individualism, emotion over reason, and sense over intellect (Glick 1990). To the Romantics faith and intuition were essential to understanding society, and any knowledge gained from the spiritual realm had the same validity as scientific knowledge (Zeitlin 1997). The movement brought a strong shift from objective to subjective methods of knowing. Many of the thinkers within the movement saw nature as a source of knowledge of the primitive, and they were quick to advocate for liberty, as well as intellectual and spiritual revolution (Reuben 2002). Hume s criticism of the universe as a series of cause-effect relationships, Rousseau s focus on the moral will, creativity and conscience, and Kant s view of transcendental logic laid the groundwork for the Romantic movement (Zeitlin 1997). Kant believed that the mind was, by nature, a creative and active entity which played a role in sensory experience, and he wanted to free the mind from its dependence on external sources for knowledge (Zeitlin 1997). Kant s move from the objective to the subjective was an effort to squelch the emphasis in the Enlightenment on determinism, which did not allow for human creativity (Jones 1969). It was also a reaction to Locke s conception of the human mind as passive. Kant held to a Transcendental logic, that knowledge was found in the subjectiveness of human thinking, rather than the objects of experience. Rousseau focused on criticizing modernity. He was primarily concerned with the idea of natural man and the methods used to deduce his characteristics, conceptions of culture and society, the origins and consequences o f society, and the possibilities o f

30 18 social change (Zeitlin 1997). To Rousseau, like the Romantics, freedom was fundamental and the perfection of the individual was possible. First, however, it was necessary for individuals to understand the laws o f nature in order to fit the most appropriate social order to natural law. Since Rousseau believed that humans in nature were void of social and cultural traits, he wanted to devise a method to determine what natural man was like. Rousseau believed this method would guide the process o f change (Zeitlin 1997). His methods included studying primitive people and observing animals in their natural habitat (Zeitlin 1997). In contrast to thinkers such as Thomas Hobbes and John Locke, Rousseau believed that it was civil society, not nature, that gave rise to problems and war. Humans in civil society had become dependent on others in many ways, including living in the opinion of others (Glendon 1999). Rousseau believed that human needs were simple; therefore, few resources, including property, were needed. He argued that a perfect balance would be one in which needs and resources were equal. Transcendentalism The ideas of Kant and Rousseau were brought to Thoreau through Transcendentalism by way of Romanticism. Transcendentalism began as a reformoriented movement that rose from the secularization of modem thought under the impact of science and technology, and as a reaction to the rationalist, conservative institutions that Unitarianism and Calvinism had become (Frederick 1998; Reuben 2002). The term was first mentioned in Kant s Critique o f Pure Reason (1971), and it created a new era in metaphysical thought (Richardson 1986). Kant believed all knowledge was

31 19 transcendental and concerned not with objects, but with the mode of knowing objects (Hampson 1997). Transcendentalists believed in the reliability of the human conscience, and they argued that God was present in the souls of all. Therefore, Transcendentalism can be seen as an expression of American democracy, because it held that all men and women had an equal chance of experiencing God directly, regardless of wealth or social status (Frederick 1998). Since Transcendentalists were more politically active than many of the other writers of their time, their ideas threatened social institutions, such as the church (Richardson 1986). Rueben (2002) has pointed out several of the foci, influences and effects of the transcendental movement. Transcendentalists stressed the present moment, self-reliance and human thinking, and the idea that one could transcend or rise above lower animalistic impulses and move from rational to the spiritual realm. Basic assumptions and agreedupon premises include: (1) the intuitive faculty, rather than the rational or sensical, became the means for conscious union of the individual psyche with the world psyche, (2) an individual is the spiritual center of the universe and in the individual can be found the clue to nature, history and the cosmos, (3) the structure of the universe duplicates the structure of the individual, and (4) individual virtue and happiness depend on selfrealization, which depends on desires to (a) embrace the whole world and become one with it and (b) withdraw to remain unique and separate (Reuben 2002). Rueben (2002) also points out that influences came from: (1) Plato s idealism i I according to which reality subsists beyond appearances o f the world, (2) Immanuel Kant s notion o f native spontaneity o f the human mind, rather than the passive

32 20 conception of Locke and Hume s empirical views of knowledge development, and (3) Coleridge s importance of wonder, anti-rationalism and individual consciousness. Transcendentalism was a philosophy of individualism aimed at reform and the self-reliant citizen who was independent. As a result, a number of the followers within the movement o focused on many of the great issues o f the time. They believed that through self- education, contemplation, meditation, reflection and observation, a greater consciousness of ultimate reality could be attained (Frederick 1998). Transcendentalists expressed their philosophy through lecturing and a broad range of social reform activities (Wilson 1998). The New England Transcendentalists stressed individual autonomy and freedom, not social isolation, and much of their work brought their members into society, rather than out o f society (Richardson 1986). Romanticism, in its English and German forms, influenced the Transcendental movement heavily. The Romantics intense celebration of the individual led to a preoccupation in poetry, visual arts and music, in order to communicate the personal experience in a representative manner (Hampson 1997). Common tenets in Romanticism and transcendentalism included: concern for the common man, renewed interest in folk culture, revolution of feeling against form, carving out new forms of expression and thought, and nature as a constant companion, teacher and dynamic presence (Hampson 1997). 8 Emerson, Thoreau and Frederick Douglass wrote and spoke often on the issues of slavery, education and commerce. Other Transcendentalist members, such as Hawthorne and Whitman injected political and moral imperatives into their literature.

33 21 The Fruit o f Thoreau s Lineage We can see strong parallels between Kant, Rousseau, Romanticism, Transcendentalism, and Thoreau s concerns; these links have been demonstrated by a number of scholars (Richardson 1986; Worley 2001). Thoreau s emphasis on subjective and intuitive knowledge, his consideration o f the state of nature, including his methods of stripping away civil man to find natural man, his staunch defense of the individual and the effect of society on the individual can be traced back to Kant and Rousseau through the Transcendentalist and Romantic movements. Thoreau, Transcendentalism and Romanticism Thoreau took from Romanticism and Transcendentalism the focus on individual consciousness and action, emphasis on spontaneity and wonder, especially with nature, a concern with methods of knowing, and a call for social reform. He was also concerned with self-realization, as his philosophy of reform began with self-examination. Thoreauvian works such as Walking (1862) demonstrate his spiritual and scientific appreciation of nature (Stabb 2001). Civil Disobedience explores the right and obligation to follow one s conscience and why the individual must often dissent from society. In Walden he attempted to deduce natural man, and explored what it means to live well, the effects of society on humans and the complex beauties of nature. He exerted his extreme individualism and love of freedom and liberty in Slavery in Massachusetts, where he attacked the government s support of slavery. In works such as Cape Cod (1865) and The Maine Woods (1864) he chronicled his travel deep into nature and his

34 22 search for true wilderness and Indians, as well as the common sense and mysteries which could be found in nature (Lenat 2001). The centrality of Thoreau s thought and work was aimed at advocating individuality. He believed that independent action developed from a questioning attitude of the mind (Witherall and Dubrulle 1999). It was through individual reflection that one could understand how society, which in Thoreau s time was a growing industrial and commercial society, impeded individual development and understanding. Only by ridding the self of the many negative influences of society and by going back to one s inherent nature, could one improve the world in which one lived. Thoreau and Rousseau The are several of links between the ideas of Jean Jacques Rousseau and Thoreau. Both focused on natural man and the methods used to deduce his characteristics. They were also both interested in conceptions of culture and society, the origins and consequences of society and possibilities of social change. Both also believed that in order to obtain self- realization it was necessary to first understand the laws of nature. Just as Rousseau saw the study o f primitive people and the behavior of animals as a method of insight into natural man, Thoreau studied the American Indian and even recorded and analyzed the behavior of animals in Walden. Rousseau rejected the Lockean idea that property was important, and Thoreau certainly agreed with this notion: Most of the luxuries, and many of the so called comforts of life, are not only indispensable, but

35 23 positive hindrances to the elevation of mankind ( Walden 269). It was civil society, according to both thinkers, that gave rise to problems (Glendon 1999; Zeitlin 1997). Thoreau and Smith Due to the rapid economic and technological progress that was occurring during his lifetime, Thoreau became interested in how the ideas of economists were changing the world. Richardson (1986) has explored this interest, particularly as Thoreau developed it in reaction to the work of Adam Smith. He points out that Thoreau was not interested in the wealth of nations as much as he was in the wealth of individuals. In addition, much of Economy, the first chapter of Walden, is an application of Smith s ideas and terminology to the individual case (Richardson 1986,167). Richardson (1986, 168) argues that Thoreau agreed with Smith on several issues covered in Walden, such as the idea that productive labor was the basis of wealth and that labor was the standard by which value can be estimated. However, Thoreau s agreement with Smith ends there. Richardson (1986) goes on to explain that Thoreau disagreed with Smith on issues such as the definition of true wealth and the desirability of division of labor: Smith is all for this division [of labor], of course, since specialization increases production, but this is precisely the point at which Tlioreau like Emerson before him draws the line. From the division comes dehumanization and alienation. Thoreau s whole experiment at Walden is a protest against the dogma that the division of labor is beneficial to the individual. Where Smith wanted to see consumption maximized, Thoreau wanted to see it minimized and simplified. (Richardson 1986, 168) Much of Walden explores the economics of daily life through prescriptions of simplification and the experiment o f self-sufficiency in maintaining life s necessities,

36 24 such as food, clothing and shelter. In addition to these extended arguments for simplification in personal lifestyle, much of Thoreau s work derails the societal changes that were a result of the capitalistic economic structure as it was evolving in the mid s. The influences of theorist, such as Kant, Rousseau and Smith, and schools of thought, such as Romanticism and Transcendentalism, intellectually link Thoreau to the development of sociological theory. Specifically, these influences can be traced to Thoreau s emphasis on subjective and intuitive knowledge, his consideration of the state of nature, including his methods of stripping away civil man to find natural man, his staunch defense of the individual, his view of the effects of society, including its capitalist structure, and his recognition of a need for social reform. While many of Thoreau s ideas can be traced to the Romantic movement, he was also intrigued by the one o f the Enlightenment s most innovative products science. Thoreau as Scientist Thoreau has been characterized as poet-naturalist, staunch individualist, anti-materialist, Romantic, reformer and Transcendentalist (Richardson 1986; Witherall and Dubrulle 1999; Worley 2001). His two most well-known activities, the stay at Walden pond and the night spent in jail which became the basis for Civil Disobedience, represent Transcendentalist ideology in action. However, he was also a land surveyor, pencil maker, and keen observer of natural phenomena, particularly as he became interested in seeing life in more scientific terms (Friesen 1999). Newer

37 25 interpretations o f his work have found him very interested in, though eventually disappointed with, science and its methodologies (Botkin 2001; Walls 1995; Witherall and Dubrulle 1999). While Transcendentalism was opposed to science, Thoreau was fascinated by technology and often used science to illuminate his ideas and writings (Baym 1965; Witherall and Dubrulle 1999). He became interested in the abilities o f science to express thoughts and provide "sight," or to give voice to all phenomena. He also became occupied with creating a new way o f knowing by integrating several disciplines into a synthesized approach. Laura Walls (1995, 11) believes that this was an attempt to "give voice to all agents that created the world he knew, human and non-human, present, future and past and to reach a connective truth through the commonplace particulars o f daily life in a place exemplary only in its ordinariness. Thoreau s ideas on this mission are clear throughout his writings: Every man tracks himself through life, in all his hearing and reading and observation and traveling. His observations make a chain. The phenomena or fact that cannot in any wise be linked with the rest which he has observed, he does not observe. (Thoreau Journal X III77-78) This interest in the particulars o f daily life and how each person observed and traced their own life strongly links his purposes for using science and observation to the wonder and intrigue with the place and biography o f the sociological imagination. Such objectives lead Thoreau to engage in a number of different scientific activities. He studied "mechanics, astronomy, optics, and electricity under the rubric of natural philosophy" (Walls 1995,6). He also measured and recorded countless natural phenomena, such as water depth, and collected and labeled species, using the "details of